https://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/api.php?action=feedcontributions&user=Gylias&feedformat=atomIIWiki - User contributions [en]2024-03-28T11:30:50ZUser contributionsMediaWiki 1.39.6https://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Penelope_Morris&diff=713611Penelope Morris2023-09-30T11:16:30Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Morris|Penelope}}<br />
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{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Penelope Morris<br />
| image = PenelopeMorris1.jpg<br />
| image_size =<br />
| alt = <br />
| caption = Penelope Morris in 1959<br />
| birth_date = 17 April 1927<br />
| birth_place = Castelrosso, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2003|12|16|1927|4|17|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| nationality = {{flatlist|<br />
* [[Cacertian Empire|Cacertian]] <small>([[Alscia]])</small><br />
* [[Gylias|Gylian]] }}<br />
| other_names = <br />
| known_for = Official {{wpl|spokesperson}} and {{wpl|press secretary}} to [[Darnan Cyras]]<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Penelope Morris''' (17 April 1927 – 16 December 2003) was a Gylian political advisor who served as official {{wpl|spokesperson}} and {{wpl|press secretary}} to [[Darnan Cyras]]. As one of the ''[[ferroses]]'', she had an influential behind-the-scenes role in the [[Golden Revolution]], and was famed for her ability to win favourable coverage for the [[Darnan Cyras government]] from the [[Media of Gylias|Gylian media]].<br />
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==Early life==<br />
Penelope Morris was born on 17 April 1927, in an {{wpl|Anglophone}} family that had recently moved to [[Alscia]]. Her ancestry included [[Shalum]]ite, Schottian, and Allammunic descent.<br />
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She was raised in Castelrosso in a well-off family. She had a happy childhood, and the [[Alscia#The "hurried province"|"hurried province"]] left a strong mark on her: in adulthood, she often expressed nostalgia for what she called the "sweet old world" of Alscia.<br />
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Her parents were artistically inclined, and she started piano lessons at a young age. Her love of music was later joined by other pursuits, such as sports and writing.<br />
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Her formal education was interrupted when Alscia joined the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], and was replaced by [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes]] and {{wpl|homeschooling}}.<br />
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She did various jobs during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] to earn money, including playing the piano at social functions and working as a photographic model. Her modeling work brought her into a ''milieu'' of "beautiful, bright creatures" who would go on to preeminent roles in the [[Golden Revolution]], including [[Isabel Longstowe]], [[Cecilia Parker|Cecilia]] and [[Estelle Parker]], [[Þeo Þorman]], and [[Sima Daián]].<br />
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Through these connections, Penelope drew the notice of the burgeoning inner circle that formed around [[Darnan Cyras]]. Her good looks, cosmopolitan upbringing, and parents' distinguished service in the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] made a strong impression, and Darnan's secretary [[Georgia Hamilton]] remarked, "We ''must'' have her for ourselves, before anybody else can get a hold of her."<br />
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==Golden Revolution==<br />
Penelope began working as Darnan Cyras' spokesperson during Darnan's term as Chair of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council of the Free Territories]]. Her role gradually expanded during the war as she took over engagements he could not attend to. After the war, she was made the official spokesperson for Darnan Cyras, and assumed the duties of a {{wpl|press secretary}} as well.<br />
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===Media management===<br />
[[File:PenelopeMorris2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Penelope speaking with a journalist, 1961]]<br />
Penelope helped formalise and professionalise the relationship between the [[Cabinet of Gylias|cabinet]] and the media. She instituted formal {{wpl|press conference}}s, held weekly on Wednesdays. At these press conferences, which were broadcast live on radio and television, she reported on the government's activities, answered questions from journalists, and made official declarations as Darnan's spokesperson.<br />
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Within the cabinet, she worked closely with [[Marguerite Tailler]] to plan how to present policies and legislative projects to the public, and worked with ministers to coordinate the cabinet's communications. She had a large {{wpl|bulletin board}} in her office to help plan official statements, and handled preparation for press conferences, providing suggestions on how to answer certain questions.<br />
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Penelope was held in high esteem by journalists, and enjoyed a celebrity that easily surpassed that of Darnan. Gregarious and loquacious, she stood in complete contrast to his laconic personality and rejection of conventional leadership. Her eloquence and memorable turns of phrase proved so popular that the media used her directly as a source without contacting Darnan.<br />
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Penelope enjoyed a reputation for being honest and forthright, which earned her the media's respect. She answered questions honestly, to the best of her ability. She remarked: "The most powerful words for any officeholder are 'I don't know'." She made it a policy that all of her statements to journalists would be {{wpl|source (journalism)#"Speaking terms"|on the record}}, at all times. <br />
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She issued instructions to the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Cabinet Office|Cabinet Office]] that all communications must be clear-cut and unambiguous, and would strongly lecture new hires to avoid {{wpl|passive voice}} and evasive statements.<br />
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Outside of press conferences, she was a genial hostess who regularly talked to journalists and sat down for interviews. She shrewdly turned Gylias' [[Media of Gylias|fragmented media landscape]] into an advantage, keeping copious notes on the media outlets she talked to, sometimes tailoring her message accordingly or emphasising a "local angle" on the subject, mainly with [[Regions of Gylias|regional]] and local outlets.<br />
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===Recruitment===<br />
Penelope first took notice of [[Cherry Cook]], and brought her to Darnan's attention, thus recruiting her into the ''[[ferroses]]''. She helped prepare Cherry and [[Jenny Taylor]] for office, a process they humorously likened to "a very long and thorough makeover".<br />
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As one of the ''ferroses'', Penelope enjoyed great control over the atmosphere around the cabinet, and her recommendations carried great weight. She proved especially suited for the task of evaluating and approving meetings with cabinet members, together with Marguerite and [[Joan Holloway]], all equally accomplished hostesses.<br />
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==="Patron of grace"===<br />
[[File:PenelopeMorris3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Penelope in the Government Building, 1962]]<br />
Influenced by her childhood, Penelope was passionate about elegance and aesthetics. She once remaked at a press conference:<br />
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<blockquote>"My right honourable friends, let me tell you what I'm in favour of. I'm in favour of elegance. I'm also in favour of charm, delicacy, dignity, grace, luxury, refinement, sophistication, splendour, and magnificence."</blockquote><br />
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She further elaborated on her philosophy in interviews, arguing that elegance didn't mean "blindly copying styles that existed in the past", but instead reflected "the inner strength, maturity, and self-confidence of every person", who would devote greater care to their appearance and manners as an outgrowth of their inner peace and concern for others.<br />
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She was enthusiastic about [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']] and [[gauchic]], befriending like-minded leading advocates such as [[Sima Daián]] and [[Ser Şanorin]], artists like [[Gauchic#Notable artists|Melissa Magnani]] and [[Gauchic#Notable artists|Fabien Bissonnette]], and "clothes ideologist" [[Ðaina Levysti]].<br />
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Penelope strongly supported the ideal of [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|"public luxury"]], arguing that government buildings had to project "majesty", and often overpowering more frugal ministers concerned with perceptions of wastefulness. She praised {{wpl|Art Deco}} as the greatest architectural movement, making her a close ally of public works minister [[Eðe Saima]]. <br />
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She had {{wpl|grand piano}}s installed in the Government Building and other ministerial buildings, and their hallways lined with paintings. Her motto was "in every building, there must be beauty and art".<br />
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A fastidious dresser, Penelope also championed the [[Ðaina Levysti#"Levystile"|Levystile]] look, and adamantly argued that cabinet ministers had an obligation to dress well and set an example for others. She was joined in this "[[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] campaign" by Marguerite and rationing minister [[Neelie op het Mensink]], who were similarly forceful in their advocacy. She went further than them at times by pining for the higher clothing standards of her Alscian childhood, and would playfully rebuke Darnan with "Even our beggars in Alscia dressed better than you do!".<br />
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===Public image===<br />
[[File:PenelopeMorris4.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Penelope photographed by [[Annemarie Beaulieu]], 1963]]<br />
Penelope was known for her elegant appearance and personality, and her cosmopolitan outlook. She was easily recognisable by her left eye's slightly drooping eyelid.<br />
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[[Gianna Calderara]] described Penelope as "somebody who radiates such an aura of grandeur and maturity that when she walks in a room, people around her almost subconsciously choose their words more carefully and try to be more dignified".<br />
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An accomplished amateur pianist, she regularly performed on the piano to guests, members of the public, and colleagues. She invited musicians such as [[the Beaties]], [[Charlotte Böttcher]], [[the Sapphires]], [[Kaida Rakodi]], and [[Evelin Tanli]] to the Government Building.<br />
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Reflecting on her celebrity, she joked, "There are many people in Gylias who wish that I was [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]] instead of Darnan. Sometimes, I wish it too."<br />
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One celebrated anecdote illustrates Penelope's deep appreciation of artistic and creative endeavours. One day in the Government Building, she walked by the office of trade minister Sytepan Andyriaḑe, and saw his wife, the actress [[Violeta Andyriaḑe]], belly-dancing on his desk. She waited out of sight, and once Violeta left the room, took her aside and asked her what her dream project or collaborators were. Afterwards, Penelope made calls and pulled strings to get Violeta her desired part.<br />
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Penelope and Violeta remained good friends for the rest of their life, and Penelope demonstrated a great loyalty to Violeta, regularly calling in favours, making calls, and pulling strings to make sure she was cast in productions both prestigious and popular.<br />
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==Later life==<br />
Penelope retired from politics with the [[Darnan Cyras government]] in 1976.<br />
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She became a columnist for the ''[[Mişeyáke Metro Mail]]'', writing columns about style and [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]], and answering readers' questions or providing advice.<br />
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Her autobiography, ''Good Publicity'', was published in 1980. Focused mainly on her career as press secretary, it was critically acclaimed for its playful, conversational tone, and her "unabashed candour" in describing the techniques she used to charm journalists and win favourable press coverage.<br />
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She was interviewed for [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s 1999 documentary ''[[Nation Building]]'', her last filmed appearance. She provided a stirring conclusion to the series: the last episode ended with footage of her playing "{{wpl|My Dreams Are Getting Better All the Time}}" on the piano, overlaid with audio of her musings on elegance and the passage of time, as the credits appeared on screen.<br />
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==Death==<br />
She died on 16 December 2003 after a long hospital stay, of natural causes.<br />
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==Private life==<br />
Penelope was married, with no children. She was known for her effusive admiration of her husband, lavishing praise on him in interviews and her memoir. She opened her press conferences by thanking gathered journalists and playfully greeting her husband.<br />
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[[Category:Gylian media figures]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Jenny_Taylor&diff=713610Jenny Taylor2023-09-30T11:16:28Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Taylor|Jenny}}<br />
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{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Jenny Taylor<br />
| image = JennyTaylor1.jpg<br />
| birth_name = Virginia Taylor<br />
| birth_date = 29 September 1929<br />
| birth_place = Villanova, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2002|2|24|1929|9|29|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Maveás, [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| occupation = Politician<br />
| known_for = "Parliamentary lieutenant" of the [[Darnan Cyras government]] in the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]]<br />
| module2 = {{Infobox officeholder|embed=yes<br />
| office = [[Gylian Senate#Speaker|Speaker of the Senate]]<br />
| term_start = 1 February 1990<br />
| term_end = 1 February 2000<br />
| party = {{G-SDP}} }}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Virginia Taylor''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Virďinia Teilor''; 29 September 1929 – 24 February 2002), commonly known as '''Jenny Taylor''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Ďeni Teilor''), was a Gylian politician. She served as [[Gylian Senate|Senator]] for [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]] from [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]] until [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000]], and was famed as one of [[Darnan Cyras government]]'s "parliamentary lieutenants" together with [[Cherry Cook]] in the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]]. In this role, Jenny shepherded the government's legislation through the Senate, and was renowned for her mastery of parliamentary procedure and negotiation, gaining the nickname "the Senate magician".<br />
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==Early life==<br />
Virginia Taylor was born on 29 September 1929 in Villanova, [[Alscia]]. She came from a modest background, with her parents working a variety of odd jobs during her childhood. She attended public school until the age of 10, and was a talented but socially awkward student. She was nicknamed "Ginny" ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Ďini'') in her youth, which later evolved into "Jenny".<br />
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Her formal education was interrupted by Alscia [[Alscia#Dissolution|joining the]] [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], and was replaced by [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes]] and {{wpl|autodidacticism}}. The family had to move as their hometown had [[Alscian sovereignty referendum, 1939|voted against]] joining the Free Territories and remained in [[Cacerta]] as part of [[Molise]].<br />
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Jenny worked various jobs to support herself as an adult, including grocery store clerk, {{wpl|filling station attendant}}, [[tray vendor]], telephone operator, model, and actress. She periodically performed on radio, a line of work that led her to occasionally work with [[Maria Elena Durante]], with whom she would cross paths later in the Senate. She continued her education, albeit without completing a degree.<br />
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Through involvement in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], she grew interested in politics, and joined the {{G-SDP}}. She worked primarily in the background, fulfilling various roles ranging from secretarial to administrative, such as delivering correspondence and arranging supplies. <br />
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As her career progressed, she ended up doing similar work in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]]. Reflecting on her career, she jokingly called herself a "legislative jack of all trades", and commented that she gained the skills for her job through "years of standing in the background and observing carefully".<br />
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Jenny's work came to the notice of [[Georgia Hamilton]], secretary to [[Darnan Cyras]]. Georgia brought Jenny to Darnan's attention, and Jenny became part of the emerging group of allies known as the ''[[ferroses]]''. She was extensively prepared for office by her ''ferrose'' colleagues, a process she humorously likened to "a very long and thorough makeover".<br />
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Initially, the ''ferroses'' faced a dilemma in that there seemed no obvious post for which Jenny was ideal. Ultimately, it was resolved that her skills were best suited for a parliamentary context. She was teamed up with [[Cherry Cook]], a fellow ''ferrose'' in training, and they were both elected to the [[Gylian Parliament|Popular Assembly]] in [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958]]. <br />
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The Popular Assembly was essentially a {{wpl|dry run (testing)|dry run}} for both Jenny and Cherry, a test which they passed "with flying colours". They were then formally designated the government's "parliamentary lieutenants" and assigned to different chambers of the new {{wpl|bicameralism|bicameral}} [[Gylian Parliament]].<br />
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==Senate==<br />
[[File:JennyTaylor2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Jenny Taylor, photographed by [[Viviane Mayer]]]]<br />
Jenny was elected to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] for [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]] in [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]]. She subsequently won re-election six times, each time with comfortable pluralities, and remained in the Senate until it was reformed into a {{wpl|sortition}}-based body. By that time, her long service had earned her the reputation of the ''doyenne'' of the Senate, placing her in the same refined company as the [[Fine arts salon (Gylian Senate)|fine arts salon]].<br />
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As "parliamentary lieutenant", she was responsible for steering the [[Darnan Cyras government]]'s legislation through the Senate and securing its approval. In some ways, her task was easier than Cherry's, as the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] is the {{wpl|responsible house}}, and [[Gylian Parliament#Legislative procedure|can overrule the Senate's rejection of a law proposal]]. Conscious that the government was in a minority in the Senate, she applied herself to the task with great seriousness and dedication. She thought it especially important that the [[Golden Revolution]] be emboldened with strong legislative support, which would strengthen the developing [[Gylian consensus]].<br />
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Jenny was an extremely effective "parliamentary lieutenant", managing to get [[Golden Revolution]]-era law proposals passed with strong majorities. She and Cherry engaged in lighthearted competition over who could secure the bigger majority for a law. [[Ŋéida Vaşad]] wrote that Jenny "racked up a record of {{wpl|supermajority|supermajorities}} that was unprecedented for the new Senate, and never to be equaled since." She was known for her mastery of {{wpl|parliamentary procedure}}, and benefited from several practices specific to the Senate, notably fixed time allocations (preventing {{wpl|filibuster}}s), the {{wpl|single-subject rule}} (preventing {{wpl|rider (legislation)|riders}}), and {{wpl|proxy voting}} (preventing {{wpl|quorum-busting}}).<br />
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Jenny dominated the Senate "with a touch of velvet", and her skill at negotiation and compromise earned her the nickname "the Senate magician". She was a prolific intelligence gatherer, who kept track of Senators' philosophies, stances on issues, likes and dislikes, personal interests and past votes. She would phone colleagues and their family members to congratulate them for personal achievements or comfort them in times of personal crisis. <br />
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She worked diligently in the background and avoided the spotlight, letting others share credit for legislation. She also generously worked with opposition Senators to pass proposed laws that were in accord with the spirit of the Golden Revolution or Gylian consensus.<br />
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===Public image===<br />
Jenny earned a reputation for fairness and generosity that was essential to her work as Senator. She had an affable personality and excellent memory for details, and got along well with colleagues. She often bought small gifts for her colleagues and performed courtesies for them to smooth over negotiations. In the words of [[Gianna Calderara]], "Jenny sought to be everyone's friend and supportive figure, through good and bad times", and it was this quality that enabled the modest "Senate magician" to share the stage with formidable personalities like the [[Fine arts salon (Gylian Senate)|fine arts salon]], [[Veterans for a Just Peace]], and the first Speaker of the Senate, [[Seisa Neve]].<br />
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She was strongly averse to conflict and preferred to remain on good terms with people; this was made easy by the absence of extremist formations like the {{G-RR}}, {{G-CC}}, and {{G-FROS}} from the Senate. When she was unable to reach an agreement with friendliness, she would send [[Iulia Edver]], the "Big Beast" of Gylian politics, to strong-arm her counterpart into acceptance.<br />
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She was strict about maintaining personal integrity, refusing to accept gifts from others to prevent conflicts of interest or bribes. She paid all her fees and travel expenses herself. Privately, she was {{wpl|teetotalism|teetotal}}, but she maintained a stock of alcoholic beverages in her office for entertaining colleagues. She advocated reduced working hours for Senators, both for health reasons and to uphold the {{wpl|citizen legislature|popular legislature}} principle, and expressed pride in the provision of {{wpl|child care}} facilities for the Parliament Building.<br />
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Jenny deliberately dressed in outdated [[Clothing in Gylias#Alscia|Alscian fashions]]. This was a personal preference that gained several purposes: it made her easily recognisable, it lent her an air of slight eccentricity that charmed colleagues, and it provided an air of gravitas when necessary. She cultivated a buttoned-down personality to match, her modesty and tact being particularly well suited to the Senate. Being a member of the more moderate {{G-SDP}}, she carefully maintained her distance from the {{wpl|social movement}}s of the [[Golden Revolution]], no matter how much she agreed with them, to maintain her image as a fair and impartial arbiter. She often said that it was her job to provide the "honey" and others the "vinegar" necessary to successfully pass laws.<br />
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===Later career===<br />
[[File:JennyTaylor3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Jenny Taylor arriving for a Senate meeting]]<br />
Jenny remained in the Senate after the chaotic [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]]. She renounced her role as "parliamentary lieutenant" with the formation of the [[Aén Ďanez government]], which she was opposed to and voted against on the {{wpl|motion of confidence}}.<br />
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Although she remained a member of the SDP, Jenny practically joined the opposition during the [[wretched decade]]. She consistently voted against the Aén Ďanez government, although the {{G-PA}} was formally part of it. Drawing on the deep well of relationships she had built in the Senate, she was one of the government's most effective opponents in the Senate. While preferring to avoid the spotlight, she made powerful use of [[Gylian Television#GTV Parliament|GTV Parliament]] broadcasts, questioning the government sharply and presiding over public consultations.<br />
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She also served on the [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Public Standards and Integrity]], a topic that was especially near to her heart.<br />
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She was reelected in [[Gylian federal election, 1980|1980]] and [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985]], although as a sitting PA Senator she had been targeted for defeat by {{G-PP-CM}}. Her name was put forward by the opposition after 1985 to head a {{wpl|national unity government}}, but she turned down the offer. She felt herself unsuited for the task of being [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]], but when speaking to the media, argued instead that it was preferable to have a Prime Minister from the Chamber of Deputies. She lent help to the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]] as an unofficial "parliamentary lieutenant", seeing it as her duty to the nation after the [[wretched decade]].<br />
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Jenny chose to run for two more terms in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]] and [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], which she won easily. Now in her sixties, she had taken her place as a ''doyenne'' of the Senate. She was elected [[Gylian Senate#Speaker|Speaker of the Senate]] on both occasions. In her free time, she and Cherry collaborated on a history of the Gylian Parliament, which was published in three volumes. She was also interviewed for [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s 1999 documentary series ''[[Nation Building]]''.<br />
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Although she had grown deeply fond of the Senate, she understood the argument that a bicameral legislature was wasteful, and was receptive to reform proposals. One sponsored by the {{G-NAF}}, to make the Senate based on {{wpl|sortition}} and reduce its size, was approved in a [[List of Gylian referendums#1997|1997 referendum]] and took effect with the [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000 federal election]]. Jenny retired from the Senate then, and had the honour of delivering the valedictory speech on the last day of Senate business before the election.<br />
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==Death==<br />
Jenny died on 24 February 2002 in Maveás. She had been in poor health for years before.<br />
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==Private life==<br />
Jenny was married three times, and had two children. She had several affairs during her marriages and one-night stands outside of them, an aspect that ironically contrasted with her buttoned-down image in the Senate, and earned her the affectionate nickname "Jenny Talia" among friends and colleagues.<br />
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She was an amateur musician, playing the piano and singing. Her favourite genre was [[Gylian jazz|jazz]]. In 1964, she recorded an album, ''Senator Jenny Taylor Performs Standards'', in which she sang {{wpl|traditional pop|pop standards}} such as "{{wpl|I've Got You Under My Skin}}" and "{{wpl|A Pretty Girl Is Like a Melody}}", backed by the [[Hilda Wechsler]] Big Band.<br />
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[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Darnan_Cyras&diff=713609Darnan Cyras2023-09-30T11:16:26Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Cyras|Darnan}}<br />
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{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Darnan Cyras<br />
|image = DarnanCyras.jpg<br />
|image_size = 200px<br />
|office = [[Prime Minister of Gylias]]<br />
|president = [[Reda Kazan]]<br />
|term_start = 2 January 1958<sup>a</sup><br />
|term_end = 5 March 1976<br />
|predecessor = <br />
|successor = [[Aén Ďanez]]<br />
<br />
|office2 = Chair of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council of the Free Territories]]<br />
|term_start2 = 1938<br />
|term_end2 = 1958<br />
<br />
|birth_date = {{birth date|1902|5|7|df=yes}}<br />
|birth_place = Ďary, [[Xevden]]<br />
|death_date = {{Death date and age|1989|10|25|1902|5|7|df=yes}}<br />
|death_place = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Gylias]]<br />
|nationality = Gylian<br />
|party = {{G-DCP}}<br />
|spouse = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|footnotes = <small>a. Originally Chair of the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Executive Committee of Gylias]], renamed Prime Minister by the [[Constitution of Gylias|Constitution]] in 1961.</small><br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Darnan Cyras''' (7 May 1902 – 25 October 1989) was a Gylian revolutionary and politician. He served as the Chair of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council of the Free Territories]] during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], and subsequently became [[Prime Minister of Gylias]] from 1958 to 1976. He was a key figure in the transition from the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] to [[Gylias]], and his government had a great impact throughout Gylian society.<br />
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He was born into a poor family in [[Xevden]], and adopted leftist and {{wpl|anti-imperialism|anti-imperialist}} ideas in his youth, eventually becoming an [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarcho-communist]]. He studied and lived in the [[Cacertian Empire]] in 1920–1935, before returning during [[History of Gylias#Xevden's disintegration|Xevden's disintegration]]. He won election to the Xevdenite parliament as an independent in 1935 and 1937; his radicalism and marginalisation in that body convinced him that a violent revolution was the only solution.<br />
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When the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] erupted, he joined the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]], briefly serving as its leader, and proclaimed the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. He served as the Chair of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]] in 1938–1958, and was later elected General Secretary of the {{G-DCP}} at its foundation. In the General Council, he strove to avoid conventional leadership and maintain the [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] momentum of the Free Territories. He gathered an influential circle of allies, known as the ''[[ferroses]]'', and shifted to a {{wpl|withering away of the state}} position in the second phase of the Liberation War, to some controversy.<br />
<br />
Darnan established the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Executive Committee of Gylias]] in 1958, serving as its Chair; it became the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Cabinet]] (and his post became [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]]) after the [[Constitution of Gylias|Constitution]] was adopted in 1961. He led a [[Darnan Cyras government|coalition]] that came to include the {{G-PA}}, {{G-LU}}, and {{G-IRAM}}, and won federal elections in [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958]], [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]], and [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969]]. He announced his retirement before the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976]] election, and was ultimately succeeded by [[Aén Ďanez]].<br />
<br />
He sought to preserve the Free Territories' anarchist heritage, and promoted a decentralised model of development. Significant achievements of his tenure included the consolidation of [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|direct democracy]] and a [[Political culture of Gylias|colourful political culture]], the popular drafting of the [[Constitution of Gylias|Constitution]] and [[Law of Gylias#Legal foundation|six codes of law]], the economic transformation of the [[National Obligation period]], and the [[Golden Revolution]], which profoundly transformed all facets of Gylian life. Foreign policy was marked by Gylias' accession to the [[Common Sphere]] and the creation of {{wpl|special relationship}}s with [[Gylias-Kirisaki relations|Kirisaki]], [[Gylias-Cacerta relations|Cacerta]], and [[Gylias-Delkora relations|Delkora]].<br />
<br />
Darnan was known for his unassuming and uncharismatic image, at sharp odds with other [[Tyran]]ian revolutionaries and the strong personalities of cabinet colleagues. His main strengths were behind the scenes, in his ability to assemble a strong team, establish common goals, and delegate policy execution to adept ministers and civil servants. He is considered one of Gylias' most consequential Prime Ministers, as his tenure saw the emergence of the [[Gylian consensus]] and the modern Gylian identity.<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Darnan Cyras was born on 7 May 1902 in Ďary, a village now located in [[Tomes Region|Tomes]]. He was of mixed [[Gylic peoples|Gylic]] descent, and came from a poor family. His parents worked as farmers and teachers, and he had two older sisters, Ďaşa and Ţaone. The children helped their parents with farm work from an early age.<br />
<br />
Darnan spent much of his time studying independently in the local libraries, and received a [[Education in Gylias#History|clandestine education]]. He read Gylian and imported radical literature, which shaped his politics.<br />
<br />
===Cacerta===<br />
Aided by contacts with the Gylian opposition and [[Alscia]]n supporters, the family moved to the [[Cacertian Empire]] in 1920, settling in Cesena. This marked a great improvement in their quality of life. Over the next few years, Darnan enrolled and dropped out of a law school, an economics school, a polytechnic, and a teaching institute, and briefly worked in a soap factory.<br />
<br />
Although a good student, he was hampered by his initially poor foreign language skills and lack of academic credentials due to his clandestine education. He learned {{wpl|Italian language|Italian}}, {{wpl|English language|English}}, and {{wpl|French language|French}} as his main foreign languages. Failing to pass the General University Exam, he continued studying independently and ended up leading a {{wpl|Bohemianism|bohemian}} lifestyle among Cesena's artistic circles. He would later reflect with humour that he was part of the ''{{wpl|lumpenproletariat}}'' during this period. He was also involved in activism and began writing articles for radical publications.<br />
<br />
While in Cesena, he befriended and began a romantic relationship with [[Gianna Calderara]]. They later married.<br />
<br />
===Return to Xevden===<br />
A [[History of Gylias#Xevden's disintegration|brief moderate interlude]] began in [[Xevden]] with [[Varnaþ family|Láaresy]] taking the throne in 1934. Seeking a negotiated solution to Xevden's crisis, he restored constitutional rule and called new parliamentary elections. Darnan chose to return to Xevden and join the Gylian opposition, while his family remained in Cesena.<br />
<br />
He stood as an independent candidate for his village district, and was elected in 1935, after the rest of the opposition stood down in his favour. The election as a whole was marred by fraud and political violence, and produced a {{wpl|hung parliament}}, dealing a blow to hopes of an end to the crisis.<br />
<br />
Darnan made a name for himself in the legislature as a radical firebrand. One biographer described him as "by some measure the most far-left member of parliament": he spoke bluntly, called for immediate dissolution of the Xevdenite state, and insulted Xevdenites. During one session, he told one pro-government MP, "The only service you can render the world is to go home and hang yourself." On another occasion, threatened with expulsion by the {{wpl|Speaker (politics)|presiding officer}} for an insulting statement, he went to the presiding officer's desk and smashed the {{wpl|gavel}} on his head, causing a {{wpl|legislative violence|fight}}.<br />
<br />
His far-left positions and strong rhetoric attracted a following as the parliamentary deadlock added to Xevden's woes. A snap election was held in 1937, yielding largely the same results. Darnan, re-elected in Ďary, became completely disillusioned with parliamentary politics. He thought they were a "waste of time" and a violent revolution was now imperative.<br />
<br />
==Liberation War==<br />
{{main|Liberation War (Gylias)|l1=Liberation War|Free Territories (Gylias)|l2=Free Territories}}<br />
<br />
Darnan heard of the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] rebellion in the [[Geography of Gylias|Salxar mountains]] in early 1938, and hastened to join them. Initially an ordinary PA member, he grew disillusioned with the [[Communism in Gylias|statist comunist]] leadership, which looked to the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]] as a model. He deplored its inflexible authoritarianism and prioritisation of military needs in resource allocation, which alienated the population of its territory.<br />
<br />
His agitation contributed to rebellion within the PA ranks, leading to a mass mutiny in March which brought the [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarcho-communists]] in control. He was initially resistant to assuming a leadership role, but relented at their insistence, becoming the head of the PA. He issued the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#General Declaration|General Declaration of 12 March 1938]], which proclaimed the Free Territories. When the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]] was constituted later that year, he became its Chair.<br />
<br />
During the first year of war, Darnan took part in negotiations with Láaresy to find a peaceful solution. Darnan came to respect Láaresy and [[Varnaþ family|his family]] as well-intentioned and sincere about redressing Xevdenite injustices, particularly for holding back the Xevdenite forces. However, Darnan had no desire for a peaceful solution, and dragged out the negotiations to stall for time. More Gylian insurgencies broke out, with Xevdenites losing control of territory beyond the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]]. The [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] was now in progress.<br />
<br />
Inexperienced in military matters, Darnan left these to PA commanders, and concentrated on politics. He exercised his duties as Chair of the General Council in an even-handed and low-key manner. Outside the General Council, he advocated anarchist self-organisation — achieved through [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]] in governance, {{wpl|workers' council}}s in factories, and village committees in the countryside. The economy was reorganised along anarchist principles, with {{wpl|private property}} abolished and {{wpl|workers' self-management}} and {{wpl|common ownership}} becoming the new foundation.<br />
<br />
The People's Army adopted a largely cautious strategy, taking up the tactics of the [[Alscia#Military|Border Guard]] in the [[Alscian Border War]]. They maintained a primarily defensive posture, and encouraged rebellions, subsequently coming to aid them in liberating the territory and integrate it into the Free Territories. By leaving other factions to fight amongst themselves for supremacy, they conserved their strength, and advanced slowly. As well, the Free Territories' [[Free Territories (Gylias)#Education and health|provision of social services]] and [[Free Territories (Gylias)#Culture|social revolution]] gained exposure throughout [[Tyran]], earning them admiration among leftists and attracting international volunteers to the [[People's Army (Gylias)#International Brigades|International Brigades]].<br />
<br />
Darnan formed lasting partnerships with close allies, including future cabinet ministers, and gathered an influential circle of allies known as the ''[[ferroses]]''. At the {{G-DCP}}'s founding congress in 1946, he was elected General Secretary, and allies the [[Freeman family|Freeman sisters]] were elected to the {{wpl|central committee}}. He then renounced his leadership post in the PA, already a formality, but remained a figurehead.<br />
<br />
The second phase of the war began in 1948, after a coup d'état destroyed the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]], brought Tymzar to the throne, and the Xevdenites into the conflict. The Xevdenites launched a massive offensive, which mainly decimated other Gylian factions. The PA strategically retreated and harrassed the Xevdenites with {{wpl|guerrilla warfare}} tactics and {{wpl|sortie}}s. Decisive victories at Mytin and Nerazur in April turned the tide of war against Xevden. The other Gylian factions now united behind the Free Territories, turning the conflict into a straightforward battle.<br />
<br />
During the war, Darnan displayed a mixed attitude towards violence. He worked to avoid massacres in the Free Territories, but was blasé about popular violence and humiliation of former oppressors. He wrote, "Revolutions take a life of their own, and all we can do is try to direct their energies in the right direction." He encouraged forceful expropriation and redistribution of private property, and a [[Free Territories (Gylias)#Religion|hostile environment against monotheists]] that led most of them to flee, with all traces of their presence destroyed afterwards.<br />
<br />
As victory seemed increasingly likely after 1948, the anarchists faced new challenges. Darnan abhorred the [[History of Gylias#Liberation War|"alliance of convenience"]] with [[Communism in Gylias|statist communists]], and was relieved to finally break it in 1956 with the [[Lucian Purge]]. The goal of abolishing the state was challenged by a coalition of [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]], [[Conservatism in Gylias#Free Territories|"constructive" conservatives]], and [[Socialism in Gylias|moderate leftists]], which argued that state mechanisms were necessary for rapid relief, reconstruction, and development. Darnan and the ''ferroses'' sought to compromise by gradually shifting to a {{wpl|withering away of the state}} position, which provoked controversy in the anarchist camp.<br />
<br />
The PA captured Velouria on 2 January 1958, ending the war. Darnan issued a brief message for the nations of [[Tyran]]:<br />
<br />
{{quote|"The Gylian people are victorious. Xevden has crumbled. The Gylian people are now independent, and will remain free and sovereign. They greet the nations of the world in a spirit of solidarity and friendship. They will work towards companionship with other peoples."}}<br />
<br />
==Prime Minister of Gylias==<br />
[[File:DarnanCyras1.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Darnan photographed at home, 1958]]<br />
{{See also|Darnan Cyras government}}<br />
<br />
===Transition===<br />
{{main|National Obligation period}}<br />
Darnan announced the creation of an [[Cabinet of Gylias|Executive Committee of Gylias]], with himself as Chair. From the start, it was a broad left–liberal coalition, continuing the {{wpl|popular front}} of the Free Territories. He maintained his consensual style, giving committee members great freedom to implement policies, experiment, and come up with new initiatives. Historians commonly cite the formation of the Executive Committtee as his greatest achievement, owing to its mix of accomplished members and excellent teamwork.<br />
<br />
He envisioned the Executive Committee in a purely supervisory and coordinatory role, providing an umbrella for {{wpl|direct democracy}}. Sensitive to symbolism, he refused to seat it in Velouria, and began building a {{wpl|planned community|planned capital}} in Mişeyáke. Among colleagues, Darnan was referred to as "Old Darnan", an egalitarian title from the Liberation War and humorous acknowledgement of his seniority compared to the average age of the Executive Committee.<br />
<br />
The first years of Darnan's tenure were dominated by the [[National Obligation period]]. The transition from the Free Terrritories to Gylias preserved much of the Free Territories' anarchist heritage: [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|direct democracy]] through [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]] remained the basis of governance, a {{wpl|federalism|federal}} organisation based on {{wpl|subsidiarity}} was adopted, and the [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|Free Territories' economic model was applied throughout Gylias]]. The [[Gylian federal election, 1958|first federal election]] took place in 1958 for the directly-elected [[Gylian Parliament|Popular Assembly]]. It produced an overwhelming victory for the coalition, which was now formalised to include six parties.<br />
<br />
A popular drafting process produced the [[Constitution of Gylias|Constitution]] and [[Law of Gylias#Legal foundation|six codes of law]], approved and implemented in 1960–1961. Darnan took part in the process, concentrating on preserving the anarchist substance of the Free Territories. He agreed to symbolic concessions to the liberals, including the use of more conventional office titles — the Executive Committee thus became the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Cabinet]], making him the [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]] — and the creation of a {{wpl|figurehead}} [[President of Gylias|presidency]]. Responding to criticism of these concessions, he pointed to article 1, which enshrined the temporary nature of the state in the Constitution, arguing that it outweighed all other considerations.<br />
<br />
Significant to politics was the adoption of the [[Law on Electoral Representation of 1960]], which implemented [[Elections in Gylias#Electoral system|ranked voting]] for all [[Elections in Gylias|Gylian elections]]. Coupled with the reorganisation of the [[Gylian Parliament]], five-party {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s consolidated. The cabinet now encompassed the {{G-PA}}, {{G-LU}}, {{G-IRAM}}, and two {{wpl|independent politician|independents}}.<br />
<br />
===Golden Revolution===<br />
{{main|Golden Revolution}}<br />
<br />
Darnan's coalition was reelected in [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]], winning a majority in the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] and falling two seats short of one in the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]]. Some historians consider the election the latest point at which the transition from the Free Territories to Gylias ended. More significantly, {{wpl|rationing}} had also ended, and the [[National Obligation period]] gave way to an [[Economy of Gylias#Economic miracle|economic boom]], which lasted throughout the government's tenure.<br />
<br />
The radical reorganisation of the economy encompassed {{wpl|social ownership|socialisation}} through [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]] and {{wpl|workers' self-management}}, {{wpl|land reform}}, {{wpl|indicative planning}} through the [[Hermes Programme]], and the implementation of {{wpl|price controls}} through the [[National Prices Board]]. These bore fruit after the National Obligation period: in 1962–1976, average economic growth was 10,6%, average per capita income grew dramatically, inequality and poverty were drastically reduced, and GDP per capita grew from Ŧ700 (1958) to Ŧ3.248 (1976).<br />
<br />
Although Gylias' GDP continued to lag behind the Sidurian average, strong {{wpl|Redistribution of income and wealth|redistribution}} mechanisms, generous [[Social security in Gylias|social security]], and cooperativisation achieved high {{wpl|quality of life}} indicators. Gylians on average were better housed, better educated, healthier, more politically active, lived longer, and more satisfied with their lives than before.<br />
<br />
The unprecedented levels of general prosperity fed into an atmosphere of revolutionary exuberance and optimism. The [[Golden Revolution]] was now thriving, bringing profound and far-reaching changes to all aspects of Gylian life. A new [[Culture of Gylias#Society|society]] emerged, shaped by numerous {{wpl|social movement}}s and radical reforms — famous examples of the latter included [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|transformation of gender and sexual norms]], regulation of [[Drugs in Gylias|drug distribution]] and [[Prostitution in Gylias|sex work]] as {{wpl|state monopoly|public monopolies}}, and the establishment of [[Education in Gylias|public education]] on anarchist principles.<br />
<br />
A thriving {{wpl|civil society}} emerged, with high rates of {{wpl|social engagement|social}} and {{wpl|civic engagement}}, and values of {{wpl|volunteerism}} and {{wpl|Mutual aid (organization theory)|mutual aid}} were promoted by various groups such as the [[Anarchist Federation]], [[Revolutionary Youth Union]], [[Committees for the Advance of the Revolution]], and [[Revolutionary Communications Office]]. [[Culture of Gylias|Popular culture]] thrived, with the appearance of a vibrant artistic scene known as [[Groovy Gylias]], and Gylian culture achieved wider popularity and influence through the [[Gylian Invasion]]. Notably, [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] achieved widespread acceptance in society, manifested in [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] and jewellery, [[Gauchic]] and [[Demopolis|demopolitan]] aesthetics, ''[[francité]]'', and [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']].<br />
<br />
Throughout its term, Darnan's government enjoyed a dominant position in Gylian politics. The fundamentals of its domestic agenda became the basis of the [[Gylian consensus]]. He easily saw off the [[Anarchism in Gylias#Others|"anarchaos"]] protests of 1968, organising a [[List of Gylian referendums#1968|referendum on abolishing the state]] and encouraging voters to vote invalidly, leading to its invalidation. However, the protests still fueled his misgivings about the anarchist–liberal [[Constitution of Gylias|"miserable compromise"]]. The government was re-elected easily in [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969]], an election which marked the debut of the {{G-LSDP}} and the ascension of the [[Conservatism in Gylias|progressive conservative]] {{G-NB}}, triggering a political realignment.<br />
<br />
Significant legislation in its last term included a reform of [[Local government in Gylias|local government]] to create [[Regions of Gylias#Government|regional governments]], construction of {{wpl|high-speed rail}}, the introduction of {{wpl|catch share|fishing quotas}}, and a push to reduce dependence on fossil fuels for electricity. Although expansion of {{wpl|hydroelectricity}} was relatively uncontroversial, a proposal to build nuclear power plants was contested by the {{G-GP}} and environmentalist organisations, and did not proceed.<br />
<br />
===Foreign policy===<br />
[[File:DarnanCyras2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Darnan attending a {{wpl|husting|public meeting}} during the [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962 federal campaign]]]]<br />
Foreign policy generally took a backseat to the {{wpl|social revolution}} for Darnan. The first years saw Gylias somewhat isolated on the international stage due to suspicions regarding its anarchism; events such as the [[Arnak Trials]] added to the matter. The appointment of [[Erika Ďileş]] as [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|foreign minister]] in 1962 was a turning point: the charismatic and glamorous Erika achieved the normalisation of Gylias' foreign relations and laid the basis of [[Foreign relations of Gylias|Gylian diplomacy]] — multilateralism, negotiation, and maintaining a reputation as an honest actor.<br />
<br />
The most significant foreign policy achievement of Darnan's tenure was Gylias' accession to the [[Common Sphere]] in 1958. The CS provided aid and technical expertise to Gylias during the reconstruction of the [[National Obligation period]], and crucially, a community of like-minded governments pursuing broadly similar, {{wpl|economic interventionism|interventionist}} policies. Darnan hoped that the CS would become a "third force" in Tyran, standing between established great powers, and challenging the domination of {{wpl|capitalism}}. However, he was strongly opposed to moves that would turn the CS into a {{wpl|supranational union}}.<br />
<br />
Darnan's government built close relations with [[Gylias-Cacerta relations|Cacerta]], [[Gylias-Kirisaki relations|Kirisaki]], [[Gylias-Delkora relations|Delkora]], [[Megelan]], and [[Ruvelka]]. He was acutely aware that Gylias and Megelan essentially stood alone in Tyran as broadly anarchist societies, and was sensitive to symbolism, drafting diplomatic messages to challenge the state-centric perspective. During an official visit to Ruvelka, he insisted on visiting the former [[Ruvelkan Free Territory]] and met with members of the [[Ruvelkan Alliance of Freedom and '14|Alliance of Freedom and '14]].<br />
<br />
In general, Darnan did not involve himself too closely in foreign policy, leaving the ceremonial aspects mainly to President [[Reda Kazan]] and Erika. He also traveled relatively little outside Gylias. This fit in with his broader pattern of rejecting the "cult of leadership", but disappointed other Tyranian revolutionaries who expected a greater commitment to {{wpl|world revolution}}.<br />
<br />
===End of term===<br />
Having initially set the [[Gylian Parliament]]'s term at 7 years to aid the revolutionary agenda, Darnan's government saw a gradual dissipation of revolutionary energy during the 1970s. Much of its agenda was achieved, ministers grew older, and there was a lack of new ideas as the government approached 18 years in office.<br />
<br />
Darnan announced at the DCP's 1974 congress his retirement as General Secretary, and announced he would not run in the upcoming federal election. His deputy [[Aliska Géza]] was elected General Secretary, and consolidated her status as likely successor. However, her death in a car accident on 26 December 1975 prompted national mourning and completely uprooted the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]].<br />
<br />
Darnan was appalled to see the demoralised and leaderless {{G-PA}} finish joint first with the {{G-RR}}, a previously marginal bloc of statist communists, the kind he'd thought the Lucian Purge had permanently ostracised from public life. With no clear coalition emerging, he remained as caretaker when the new Parliament was inaugurated on 1 February 1976. He was disappointed that the PA chose to form a coalition with the RR, even if the stated goal was to "restrain" the RR, and ended his term on 5 March 1976. His 6637 days in office remains the record for longest-serving Gylian Prime Minister.<br />
<br />
==Final years and death==<br />
Darnan largely retired from public life after leaving office. He lived in quiet retirement with his family, making few public appearances, and sporadically writing articles and editorials. His low profile and the lingering shock of 1976 caused his reputation to reach a low ebb during the [[wretched decade]].<br />
<br />
He detested his successor [[Aén Ďanez]], and was disappointed by the PA's participation in [[Aén Ďanez government|her government]]. The PA's inability to produce new inspirational figures during the wretched decade troubled him. As the 1980s went on, he became increasingly vocal in his public criticism of Aén.<br />
<br />
Enjoying reasonably good health, Darnan lived to see Aén's ouster by the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986 and the formation of the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. Filomena consulted with Darnan in private and acknowledged him in public as an elder statesman. He assisted in compiling his writings into a single collection.<br />
<br />
He died of natural causes in his Mişeyáke apartment on 25 October 1989. In accordance with his wishes, he was cremated and given a simple burial in his family home in Ďary, with only family members in attendance. The urn's location is marked by a stone with the simple inscription "Darnan Cyras 1902 — 1989".<br />
<br />
==Political positions==<br />
[[File:DarnanCyras3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Darnan interviewed on [[Gylian Television#GTV3|GTV3]], 1968]]<br />
Darnan was a committed [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarcho-communist]] throughout his life. He drew from an eclectic array of influences, and was open to different interpretations of how to achieve anarchism. He once said, "I've been asked, am I a [[Communism in Gylias|communist]] or a [[Socialism in Gylias|socialist]]. I answer: it doesn't matter. Communists and socialists agree enough on what our task is and what must be done."<br />
<br />
He was mainly focused on economic policy in office, but saw the value of social policy and {{wpl|quality of life}} issues, due to his wide reading and the influence of his family and allies. He was fond of quoting {{wpl|Joseph Déjacque}} that "the worker has a right to the satisfaction of their needs, whatever may be their nature" and {{wpl|Emma Goldman}}'s advocacy of "everybody's right to beautiful, radiant things", which showed symbolic support of [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]].<br />
<br />
He was an {{wpl|internationalism (politics)|internationalist}}, believing that the {{wpl|world revolution}} had to be universal or it would fail. Gylias being largely alone in Tyran as an anarchist-influenced society frustrated him, and he was unenthusiastic about Gylias being a "beacon of the revolution" — besides realistic issues like Gylias' small population, he thought attempting to seize a revolutionary leadership role was alien to Gylias' character.<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
Darnan was an anomaly among Tyranian revolutionary leaders in lacking charisma and oratorical talent. [[Sofia Westergaard]] famously joked that he was "a political nonentity". Many contemporaries echoed the assessment: [[Mette Elvensar]] recalled of her first state visit, "He gave the impression of being so thoroughly ordinary it's baffling to think he got further than a [[Local government in Delkora|county council]]."<br />
<br />
He was a middling orator, preferring a simple speaking style and laconic vocabulary. Few quotes from him entered the collective memory, and his speeches were frequently unmemorable, if competently delivered. His more loquacious and gregarious official spokesperson [[Penelope Morris]] became more popular than him, to the point that the media regularly bypassed him in favour of using Penelope directly as a {{wpl|Source (journalism)|source}}.<br />
<br />
His personal appearance was similarly ordinary: he wore large glasses and preferred to wear very simple and {{wpl|casual wear|casual}} clothing — usually {{wpl|T-shirt}}s, jeans, and jackets. His personal aversion to ceremony brought him into humorous disagreements with resource minister [[Neelie op het Mensink]], who was a strong advocate of high sartorial quality within the cabinet.<br />
<br />
Those who met him found that in private, Darnan was friendly and laid-back, making sincere efforts to entertain his interlocutors. He formed several lifelong friendships, and enjoyed the company of his colleagues and allies. His favourite hobbies were {{wpl|gardening}}, reading, and writing, and he frequently vacationed in Gylias' {{wpl|protected area}}s or coast. He led a very frugal lifestyle, using a [[Transport in Gylias#Cycling|bicycle]] as his main transport, and was a vegetarian and teetotal.<br />
<br />
Darnan rejected the conventional image of leadership. His style was consensual, acting as a chair of the cabinet rather than a head of government. His deliberate assumption of a secondary role in his own government won him praise from historians and commentators, since it preserved the [[Golden Revolution]]'s decentralised character by allowing multiple charismatic and influential ministers to share the spotlight. [[Rin Tōsaka]] reflected in her official biography that Darnan was "wonderful to work with — he was very modest and quiet, and trusted you to handle your ministry."<br />
<br />
He abhorred {{wpl|caesarism}} and {{wpl|cult of personality|personality cults}}. Various commentators argue that he deliberately exaggerated his mediocre public image to discourage "blind worship". When the Ďary communal assembly sent him a proposal to make his family home a museum dedicated to his life, he replied, "I must decline. That is a cult of personality." He sought to present himself as serving in office out of responsibility rather than enjoyment of power. During one speech, a {{wpl|heckler}} shouted, "If you hate being Prime Minister so much, why do you do it?". He remained silent for nearly a minute, then shrugged and said, "Worse alternatives."<br />
<br />
Darnan was suspicious of specific goals for the Golden Revolution, believing they risked inspiring dogmatism. It was only with great reluctance that he suggested [[Golden Revolution#Goals|''les quatrations'']], deliberately phrased to be open-ended. In his writings, he similarly deemphasised theory in favour of practical experimentation. Philosopher [[Margot Fontaine]] commented that "Even Darnan's writings went out of their way to discourage anyone from seeing them as sage or prophetic — they were usually titled 'Reflections', 'Remarks', 'Some Thoughts on…' or a variation thereof."<br />
<br />
His deliberately undistinguished public image had the side effect of depriving opponents, particularly right-wingers, of a central {{wpl|bogeyman}} figure with which to attack the Golden Revolution. His lack of charisma and leadership qualities made it hard for enemies to vilify him as dangerous or sinister, since he appeared so unexceptional.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Darnan was married to [[Gianna Calderara]] until his death. They had no children; he once remarked, "I can either attend to the revolution, or be a parent. I can't do both." Theirs was a devoted marriage, although Darnan was quite self-conscious of the age gap between them. Gianna was his intellectual and politicial equal; her extroverted personality and musical talents compensated for Darnan's laconic personality. She took a high-profile role as an activist and commentator during the Golden Revolution, and enjoyed her public role as a hostess and in official ceremonies, although Gylias has no {{wpl|first lady|official role for spouses of officeholders}} nor a precedent for such.<br />
<br />
Darnan and Gianna had an {{wpl|open marriage}}. She had several affairs, and he had a long-term {{wpl|Mistress (lover)|mistress}}: his secretary [[Georgia Hamilton]].<br />
<br />
Darnan enjoyed the company of women, with many of his closest friends and allies being women, and was uncomfortable with traditional conceptions of {{wpl|masculinity}}. He was initially bothered by [[Esua Nadel]]'s portrayal of him as a womaniser, and upon meeting her once, protested her portrayal was unfair and made him look like a sexual predator. Esua responded that she bore no malice and reassured him readers understood the joke and would not assume the worst of him. This resolved their differences. On his last day in office, he sent Esua a note remarking, "I'm going to miss looking forward to your jokes about me."<br />
<br />
Darnan's religious beliefs were ambiguous. He practiced the rituals of [[Concordianism]] mainly out of habit and cultural heritage. According to Gianna, he said he was "incapable of religious feeling", and preferred to regard myths, legends, and deities as primarily stories and symbols. Biographers have debated whether he was an {{wpl|agnostic}} or {{wpl|atheist}}.<br />
<br />
Like many Gylians, he was strongly hostile to monotheist and universalist religions, a key aspect of the [[Gylian ascendancy]]. He saw monotheist religions as inherently totalitarian, and {{wpl|polytheism|polytheistic}} ones as inherently democratic. He approved of monotheist adherents being driven out of the Free Territories and their physical traces destroyed, but did not display any particular enthusiasm for it. He helped bring in the [[Law on Religion of 1959]] and [[Bureau of Religious Affairs]], which mainly targeted {{wpl|proselytism}} rather than religious doctrine. He preferred {{wpl|orthopraxy}} and was suspicious of {{wpl|orthodoxy}}. When [[Mansuriyyah]] was discussed in a cabinet meeting, he was casually insulting towards Mansuris for their {{wpl|religious intolerance|intolerance}}, saying "They're naturally incapable of coexistence."<br />
<br />
Besides his native [[Gylic languages|Tomesian]], he was fluent in English, French, and Italian — or, as a popular joke went, "speechless in three languages".<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
Darnan is considered one of Gylias' most consequential and successful Prime Ministers. His "non-leadership" role in the Free Territories and Golden Revolution have earned him praise. Historian Nina Raukan writes that "Darnan sacrificed personal glory for the well-being of the revolution", and in resisting self-aggrandisement and personality cults, ironically achieved a more lasting impact.<br />
<br />
Darnan's government was able to preserve the Free Territories' anarchist heritage during the transition to Gylias and oversaw what cultural commentator Hanako Fukui considers "the most successful, comprehensive, and radical transformation in Tyranian history". While he receives little credit for the achievements directly, his main contribution was in the background: assembling a strong cabinet full of imposing figures working together towards a common goal, complemented by outside figures of all stripes, from the ''[[ferroses]]'' to the [[Revolutionary Communications Office]]. The [[Gylian consensus]] that emerged during his tenure has remained a cornerstone of modern Gylian society, its fundamentals supported by mainstream political formations of both the left and right.<br />
<br />
As a result of his "non-leadership", public polling reveals Darnan is dimly remembered among Gylians, who associate the Golden Revolution more with other iconic ministers. His reputation suffered during the [[wretched decade]], but subsequently recovered and underwent historical appraisal during the 1990s, a time of renewed national optimism and self-confidence. His surviving family members and cabinet colleagues appeared in the 1999 documentary ''[[Nation Building]]'', which encapsulated the standard perception of the era. Gianna commented in 2002, "Academics I've talked with usually don't talk much about Darnan the person, but admire his political skills and talent for recruiting ministers. This is exactly as he would've wanted."<br />
<br />
Even back in the Free Territories, a popular revolutionary song lightheartedly celebrated his non-heroic image, with the lyrics ''"He's a mighty good leader (x3) / All the way / He's a mighty good leader (x2) / He don't lead anything / He don't lead anyone"''.<br />
<br />
Darnan's career usually baffled or amused his contemporaries. [[Geirbjørn Feldengaard]], himself relying on a "man of the people" image in his career, once quipped during a meeting, "Darnan, a personality isn't an impediment to a political career, you know." [[Monarch of Ossoria|Ossorian High King]] Laisrén IV similarly remarked to the Taoiseach, "For the warden of Tyran's biggest madhouse, he's a remarkably average fellow."<br />
<br />
Anarchists remain divided on Darnan's legacy. While he is generally respected for his government's achievements and commitment to ultimately achieving an anarchist society, there is a strong debate about his adoption of the {{wpl|withering away of the state}} principle, criticised as a mistake.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_2003&diff=711505Gylian presidential election, 20032023-09-25T13:04:11Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 2003<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 2003<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 1999<br />
| previous_year = 1999<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2007<br />
| next_year = 2007<br />
| turnout = 94,4%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 6.526.155<br />
| percentage1 = 59,5%<br />
<br />
| image2 = MargaretRoberts-1999.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 0087DC<br />
| nominee2 = [[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 4.442.173<br />
| percentage2 = 40,5%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Gianna Calderara]] {{colorbox|{{G-NB/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 2003.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]] was re-elected, defeating the {{G-NB}}'s candidate [[Margaret Roberts]].<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Gianna Calderara]]'''<br />
| [[File:GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 1991)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Margaret Roberts]]'''<br />
| [[File:MargaretRoberts-1999.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]]<br><small>(1982–1998)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Keie Nanei]]'''<br />
| [[File:Amy Alkon in hat.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Atyol Aurea'''<br />
| [[File:Vladimir Luxuria - Roma Pride 2008.JPG|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LND}}<br />
| President of the [[Gender and Sexuality Rights Association of Gylias]]<br><small>(2000–2001)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]] and {{wpl|trans rights}}.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Şesa Enis'''<br />
| <br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|philosophy}}.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.547.811<br />
|20,0%<br />
|6.526.155<br />
|59,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.421.695<br />
|19,0%<br />
|4.442.173<br />
|40,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Keie Nanei]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.393.669<br />
|18,8%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Atyol Aurea<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LND}}<br />
|2.165.640<br />
|17,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.127.422<br />
|16,7%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Şesa Enis<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|764.343<br />
|6,0%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|318.476<br />
|2,5%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''12.739.056'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''10.968.327'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|13.770.166<br />
|94,4%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
[[File:2009 06 13 - Vladimir Luxuria.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Atyol Aurea campaigning in Mişeyáke]]<br />
Incumbent president [[Gianna Calderara]] made the decision to run for a fourth term, which would make her the second longest-serving president after [[Reda Kazan]]. Reliably backed by the {{G-PA}} and still very popular, she was considered the front-runner of the race, with the question being whether she would be challenged by a strong rival.<br />
<br />
From the {{G-NB}}, former [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]] [[Margaret Roberts]] made another attempt at the presidency, after having finished third in [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]] and been eliminated before the final round. With a somewhat less personality-dominated race than 1999, her chances were viewed as stronger, at least to reach the final round. During the campaign, she emphasised her {{wpl|green conservatism}} and record of fighting extremism as governor, and embraced her age as the oldest candidate in the running.<br />
<br />
The two new presences that shook up an otherwise stale campaign were the {{wpl|independent (politician)|independent}} [[Keie Nanei]] and {{G-LND}}-supported Atyol Aurea. Keie was one of Gylias' most popular columnists, and treated her campaign like an extension of her commentary, playing up her anachronistic {{wpl|alter ego}} and using a humorous platform that poked fun at Gylian public life. <br />
<br />
Atyol was a high-profile media personality, writer, and {{wpl|LGBT rights}} activist, who had served as President of the [[Gender and Sexuality Rights Association of Gylias]]. Her campaign emphasised her {{wpl|transgender}} identity and flamboyant personality, in the tradition of [[Tina Jørgensen]], and her platform strongly focused on {{wpl|trans rights}}. ''[[Free Gylias]]'' commented that Atyol's campaign was the extension of "an internal debate as old as time" over the aims and methods of {{wpl|LGBT social movements}}. Despite this, she became a highly popular candidate due to the playful tone of her campaign.<br />
<br />
Returning from her second place finish in [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]], [[Amanda Leloup]] now took up the mantle of ''[[francité]]'' candidate after [[Françoise Chatelain]]'s death. The final candidate was Şesa Enis, a {{wpl|philosophy}} professor at the University of Mayt, who stood on promotion of philosophy, {{wpl|freethought}}, and {{wpl|secular humanism}}. Keie jokingly wrote that he was "a serious and earnest man, doing his best to argue his position in {{wpl|husting|public meeting}}s … poor bastard never stood a chance."<br />
<br />
In the first round, Gianna improved on her [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]] performance, winning 20% of first preference votes. Margaret took second place with 19%, thus avoiding the embarrassment of four years before. Keie finished a strong third, only some 28.000 first preference votes behind Margaret, and in the absence of an official [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate, won pluralities in the traditional liberal strongholds of [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Elena Region|Elena]].<br />
<br />
Atyol finished fourth with 17% of first preference votes, winning pluralities in [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Sváen Region|Sváen]], and [[Arsad Region|Arsad]], and finishing second in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], and [[Tomes Region|Tomes]]. <br />
<br />
Amanda's fifth place and 16,7% of first preference votes was only a small decline from Françoise's 17,2% high-water mark in 1999, and she repeated Françoise's pluralities in [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], and [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], while gaining [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] on the back of her previous gubernatorial term. Şesa was the poorest performing candidate, finishing last with 6% of first preference votes and no pluralities in any [[Regions of Gylias|region]].<br />
<br />
In the final round, Gianna generally gained transfers from Atyol's voters, and Margaret generally gained transfers from Şesa's voters. Keie and Amanda's voters proved highly volatile, but in the end, Gianna won by the largest victory margin since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]: 59,5% to Margaret's 40,5%.<br />
<br />
The margin of final preference votes was reflected in the map, with Gianna winning pluralities in 16 regions to Margaret's 4. Margaret gained no regions in the final round, and in fact lost [[Tandar Region|Tandar]] to Gianna following transfers. Keie was unsurprised by Margaret's loss, commenting that by this time, Gianna had completed her evolution from a [[Róisín Ní Bradáin|"Róisínist"]] to a full-blown {{wpl|bourgeois socialism|conservative socialist}}, which cut heavily into Margaret's support base.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_2015&diff=704382Gylian presidential election, 20152023-09-08T11:50:15Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 2015<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 2015<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 2011<br />
| previous_year = 2011<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2019<br />
| next_year = 2019<br />
| turnout = 93,5%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = CarmenDell'Orefice1.jpg<br />
| colour1 = DDDDDD<br />
| nominee1 = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| party1 = {{wpl|Independent politician|Ind}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 9.064.506<br />
| percentage1 = 59,8%<br />
<br />
| image2 = ElectraGalanou.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 66CCFF<br />
| nominee2 = [[Electra Galanou]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 6.093.531<br />
| percentage2 = 40,2%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{Independent politician/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] {{colorbox|{{G-UNR/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Electra Galanou]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential elections''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 2015.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] was re-elected, defeating {{G-UNR}} candidate [[Electra Galanou]].<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]'''<br />
| [[File:CarmenDell'Orefice2.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 2011)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Electra Galanou]]'''<br />
| [[File:ElectraGalanou.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-UNR/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-UNR}}<br />
| Chief executive of [[Electra Galanou#Omicron Group|Omicron Group]]<br><small>(since 1961)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|economic nationalism}} and {{wpl|disability rights}}.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Helena Bonham]]'''<br />
| [[File:Helena Bonham Carter 3 (cropped).jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LU}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Keie Nanei]]'''<br />
| [[File:Amy Alkon in hat.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]]'''<br />
| [[File:VictoriaCavallo.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Saeni Rotara'''<br />
| [[File:SaeniRotara.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-HP/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-HP}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of the arts and culture.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.681.807<br />
|16,1%<br />
|9.064.506<br />
|59,8%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-UNR/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Electra Galanou]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.665.149<br />
|16,0%<br />
|6.093.531<br />
|40,2%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Helena Bonham]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LU/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.663.484<br />
|16,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Keie Nanei]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.416.957<br />
|14,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.398.634<br />
|14,4%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|1.832.290<br />
|11,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-HP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Saeni Rotara<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-HP/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.798.976<br />
|10,8%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|199.886<br />
|1,2%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''16.657.183'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''15.158.037'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|18.178.744<br />
|93,5%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
Having defeated the sitting president [[Laura Varnaþ]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]], incumbent [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] went into the election in a strong position. She was one of Gylias' most popular presidents, and her {{wpl|sex symbol|"silver fox"}} reputation and identification with [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']] were huge advantages. She was particularly ecstatic that, while Gylias' oldest president, she enjoyed great popularity among young voters, who admired her elegance and commitment to fighting {{wpl|ageism}}.<br />
<br />
The {{G-PA}} did not nominate a candidate after Laura's loss in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]. Instead, leftists swung their support behind Carmen's re-election.<br />
<br />
The {{G-NB}} did not nominate a candidate after [[Yseult Roxane Danesh]]'s poor showing in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]. Instead, the [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] mantle was taken by the {{G-UNR}}'s candidate [[Electra Galanou]], who had previously finished third in [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]].<br />
<br />
[[File:HelenaBonham-2015.jpg|thumb|right|200px|[[Helena Bonham]] arriving for a {{wpl|husting|public meeting}} during the campaign]]<br />
A somewhat surprising nomination was [[Helena Bonham]] as the {{G-LU}}'s candidate. A well-established, beloved {{wpl|character actor|character actress}} known for her quirky roles, Helena was also the grand-daughter of famed "anarcho-liberal" [[Violet Bonham]], and accepted nomination in part due to an interest in "living up to the family name". <br />
<br />
Confounding expectations, Helena ran a serious campaign, marked by erudite speeches that placed her in the {{wpl|liberal socialism|liberal socialist}} tradition of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. Arguably her sole concession to her cinematic fame was dressing in deliberately anachronistic [[Alscia]]n [[Clothing in Gylias|fashions]], but this mainly drew comparisons to Gylias' first president, [[Reda Kazan]].<br />
<br />
Voters also enjoyed a strong line-up of colourful candidates: columnist [[Keie Nanei]] (a returning candidate from [[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]]), comedian [[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]] (whose signature promise was organising a referendum on making "[[Arise, Gylians]]" the national anthem), and writer Saeni Rotara, who sought the {{G-HP}} nomination due to discomfort with running as an {{wpl|independent politician|independent}}.<br />
<br />
In the first round, Carmen obtained a surprisingly narrow plurality of 16,1% of first preference votes, and carried 5 [[Regions of Gylias|regions]]. Electra took second place, overtaking Helena by only 1.665 votes. Helena registered a strong performance despite narrowly missing out advancing to the final round, winning pluralities in [[Tomes Region|Tomes]] thanks to a sweep of Ðoron and Kaşa, and coming within 0,5% of overtaking Electra in [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]].<br />
<br />
Keie's fourth place finish and 14,5% of first preference votes represented a 4,3% decline from her [[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]] performance, but she still managed to win pluralities in [[Kausania Region|Kausania]] and [[Envadra Region|Envadra]]. Amanda trailed only 0,1% behind, and retained pluralities in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], and [[Aðuna Region|Aðuna]]. <br />
<br />
Victoria won 11% of first preference votes, coming second in [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], but not managing to win a regional plurality. Conversely, Saeni finished last, but picked up much of the "[[Non-inscrits (Gylias)|non-inscrit]] left" vote that hadn't gone to Carmen, managing pluralities in [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Sváen Region|Sváen]], [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], and [[Tandar Region|Tandar]].<br />
<br />
In the final round, Carmen generally gained transfers from Helena, Amanda, and Saeni's voters. Keie and Victoria's voters were more unpredictable with their preferences. In the end, Carmen defeated Electra by nearly 3 million votes, obtaining a larger majority than [[Gianna Calderara]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]].<br />
<br />
Carmen won majorities in 18 regions compared to Electra's 2, making Electra the poorest-performing runner-up since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]. Electra only managed to gain [[Nauras Region|Nauras]] from Saeni.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_2003&diff=704379Gylian presidential election, 20032023-09-08T11:44:23Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 2003<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 2003<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 1999<br />
| previous_year = 1999<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2007<br />
| next_year = 2007<br />
| turnout = 94,4%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 6.526.155<br />
| percentage1 = 59,5%<br />
<br />
| image2 = MargaretRoberts-1999.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 0087DC<br />
| nominee2 = [[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 4.442.173<br />
| percentage2 = 40,5%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Gianna Calderara]] {{colorbox|{{G-NB/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 2003.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]] was re-elected, defeating the {{G-NB}}'s candidate [[Margaret Roberts]].<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Gianna Calderara]]'''<br />
| [[File:GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 1991)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Margaret Roberts]]'''<br />
| [[File:MargaretRoberts-1999.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]]<br><small>(1982–1998)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Keie Nanei]]'''<br />
| [[File:Amy Alkon in hat.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Atyol Aurea'''<br />
| [[File:Vladimir Luxuria - Roma Pride 2008.JPG|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LND}}<br />
| President of the [[Gender and Sexuality Rights Association of Gylias]]<br><small>(2000–2001)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]] and {{wpl|trans rights}}.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Şesa Enis'''<br />
| <br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|philosophy}}.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.547.811<br />
|20,0%<br />
|6.526.155<br />
|59,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.421.695<br />
|19,0%<br />
|4.442.173<br />
|40,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Keie Nanei]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.393.669<br />
|18,8%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Atyol Aurea<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LND}}<br />
|2.165.640<br />
|17,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.127.422<br />
|16,7%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Şesa Enis<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|764.343<br />
|6,0%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|318.476<br />
|2,5%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''12.739.056'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''10.968.327'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|13.770.166<br />
|94,4%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2003-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
[[File:2009 06 13 - Vladimir Luxuria.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Atyol Aurea campaigning in Mişeyáke]]<br />
Incumbent president [[Gianna Calderara]] made the decision to run for a fourth term, which would make her the second longest-serving president after [[Reda Kazan]]. Reliably backed by the {{G-PA}} and still very popular, she was considered the front-runner of the race, with the question being whether she would be challenged by a strong rival.<br />
<br />
From the {{G-NB}}, former [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]] [[Margaret Roberts]] made another attempt at the presidency, after having finished third in [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]] and been eliminated before the final round. With a somewhat less personality-dominated race than 1999, her chances were viewed as stronger, at least to reach the final round. During the campaign, she emphasised her {{wpl|green conservatism}} and record of fighting extremism as governor, and embraced her age as the oldest candidate in the running.<br />
<br />
The two new presences that shook up an otherwise stale campaign were the {{wpl|independent (politician)|independent}} [[Keie Nanei]] and {{G-LND}}-supported Atyol Aurea. Keie was one of Gylias' most popular columnists, and treated her campaign like an extension of her commentary, playing up her anachronistic {{wpl|alter ego}} and using a humorous platform that poked fun at Gylian public life. <br />
<br />
Atyol was a high-profile media personality, writer, and {{wpl|LGBT rights}} activist, who had served as President of the [[Gender and Sexuality Rights Association of Gylias]]. Her campaign emphasised her {{wpl|transgender}} identity and flamboyant personality, in the tradition of [[Tina Jørgensen]], and her platform strongly focused on {{wpl|trans rights}}. ''[[Free Gylias]]'' commented that Atyol's campaign was the extension of "an internal debate as old as time" over the aims and methods of {{wpl|LGBT social movements}}. Despite this, she became a highly popular candidate due to the playful tone of her campaign.<br />
<br />
Returning from her second place finish in [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]], [[Amanda Leloup]] now took up the mantle of ''[[francité]]'' candidate after [[Françoise Chatelain]]'s death. The final candidate was Şesa Enis, a {{wpl|philosophy}} professor at the University of Mayt, who stood on promotion of philosophy, {{wpl|freethought}}, and {{wpl|secular humanism}}. Keie jokingly wrote that he was "a serious and earnest man, doing his best to argue his position in {{wpl|husting|public meeting}}s … poor bastard never stood a chance."<br />
<br />
In the first round, Gianna improved on her [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]] performance, winning 20% of first preference votes. Margaret took second place with 19%, thus avoiding the embarrassment of four years before. Keie finished a strong third, only some 28.000 first preference votes behind Margaret, and in the absence of an official [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate, won pluralities in the traditional liberal strongholds of [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Elena Region|Elena]].<br />
<br />
Atyol finished fourth with 17% of first preference votes, winning pluralities in [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Sváen Region|Sváen]], and [[Arsad Region|Arsad]], and finishing second in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], and [[Tomes Region|Tomes]]. <br />
<br />
Amanda's fifth place and 16,7% of first preference votes was only a small decline from Françoise's 17,2% high-water mark in 1999, and she repeated Françoise's pluralities in [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], and [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], while gaining [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] on the back of her previous gubernatorial term. Şesa was the poorest performing candidate, finishing last with 6% of first preference votes and no pluralities in any [[Regions of Gylias|region]].<br />
<br />
In the final round, Gianna generally gained transfers from Atyol's voters, and Margaret generally gained transfers from Şesa's voters. Keie and Amanda's voters proved highly volatile, but in the end, Gianna won by the largest victory margin since [[Gylian presidential elcetion, 1975|1975]]: 59,5% to Margaret's 40,5%.<br />
<br />
The margin of final preference votes was reflected in the map, with Gianna winning pluralities in 16 regions to Margaret's 4. Margaret gained no regions in the final round, and in fact lost [[Tandar Region|Tandar]] to Gianna following transfers. Keie was unsurprised by Margaret's loss, commenting that by this time, Gianna had completed her evolution from a [[Róisín Ní Bradáin|"Róisínist"]] to a full-blown {{wpl|bourgeois socialism|conservative socialist}}, which cut heavily into Margaret's support base.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_1999&diff=704378Gylian presidential election, 19992023-09-08T11:44:21Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 1999<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 1999<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 1995<br />
| previous_year = 1995<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2003<br />
| next_year = 2003<br />
| turnout = 95,1%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 5.204.542<br />
| percentage1 = 50,9%<br />
<br />
| image2 = AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg<br />
| colour2 = FF0090<br />
| nominee2 = [[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-LSDP/meta/shortname}}–{{G-LND/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 5.020.492<br />
| percentage2 = 49,1%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-1999-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Gianna Calderara]] {{colorbox|{{G-LSDP/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 1999.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]] was re-elected, defeating [[Amanda Leloup]], jointly supported by the {{G-LSDP}} and {{G-LND}}. The election was seen as a highlight of the 1990s, representing a peak in the decade's atmosphere of national self-confidence and optimism.<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Gianna Calderara]]'''<br />
| [[File:GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 1991)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-1999.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LSDP/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LSDP}}–{{G-LND}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Drugs in Gylias|psychedelia]], {{wpl|free love}}, and [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Margaret Roberts]]'''<br />
| [[File:MargaretRoberts-1999.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]]<br><small>(1982–1998)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Cathy French]]'''<br />
| [[File:CathyFrench4.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LU}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Françoise Chatelain]]'''<br />
| [[File:FrançoiseChatelain1.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Katalin Nemes'''<br />
| [[File:Nancy Kerrigan 1995.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Sport in Gylias|sports]].<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.143.392<br />
|18,3%<br />
|5.204.542<br />
|50,9%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LSDP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LSDP/meta/shortname}}–{{G-LND/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.131.680<br />
|18,2%<br />
|5.020.492<br />
|49,1%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Margaret Roberts]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.037.979<br />
|17,4%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Cathy French]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LU}}<br />
|2.026.267<br />
|17,3%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Françoise Chatelain]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.014.554<br />
|17,2%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Katalin Nemes<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|1.171.252<br />
|10,0%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|187.400<br />
|1,6%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''11.712.525'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''10.225.034'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|12.541.761<br />
|95,1%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1999-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1999-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
The 1990s were a decade of national optimism and renewed self-confidence in Gylias, and this presidential election was seen by many as their culmination. Voters were presented with a particularly appealing crop of candidates, including beloved cultural figures ([[Amanda Leloup]] and [[Cathy French]]), an acclaimed sportsperson (Katalin Nemes), one of Gylias' longest-serving [[Regions of Gylias#Government|governors]] ([[Margaret Roberts]]), and ''[[francité]]'' stalwart [[Françoise Chatelain]], a celebrated {{wpl|perennial candidate}} contesting her record 9th presidential election.<br />
<br />
The first count became one of the closest contests since [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]]. Incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]]'s first preference vote dropped by 8,5% compared to [[Gylian presidential election, 1995|1995]].<br />
<br />
[[Amanda Leloup]], an esteemed cultural icon and former [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] jointly endorsed by the {{G-LSDP}} and {{G-LND}}, surprisingly finished second, only 11.712 first preference votes behind Gianna. Amanda ran a jovial campaign that had built on the previous foundation laid by [[Moana Pozzi]] and [[Ilona Stahler]], featuring similar winking slogans, but with a stronger effect due to her lengthy career and trailblazing celebrity.<br />
<br />
The {{G-NB}} nominated [[Margaret Roberts]], long-term [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]] and a leading representative of {{wpl|green conservatism}}. Margaret was expected to advance to the second round, making her third place finish something of a shock. Some commentators surmised that her background was a burden: her record as governor did not much excite younger voters, and as one of the older candidates she crucially lacked the glamour of [[Cathy French]] and [[Françoise Chatelain]].<br />
<br />
[[Cathy French]] proved a strong nominee for the {{G-LU}}. Although she only won pluralities in the customary liberal strongholds of [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Elena Region|Elena]], she finished fourth, only 11.712 first preference votes behind Margaret, and her tally of 17,3% was an improvement over the last LU candidate, [[Clarissa Rossetti]]'s 15,8% in [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]].<br />
<br />
The election turned out to be the swan song of [[Françoise Chatelain]], with her all-time best showing of 17,2% and pluralities in four regions: [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], and [[Kausania Region|Kausania]].<br />
<br />
One of Gylias' most acclaimed {{wpl|figure skating|figure skaters}}, Katalin Nemes became the first sportsperson to run for the presidency, on a platform of promoting [[Sport in Gylias|sports]]. Having run a quirky campaign that concentrated on Gylias' [[Geography of Gylias|mountainous regions]], she finished sixth with 10% of first preference votes, and pluralities in [[Tandar Region|Tandar]], [[Envadra Region|Envadra]], and [[Arsad Region|Arsad]] — the last ironically one of Gylias' flattest regions topographically.<br />
<br />
In the final round, Gianna generally gained transfers from Margaret's voters, while Amanda generally gained transfers from Cathy and Françoise's voters, with Katalin's voters being more evenly split. Françoise voters overwhelmingly backed Amanda in second preferences, and many Cathy voters did likewise owing to their similar cultural stature.<br />
<br />
The result was a final round contest between the left and far-left, and a close Gianna victory by 50,9% to Amanda's 49,1% — the closest presidential re-election since [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]]. <br />
<br />
Gianna gained majorities in Margaret's regions, plus [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]] and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and carried the ever-unpredictable [[Tandar Region|Tandar]], making her Gylias' only president to carry Tandar twice, non-consecutively. Amanda gained Françoise's regions, [[Elena Region|Elena]] from Cathy, and [[Arsad Region|Arsad]] from Katalin. This was the first time since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]] that [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]] voted for a PA candidate.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_1995&diff=704377Gylian presidential election, 19952023-09-08T11:44:20Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 1995<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 1995<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 1991<br />
| previous_year = 1991<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 1999<br />
| next_year = 1999<br />
| turnout = 94,5%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 5.395.693 <br />
| percentage1 = 56,5%<br />
<br />
| image2 = SeneaLieni.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 0087DC<br />
| nominee2 = Senea Lieni<br />
| party2 = {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 4.154.206<br />
| percentage2 = 43,5%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-1995-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Gianna Calderara]] {{colorbox|{{G-NB/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} Senea Lieni<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 1995.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]] was re-elected, defeating {{G-NB}} candidate Senea Lieni. This was the only presidential election to coincide with a [[Gylian federal election, 1995|federal election]], as subsequent reform of the [[Gylian Parliament]]'s {{wpl|term of office}} stabilised the electoral calendar.<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Gianna Calderara]]'''<br />
| [[File:GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 1991)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Senea Lieni'''<br />
| [[File:SeneaLieni.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Tomes Region|Tomes]]<br><small>(1982–1990)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Ilona Stahler]]'''<br />
| [[File:IlonaStahler-1999.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LND}}<br />
| [[Cabinet of Gylias|Minister without portfolio]] with responsibility for {{wpl|sexual hygiene}}<br><small>(since 1994)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|free love}} and [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Alike Demetriou]]'''<br />
| [[File:AlikeDemetriou4.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of the arts and culture.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Françoise Chatelain]]'''<br />
| [[File:FrançoiseChatelain1.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Brigitte Nyman]]'''<br />
| [[File:BrigitteNyman4.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-APP/meta/color}}" |<br />
| {{G-APP}}–{{G-GP}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|animal rights}} and {{wpl|environmentalism}}.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.856.443<br />
|26,8%<br />
|5.395.693<br />
|56,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Senea Lieni<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.726.656<br />
|16,2%<br />
|4.154.206<br />
|43,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Ilona Stahler]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LND/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.684.022<br />
|15,8%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Alike Demetriou]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|1.492.172<br />
|14,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Françoise Chatelain]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|1.481.513<br />
|13,9%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-APP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Brigitte Nyman]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-APP/meta/shortname}}–{{G-GP/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.108.470<br />
|10,4%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|287.776<br />
|2,7%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''10.658.370'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''9.549.899'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|11.473.752<br />
|94,5%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1995-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1995-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
This was the only presidential election to fall on the same date as a [[Gylian federal election, 1995|federal election]]. The government adopted special regulations to alternate campaign days, but the concurrence still provoked fears that the presidential election would be overshadowed or affected by the federal one. This gave the presidential campaign something of a lower profile than usual.<br />
<br />
In the first count, incumbent [[Gianna Calderara]] slightly improved on her [[Gylian presidential election, 1991|1991]] performance, increasing her first preference vote by 2,3%. {{G-NB}} candidate Senea Lieni came second, with 16,2% of the vote and pluralities in four regions — although notably not [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], which she had been [[Regions of Gylias#Government|governor]] of, and where she came second. <br />
<br />
Incumbent minister [[Ilona Stahler]] capitalised on the strong sympathy vote caused by [[Moana Pozzi]]'s death, finishing third overall with pluralities in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]] and [[Sváen Region|Sváen]] — although narrowly beaten by Gianna in [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]]. As the [[Gylian English|foresitter]] of {{G-LND}} after Moana's death, she was the only one to benefit from the simultaneous federal and presidential elections.<br />
<br />
[[Alike Demetriou]]'s performance was a surprise, since she'd registered as a lark. Although her campaign was officially focused on {{wpl|cultural policy}}, it actually revolved around the playfully nostalgic persona she had perfected in her acting career. The knowingly elegiac tone of her campaign unexpectedly struck a chord amidst the atmosphere of national optimism and nostalgia for [[Groovy Gylias]], leading to a fourth place finish with pluralities on the western coast. <br />
<br />
She also took the role Moana had fulfiled in 1991 as the staunchly unilingual candidate. One popular campaign stunt was appearing in a segment of ''[[The Havomar Report]]'', in which she discussed her candidacy in {{wpl|Greek language|Hellene}} while her interviewer sagely nodded despite not understanding her at all.<br />
<br />
[[Françoise Chatelain]]'s gains continued, with a 1,3% increase in first preference votes. She won pluralities in [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], benefiting from the absence of an official [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate. [[Brigitte Nyman]] finished sixth, with a still respectable 10,4% of first preference votes and pluralities in [[Nauras Region|Nauras]] and [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]]. She was the first candidate to be endorsed by the {{G-GP}}, which mainly focused on legislative elections, but her campaign was based on her signature issue of {{wpl|animal rights}}.<br />
<br />
In the final count, Gianna generally gained transfers from Ilona and Françoise voters, while Senea generally gained transfers from Brigitte voters. Gianna attracted more transfers from Brigitte and Alike voters than expected, which analysts attributed to her presentation as a [[Róisín Ní Bradáin|"Róisínist"]] leftist. Gianna increased her already comfortable victory margin from 1991, with 56,5% to Senea's 43,5%.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_1991&diff=704376Gylian presidential election, 19912023-09-08T11:44:18Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 1991<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 1991<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 1986<br />
| previous_year = 1986<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 1995<br />
| next_year = 1995<br />
| turnout = 94,9%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 4.810.156<br />
| percentage1 = 56,0%<br />
<br />
| image2 = ŞeaEneþi.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 0087DC<br />
| nominee2 = Şea Eneþi<br />
| party2 = {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}–{{G-CG/meta/shortname}}–{{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 3.779.408<br />
| percentage2 = 44,0%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-1991-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Gianna Calderara]] {{colorbox|{{G-NB/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} Şea Eneþi<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Sáe Nyran]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 1991.<br />
<br />
{{G-PA}} candidate [[Gianna Calderara]] defeated Şea Eneþi, who was supported jointly by the {{G-NB}}, {{G-CG}}, {{G-UNR}}. The election marked the revival of the buoyant character of presidential elections after the long interruption of the [[wretched decade]], and had a particularly rich crop of candidates.<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Gianna Calderara]]'''<br />
| [[File:GiannaCalderara-1986.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Şea Eneþi'''<br />
| [[File:ŞeaEneþi.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}–{{G-CG}}–{{G-UNR}}<br />
| Gylian [[Common Sphere#Common Sphere Council|Council Delegate]] to the [[Common Sphere]]<br><small>(1986–1989)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|internationalism}} and [[Foreign relations of Gylias|foreign policy]].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Moana Pozzi]]'''<br />
| [[File:MoanaPozzi2.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LND}}<br />
| [[Cabinet of Gylias|Minister without portfolio]] with responsibility for {{wpl|sexual hygiene}}<br><small>(since 1990)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|free love}} and [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]'''<br />
| [[File:CarmenDell'Orefice-1989.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Françoise Chatelain]]'''<br />
| [[File:FrançoiseChatelain1.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Virginia Inman]]'''<br />
| [[File:VirginiaInman-1991.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-RFS/meta/color}}" |<br />
| {{G-RFS}}–{{G-UI}}–{{G-FVU}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|market anarchism]].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Guiomar Abril'''<br />
| [[File:João Amoêdo em abril de 2019 (cropped).jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-UFP/meta/color}}" |<br />
| {{G-UFP}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|economic liberalism}}.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Gianna Calderara]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.413.352<br />
|24,5%<br />
|4.810.156<br />
|56,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Şea Eneþi<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}–{{G-CG/meta/shortname}}–{{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.635.169<br />
|16,6%<br />
|3.779.408<br />
|44,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Moana Pozzi]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LND/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.625.319<br />
|16,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|1.477.563<br />
|15,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Françoise Chatelain]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|1.241.153<br />
|12,6%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-RFS/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Virginia Inman]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-RFS/meta/shortname}}–{{G-UI/meta/shortname}}–{{G-FVU/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.004.743<br />
|10,2%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-UFP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Guiomar Abril<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-UFP/meta/shortname}}<br />
|206.859<br />
|2,1%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|246.260<br />
|2,5%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''9.850.417'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''8.589.564'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|10.537.854<br />
|94,9%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1991-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-1991-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
Held after the [[wretched decade]] ended, the election was applauded for the return of the customary colourful and lively atmosphere. It boasted a particularly glittering line-up of candidates, notably including [[Darnan Cyras]]' spouse [[Gianna Calderara]] (who had nearly won [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|five years before]]), [[Moana Pozzi]] (the first time an incumbent [[Cabinet of Gylias|cabinet minister]] ran for the presidency), [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]], and [[Virginia Inman]], completed by the venerable {{wpl|perennial candidate}} [[Françoise Chatelain]]. <br />
<br />
Notably, it was the first presidential election without [[Luiza Monteira]], who had died before. Before the election's first {{wpl|husting|public meeting}} started, Moana quipped ''"Lo so, anche a me manca Luiza"'' ("I know, I miss Luiza too"), drawing cheers from the audience and her fellow candidates.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Sáe Nyran]] declined to run for reelection. Despite the {{G-NB}}'s setback in the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 federal election]], they were confident, and sought a candidate of the same stature. This was Şea Eneþi, a diplomat and former [[Common Sphere#Common Sphere Council|Council Delegate]] to the [[Common Sphere]], who also received the endorsement of the {{G-CG}} and {{G-UNR}}. Şea's campaign was notable for avoiding the expected positioning as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate; instead, she ran on {{wpl|internationalism}} and diplomacy, a still potent issue as [[Foreign relations of Gylias|foreign relations]] recovered from the wretched decade.<br />
<br />
[[File:MoanaPozzi4.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Moana casting her vote]]<br />
Moana openly admitted she didn't expect to win, but rather she sought to represent {{G-LND}} and promote its message to the best of her ability. As in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], she was a giddy presence in the campaign, often upstaging the other candidates. Her posters and [[Politics of Gylias#Party political broadcasts|PPB]]s featured her trademark bawdy humour, showing her winking and enticing the viewer, with humorous slogans such as ''Cosa, hai paura?'' ("What, are you afraid?"), ''Non essere timido'' ("Don't be shy"), ''Prima vota Moana! Non farà male'' ("Vote Moana first! It won't hurt"), and ''Rendi il tuo primo voto speciale'' ("Make your first vote special"). <br />
<br />
Fellow Italian candidate Carmen adopted a complimentary approach by emphasising her reputation for elegance and {{wpl|polymath}} pursuits, using the slogan "For a more beautiful Gylias".<br />
<br />
The first round saw 6 candidates all winning pluralities in 3–4 [[Regions of Gylias|regions]]. Gianna won a plurality nationwide, with a nearly 8% lead over second-placed Şea. Moana finished third, unsurprisingly carrying the [[Non-inscrits (Gylias)|non-inscrit]]-friendly [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], and [[Sváen Region|Sváen]]. Carmen finished fourth overall and unexpectedly benefited from the absence of an official {{G-LU}} candidate, winning pluralities in [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], [[Elena Region|Elena]], and [[Tandar Region|Tandar]]. <br />
<br />
Françoise won 1% more first preference votes than [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]], and pluralities in three regions: [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], and [[Kausania Region|Kausania]]. She carried the first two mainly through strong performances in Narsiad (home to [[Anca Déuréy University]]), Maveás, and the "twin cities" Ðoron and Kaşa. Virginia's campaign themes of [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|market anarchism]] and [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] proved unexpectedly resonant, and she finished 6th, with a respectable 10,2% of first preference votes for a neophyte campaign.<br />
<br />
Guiomar Abril had already been the butt of jokes throughout the campaign for his awkward public presence and the severe unpopularity of the {{G-UFP}}, particularly after the [[neoliberal conspiracy]] and ''[[dérive au droite]]''. He finished last with 2,1% of the vote, barely bettering the UFP's 1990 result. His humiliation was compounded by the greater mockery he earned for actually winning less votes than the total for other and {{wpl|write-in candidate}}s, an ignominy that had last befallen the {{G-CP}} and {{G-RP}} in [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958]].<br />
<br />
In the final round, Gianna largely gained transfers from Moana's voters, while Şea largely gained transfers from Virginia's voters. Carmen and Françoise's voters were more evenly split, contributing to a high percentage of exhausted ballots. Ultimately, Gianna won with 56% of the vote to Şea's 44%.<br />
<br />
Gianna gained Moana's regions through vote transfers, as well as one of Françoise's — [[Kausania Region|Kausania]] — and three of Carmen's — [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Tandar Region|Tandar]]. Notably, Gianna won [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]] and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], last carried by [[Reda Kazan]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]. Şea carried most of southern Gylias, narrowly overtaking Gianna in [[Elena Region|Elena]]. Although she lost, she actually won more votes than the victorious Sáe had done five years before.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Mathilde_Vieira&diff=704373Mathilde Vieira2023-09-08T11:18:10Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Vieira|Mathilde}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Mathilde Vieira<br />
|image = MathildeVieira.jpg<br />
|image_size = 200px<br />
|office = [[Prime Minister of Gylias]]<br />
|deputy = [[Mielikki Salonen]]<br />
|president = [[Sáe Nyran]]<br>[[Gianna Calderara]]<br>[[Laura Varnaþ]]<br />
|term_start = 1 February 1990<br />
|term_end = 1 February 2008<br />
|predecessor = [[Filomena Pinheiro]]<br />
|successor = [[Kaori Kawashima]]<br />
|birth_date = {{birth date and age|1960|10|3|df=yes}}<br />
|birth_place = Antánas, [[Tandar Region|Tandar]], [[Gylias]]<br />
|party = {{G-NLP}}<br />
|alma_mater = [[Anca Déuréy University]]<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Mathilde Vieira''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Mətildy Viéiry'', born 3 October 1960) is a Gylian academic and politician. She served as [[Prime Minister of Gylias]] from 1990 to 2008. Her term was marked by recovery from the [[wretched decade]], and a renewed spirit of national optimism and self-confidence.<br />
<br />
Nicknamed the ''Wunderkind'' due to her rapid ascent in federal politics, Mathilde led the {{G-LU}} to a plurality in the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 federal election]]. She formed an unusual [[Mathilde Vieira government|"plural coalition"]]: a minority cabinet comprising the {{G-LU}}, {{G-NAF}}, {{G-LND}}, {{G-IRAM}}, and including several ministers from blocs outside the government, including the {{G-PA}} and {{G-NB}}. Although the coalition looked unsteady on paper, Mathilde's charisma and parliamentary talent allowed it to become Gylias' longest government since the [[Darnan Cyras government]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde governed as a moderate reformer and frequently presented herself as a {{wpl|technocracy|technocratic}} moderniser. Her government's main achievements were the preservation of the [[Gylian consensus]], [[Economy of Gylias#Contemporary|economic revitalisation]], major environmental reforms, and the massive expansion of the [[Internet in Gylias]]. She convened the [[Decleyre Summit]] and created the [[Social Partnership Program]], influential events in ameliorating public attitudes towards enterprise and [[List of Gylians by net worth|wealth]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde led the LU to four federal pluralities in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000]], and [[Gylian federal election, 2004|2004]], an unbeaten election record, marking the LU's greatest influence since the [[Donatella Rossetti government]] in [[Alscia]]. She announced she would retire before the [[Gylian federal election, 2008|2008 federal election]], and was succeeded by [[Kaori Kawashima]]. She is considered one of Gylias' most consequential Prime Ministers since independence, and is praised for her protection of the [[Gylian consensus]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Mathilde Vieira was born on 3 October 1960 in Antánas. Her ancestry includes {{wpl|Portuguese people|Lusitan}} and {{wpl|Germans|German}} descent, which is reflected in her name, and she grew up learning {{wpl|Portuguese language|Lusitan}} as one of her native languages. Her parents were a civil servant working for the [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|Ministry of Foreign Affairs]] and a nurse, and she has an older sister.<br />
<br />
She was a member of a local [[Scouting in Gylias|scouting organisation]] as a child, an experience she mentioned as important in shaping her character and career.<br />
<br />
She attended [[Anca Déuréy University]], graduating with a degree in {{wpl|anthropology}} in 1981. While at university, she was a member of the {{wpl|students' union}}, and joined the {{G-NLP}}.<br />
<br />
==Legislative career==<br />
Mathilde stood as a candidate in the [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]], and was elected to the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] for an Antánas ''circonscription''.<br />
<br />
She experienced a rapid political ascent in the 5th Parliament, becoming one of the NLP's high-profile legislators. She was nicknamed the "''Wunderkind''" and "the girl in a hurry"; her charisma and ambition were in evidence, although her haste grated on some of the older members.<br />
<br />
During the [[Ossorian war crisis]], she was given the responsibility to introduce the motion for the formation of the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]], which was successful. She sought a [[Cabinet of Gylias|cabinet]] post, but [[Filomena Pinheiro]] was unable to offer her one that would meet the conditions of the [[Law on Cabinet Representation of 1971]].<br />
<br />
Strongly critical of the incumbent NLP leader, Mathilde succeeded in forcing a {{wpl|leadership election}} in 1987, which she won. Afterwards, she took the initiative to organise a collective {{wpl|primary election}} of the {{G-LU}}, to have a formal process for selecting a [[Gylian English|foresitter]]. She won the primary as well in 1988, officially becoming the leader of the LU. The primary system was quickly adopted by the other {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s as well.<br />
<br />
She was a staunch supporter of Filomena's [[Filomena Pinheiro#New Course|"New Course"]] policy, particularly the crackdown on the {{G-RR}} and {{G-FROS}}.<br />
<br />
Her performance in opposition raised her profile, and put her in a frontrunner position as the next federal election approached.<br />
<br />
==Prime Minister of Gylias==<br />
[[File:MathildeVieira1.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde in 1991]]<br />
{{See also|Mathilde Vieira government}}<br />
<br />
Campaigning on the slogan/unofficial theme song "{{wpl|Chega de Saudade}}", Mathilde led the LU to a plurality in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], the first time since the [[Popular Progressive Front]] that the liberals won more seats than the left-wing. However, the greater election victory belonged to the {{G-NI}}, who collectively won a plurality of first preference votes and seats as voters punished established blocs for the [[wretched decade]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde first aimed for a reconstruction of the old PA–LU–IRAM alliance of the [[Golden Revolution]], believing that would be the most reassuring option for Gylians. However, negotiations to include the PA in the coalition were unsuccessful, so she settled for accepting their {{wpl|confidence and supply}} from outside the government. Finally, she proposed a minority coalition mainly relying on several non-inscrit parties, which won parliamentary approval. Taking office at the age of 29, she was the youngest [[Prime Minister of Gylias]], a record later surpassed by [[Toni Vallas]] in 2012.<br />
<br />
===Plural coalition===<br />
[[Mathilde Vieira government|Mathilde's government]] was nicknamed the "plural coalition" due to its unusual composition. Whereas prior governments had aimed for a majority at least in the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]], Mathilde's was a minority from the start. Officially, it was composed of the {{G-LU}}, {{G-NAF}}, {{G-LND}}, and {{G-IRAM}}. However, it also included some ministers from blocs that were officially outside the government, such as the {{G-PA}} and {{G-NB}}.<br />
<br />
Although it appeared shaky on paper, Mathilde's talent for parliamentary negotiation and dealmaking, combined with her charisma and media-savvy, helped keep the coalition together for a record four terms in office, making it the longest Gylian government since the [[Darnan Cyras government]]. Her parliamentary skill brought in the era of the "liquid Parliament", in which the other blocs took an ambiguous role, alternately supporting and opposing the government depending on issues, blurring the line between government and opposition.<br />
<br />
===Domestic policy===<br />
Upon taking office, Mathilde launched a massive {{wpl|Stimulus (economics)|stimulus}} program to revitalise the economy and overcome the lingering effects of the [[wretched decade]]. The bulk of the stimulus focused on {{wpl|public works}} projects, and brought vast improvements in [[Transport in Gylias|transportation infrastructure]]. {{wpl|High-speed rail}} was subject to notably aggressive expansion and modernisation, as the government sought to have the [[Gylian National Rail and Transportation Services|GNRTS]]' high-speed rail services replace domestic air travel — realising much of [[Eðe Saima]] and [[Kōichi Nishida]]'s Grand Design of 1968.<br />
<br />
[[File:MathildeVieira3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde visiting an [[Infotel]] terminal, 1992. Her tenure is mainly associated with the popularisation of [[Computer industry in Gylias|computers]] and the [[Internet in Gylias|internet]].]]<br />
Another major component of the stimulus was massive investment in [[Computer industry in Gylias|computers]] and the [[Internet in Gylias|internet]], driven partly by the fear that Gylias had fallen behind technologically in the wretched decade. A nationwide program was launched to install internet connections in households, educational institutions and community spaces, while [[Gylian Post and Telecommunications|P&T]] successfully migrated the user base of the [[Infotel]] onto the internet. The great growth of the internet also contributed to significant growth in {{wpl|digital democracy}} and {{wpl|decentralised planning}}.<br />
<br />
Reacting to the growth of the {{G-GP}}, the government put a new emphasis on {{wpl|environmentalism}} in its economic policies. Environmental regulations were considerably toughened, and new measures were introduced, including: {{wpl|ecotax}}es, nationwide {{wpl|recycling}} and {{wpl|waste-to-energy}} programs, the replacement of fishing by controlled {{wpl|aquaculture}}, and the [[Law on Night Sky Protection of 1995]]. The resource minister [[Aishwarya Devi]] carried out a difficult policy of reducing consumption for {{wpl|sustainability}} purposes, to reorient society towards {{wpl|collaborative consumption}} and minimising waste. <br />
<br />
Though controversial when first proposed, a [[List of Gylian referendums#1991|1991 referendum]] approved the government's plan to build {{wpl|thorium-based nuclear power}} plants as part of a push to make {{wpl|renewable energy}} the sole source of Gylian electricity. The speed and strictness with which the environmental policies were introduced caused several [[Populism in Gylias#History|"molehill parties"]] to form, including the {{G-CRFP}}, {{G-PCF}}, and the {{G-PPFN}}, but backlash was minimal — only the PPFN survived and became a significant non-inscrit party.<br />
<br />
Mathilde took the initiative to organise the [[Decleyre Summit]] and set up the [[Social Partnership Program]], a new form of {{wpl|public-private partnership}} that strengthened the public sector's guidance of the private sector. These were influential in ameliorating public attitudes towards enterprise and [[List of Gylians by net worth|wealth]]. The SPP brought the consolidation of key private partners for the public sector, including [[Agsa]] for the [[National Capital Investment Board]] and [[Miyashita Industries]] for the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Resource and Land Administration|Office of Industrial Production Coordination]]. [[Tax Day]] was also established as a public holiday, serving as a "carrot" for rich Gylians to participate in the SPP with the threat of social ostracism and criminal investigations if they didn't.<br />
<br />
Mathilde's government succeeded in preserving the [[Gylian consensus]] and revitalising the economy. Average GDP growth was 6,2% for 1990–1999 and 3,7% for 2000–2009. Unemployment fell and the [[Gylian þaler|þaler]] was stabilised within the [[Common Sphere#Policies|Common Monetary System]]. Harnessing the {{wpl|digital revolution}} breathed new life into the Gylian consensus, while the SPP brought a neo-[[Donatellism|Donatellist]] element to economic policy.<br />
<br />
Several constitutional and legal reforms also reached fruition, including a [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] reform project spearheaded by [[Mielikki Salonen]] that took effect in 2000, the [[Law on Legal Review and Expiration of 1992]] and [[Law on Privacy Protection of 1993]], and the introduction of [[Elections in Gylias#Neighbourhood elections|neighbourhood elections]] for [[Gylian Police]]. The significant modernisation of [[Law of Gylias#Intellectual rights law|intellectual rights]] with the [[Law on Cultural Protection of 1992]], coupled with the creation of the [[Internet in Gylias#Publinet|publinet]], provided a boon for Gylian popular culture, driving a [[Gylian Invasion#Second wave (1990s–2000s)|renewed]] [[Gylian Invasion]]. Much 1990s pop culture reflected the atmosphere of renewed national optimism and self-confidence that marked the decade, and looked back nostalgically to the [[Groovy Gylias]] era, seeking to modernise it for contemporary tastes.<br />
<br />
===Foreign policy===<br />
Mathilde's term saw the completion of repairs to foreign relations damaged by the [[wretched decade]], and Gylias once again taking a significant role in proposing further integration of the [[Common Sphere]].<br />
<br />
[[Gylias-Delkora relations|Relations with Delkora]] were the last traditional friendship that hadn't been mended under [[Filomena Pinheiro]], and initially Mathilde and [[Chancellor of Delkora|Chancellor]] [[Ulrik Andersen]] had an acrimonious relationship. The latter sent a telegram attacking her for her brief role in the [[Siege of Gothendral]], to which she replied with equal bluntness. Relations finally improved when Chancellor [[Emma Jørgensen]] took office, attaining what some analysts called the greatest closeness between the two countries.<br />
<br />
Under Mathilde, relations with [[Allamunnika]] also attained their diplomatic peak. Mathilde enjoyed a close friendship with [[Eleanor Henderson]], and to an extent looked to Eleanor as a mentor. The [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|National Archives of Gylias]] recorded that most of Mathilde's telephone conversations while in office were with Eleanor, and the two talked a great deal about their personal lives as well as political and diplomatic matters.<br />
<br />
It was during her term that the [[Neyveli Agreement]] was made public in 1998. Responding to criticism of it as a "deportation for money" scheme, she defended it on humanitarian grounds, as it allowed [[Mansuriyyah]] dissidents to escape persecution through deportation to Gylias.<br />
<br />
Mathilde initially worsened relations with [[Quenmin]] by supporting [[ARPAGHARCON]] during the [[Rice and Oil War]], and condemning the {{wpl|democratic backsliding}} of the [[Nguyễn-Thạch Sĩ Chiến]] government. Relations later improved under [[Lê Tấn Nguyên]]. Similarly, a diplomatic incident with Ossoria during the Rice and Oil War led to a halt in further reconciliation attempts; tensions between Gylias and Ossoria dissipated over time.<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
[[File:MathildeVieira2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde arriving at a rally during the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 election]] campaign]]<br />
<br />
Mathilde was Gylias' youngest Prime Minister upon taking office. She was described by cultural commentator [[Keie Nanei]] as "the first Prime Minister to enjoy the job" — in contrast to her predecessors [[Darnan Cyras]] and [[Filomena Pinheiro]], who rejected conventional leadership and sought to present themselves as public servants.<br />
<br />
Mathilde cultivated the image of an easygoing ''bonne vivante'', one which both fit the tenor of her times and made opponents underestimate her considerable parliamentary and negotiating skills. She was known for her quizzical and ironic facial expressions, particularly during parliamentary debates, which once led [[Chikageki|Chizuru Ogawa]] to remark in an interview that if not for politics, she would've made a skilled comedian.<br />
<br />
Quite famously, Mathilde only wore [[Marlene Amberg AmbA]] clothes, and generally preferred to wear androgynous suits with pants. Her {{wpl|brand loyalty}} was a frequent target of humour. Delkoran chancellor [[Emma Jørgensen]] joked about it during one joint press conference, calling it proof of Mathilde's commitment to improving [[Gylias-Delkora relations]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde took on a very public role as Prime Minister, and for most of her term enjoyed great popularity with Gylian voters. She strove to speak in {{wpl|plain language}}. Her avoidance of jargon and verbosity aided her popularity, but it also created a speaking style that lent itself more easily to {{wpl|sound bite}}s.<br />
<br />
Behind the scenes, she focused on assembling a strong team of cabinet ministers and setting the broad direction of the government, leaving the details to her ministers. She notably recruited several strong personalities with distinctive images that sometimes overshadowed her, including deputy premier [[Mielikki Salonen]], finance minister [[Mireille Boulanger]], resources minister [[Aishwarya Devi]], public administration minister [[Leri Monyn]], ministers without portfolio [[Moana Pozzi]] and [[Ilona Stahler]], and [[Makiko Nishida]], one of the few federal politicians to occupy different cabinet posts.<br />
<br />
She gathered together an influential group of advisors, the [[Tetramazones]], who were often described as the successors of the ''[[ferroses]]''. The Tetramazones' high profile and public role earned them popularity, and they were seen as a {{wpl|kitchen cabinet}} with great influence over decision making. Mathilde had the Tetramazones attend all cabinet meetings to avoid bad feelings, and they succeeded in ingratiating themselves with the rest of the cabinet.<br />
<br />
In a symbolic repudiation of Aén's conflicts with the Gylian [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]], Mathilde built a close relationship with [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] Secretary-General [[Patsy Reilly]]. She acknowledged Patsy's cooperation was crucial in the success of her environmental policies. The two had the closest friendship of any Prime Minister and GCWUA Secretary-General in Gylian history.<br />
<br />
===End of term===<br />
Mathilde's government won re-election in [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000]], and [[Gylian federal election, 2004|2004]]. She announced in late 2007 that she would retire at the [[Gylian federal election, 2008|upcoming election]], and did so. She was succeeded by [[Kaori Kawashima]], the new LU leader.<br />
<br />
==Later life==<br />
Mathilde has remained active in public life after the end of her term, albeit in a lesser capacity. She was re-elected as a deputy in [[Gylian federal election, 2008|2008]], before leaving Parliament entirely in 2012.<br />
<br />
She wrote her {{wpl|autobiography}}, which was published in 2015.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
She is married, with no children. Her husband is a doctor, and continued to work full-time during her term as Prime Minister, avoiding campaigning or media attention.<br />
<br />
She is mainly a practitioner of [[Concordianism]].<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Frauke_Stark&diff=670006Frauke Stark2023-06-16T09:20:20Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Stark|Frauke}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox officeholder<br />
| name = Frauke Stark<br />
| image = FraukeStark1.jpg<br />
|caption = <br />
|office = [[President of Gylias]]<br />
|term_start = 1 February 2023<br />
|term_end = <br />
|primeminister = [[Lena Haidynraix]]<br />
|predecessor = [[Ravy Egiði]]<br />
|successor = <br />
| birth_name = Julia Brückner<br />
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1960|04|14|df=yes}}<br />
| birth_place = Garés, [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| nationality = Gylian<br />
| alma_mater = Federal University of Mişeyáke<br />
| occupation = [[Pornography in Gylias|Pornographic]] actress, producer, and director<br />
| module2 = {{Infobox person|embed=yes<br />
| known_for = ''Shopping''<br />
| net_worth = {{increase}} [[List of Gylians by net worth|Ŧ12 billion]] (2020) }}<br />
|party = {{G-LND}}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Julia Brückner''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transliteration]]: ''Iulia Byryúknáyr'', born 14 April 1960), known by the stage name '''Frauke Stark''' (Gylic transliteration: ''Fyrauke Şytaryk''), is a Gylian [[Pornography in Gylias|pornographic]] producer, director, and actress, and politician. She became famous in the 1990s with her ''Shopping'' series, and is one of Gylias' most successful pornographers.<br />
<br />
She won the [[Gylian presidential election, 2023|2023 presidential election]], and serves as the incumbent [[President of Gylias]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Julia Brückner was born on 14 April 1960 in Garés. Her parents were from [[Acrea]] and [[Shalum]], met as volunteers in the [[People's Army (Gylias)#International Brigades|International Brigades]], and remained members of the [[Gylian Self-Defense Forces|GSDF]] after the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. She has three younger brothers.<br />
<br />
She began studying {{wpl|psychology}} at the Federal University of Mişeyáke in 1978, and ultimately completed a Ph.D in 1985.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
She started acting in pornographic films while in university. She chose the stage name "Frauke Stark" as a pun, wishing to have a "soft-hard" duality in her stage name.<br />
<br />
Her career progressed slowly during the 1980s. Eventually, she found a niche playing voracious older women. She gradually learned about filmmaking from conversations with colleagues and crew members, and decided to start making her own pornographic films. <br />
<br />
She set up her own studio in 1989.<br />
<br />
===''Shopping''===<br />
Frauke gained her breakthrough in 1990 with the film ''Shopping for Girls''. The film's slick production values, breezy tone, and tongue-in-cheek commercial elements found an unexpected audience. Stark followed it with ''Shopping for Boys'' in the same year. <br />
<br />
She refined the formula and turned ''Shopping'' into an ongoing series with three parts, based on intended audience and partners: ''Shopping for Girls'', ''Shopping for Boys'', and ''Shopping for TIQles'' (transgender, intersex, and queer).<br />
<br />
Frauke's ''Shopping'' films focus on straightforward sexual acts, with elements of [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing fetishism]] and tongue-in-cheek [[Prostitution in Gylias|commercial]] and {{wpl|transactional sex|transactional}} elements. <br />
<br />
She appears in the films as a wealthy and insatiable woman seeking out partners, preferring younger and less experienced ones. Her characters are humorously portrayed relating everything to money, and basing their attractiveness on a combination of looks and wealth. <br />
<br />
All ''Shopping'' films begin with the {{wpl|title sequence}}: an eroticised depiction of Frauke doing her beauty routine and getting dressed, accompanied by the series' theme song "Shopping". It ends with a close-up of her in a flirtatious pose and the series logo, and Frauke whispering the name of the respective series. A humorous sequence follows showing her looking around various people as if browsing a {{wpl|department store}}, before selecting her partner.<br />
<br />
All ''Shopping'' films end with a shot of her partner being exhausted after sex, followed by Frauke teasing them about their lack of stamina. She then makes a playful boast or quip directly to the camera, and winks at the audience before the end credits roll.<br />
<br />
The series' visual style, directing, and packaging is similarly self-parodic. Soundtracks generally feature [[Neo-Gylian Sound]], [[city pop]], {{wpl|acid jazz}}, {{wpl|house music}}, and similar genres.<br />
<br />
The success of the ''Shopping'' films inspired [[Pornography in Gylias#Politics in pornography|a subgenre of "business burlesque" pornography]], which became one of the largest genres in Gylian pornography.<br />
<br />
==Other activities==<br />
[[File:FraukeStark2.png|200px|thumb|right|Undated publicity photo of Frauke Stark]]<br />
Frauke is one of Gylias' most famous pornographers, and [[List of Gylians by net worth|one of the richest]]. Her net wealth is estimated to be Ŧ12 billion. She has worked with some of the biggest names in Gylian pornography, as well as future stars she mentored. Among her notable ''Shopping'' co-stars was [[Sōko Sōma]] in 1999, when she became the only co-star to subvert Sōko's insatiable party girl character and leave her exhausted from sex.<br />
<br />
===Collaborations===<br />
Her fame spread beyond pornography in the 1990s, and she became a media personality and household name. She has produced non-pornographic films, made cameo appearances as herself in various productions, and has collaborated with several musical acts, providing spoken word vocals and sexual sounds. <br />
<br />
Her collaborations include [[Chikageki#Discography|''Shopping for Doom'']] (1997), with protégé [[Chikageki|Chizuru Ogawa]], and guest appearances on songs by [[Stella Star]], [[The Ins & Outs]], [[New Order]], [[The Rubber Band]], and [[Yoko Kanno]].<br />
<br />
===Merchandise===<br />
She has produced a range of merchandise of herself, including "anatomically correct" action figures, branded sex toys, her own sex simulation video game, a line of clothing that duplicates her trademark business-suited appearance, lingerie, perfume, handbags, and footwear.<br />
<br />
===Impact===<br />
As one of Gylias' most popular pornographers, Frauke has had a significant impact on both Gylian pornography and pop culture. Before her, similarly successful pornographic stars like [[Edwige Ferré]] and [[Moana Pozzi]] emphasised youthfulness and enthusiasm. Frauke was the first pornographic star to base her appeal on maturity, playfully sexualising her older appearance. Even her specific brand of glasses saw a boost in popularity as a result of her ''Shopping'' films. Her work thus paved the way for the popularisation of {{wpl|MILF pornography}} and similar erotic works that emphasised attractive and stylish older women, men, and {{wpl|Non-binary gender|genderqueers}}.<br />
<br />
She is credited with significantly popularising the name "Frauke" for Gylian children.<br />
<br />
She is a prolific participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]], and has been one of the most extensive users of conferred {{wpl|naming rights}}. She has many buildings and streets named after her across all [[Regions of Gylias|Gylian regions]] in recognition of her extensive contributions to their construction and maintenance.<br />
<br />
She was interviewed for [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s documentaries ''Our Clothes'' (2012) and ''Happy Orgasms'' (2013).<br />
<br />
===Academia and politics===<br />
She maintains a separation between her pornographic work as Frauke Stark and her non-pornographic work as Julia Brückner. She is an occasional university lecturer in psychology, and is politically active with {{G-LND}}. She served in the [[Gylian Senate]] between 1 September and 1 December 2010, nominated by [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Laura Varnaþ]].<br />
<br />
===Philanthropy and friendships===<br />
She is a participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]], frequently takes part in [[Tax Day]] ceremonies, and is close friends with [[Marie-Agnès Delaunay]] and [[Agathe Sanna]] — all three having tongue-in-cheek public images in common — as well as [[Kanna Miyashita]] — a former university colleague —, [[Tetramazones#Fusako Fuwa|Fusako Fuwa]] — whose similar appearance earned them frequent comparisons —, and [[Saira Telyn]].<br />
<br />
==President of Gylias==<br />
[[File:FraukeStark3.png|thumb|right|200px|Frauke Stark's campaign portrait]]<br />
===Election===<br />
Frauke secured the endorsement of {{G-LND}} and ran in the [[Gylian presidential election, 2023|2023 presidential election]]. She was the [[List of Gylians by net worth|richest Gylian]] to run for the presidency, and her existing fame as a [[Pornography in Gylias|pornographic]] household name proved a formidable obstacle. Notably, she ran for the presidency as Frauke Stark, whereas her previous political and academic involvement was done under her real name, Julia Brückner.<br />
<br />
She earned a plurality of first preference votes and went on to defeat [[Mai Thị Lan]] in the final preferences by 60% to 40%, the largest victory margin since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]. Their presence on the ballot gave rise to the nickname ''"the election of wealth"''.<br />
<br />
===Exercise of office===<br />
Frauke chose to promote {{wpl|free love}}, [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]], and [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] as president. She refused to collect her presidential salary on account of her wealth, instead donating it to charity.<br />
<br />
===Senate nominations===<br />
She maintained a policy of excluding business figures from nomination to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]].<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Frauke is a {{wpl|trans woman}}, who began {{wpl|transitioning (transgender)|transitioning}} at age 10. She is known for wearing [[Kaede Nakano]] {{wpl|business suit}}s and has had {{wpl|breast augmentation}}.<br />
<br />
She identifies as {{wpl|pansexuality|pansexual}} with a slight preference for female partners, commenting in an interview: "I enjoy doing all three [of the ''Shopping'' series], but to tell you the truth I enjoy ''Shopping for Girls'' a bit more."<br />
<br />
Her autobiography, ''Hard at Work'', was released in 2005.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian pornographers]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian media figures]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_2015&diff=670005Gylian presidential election, 20152023-06-16T09:16:04Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 2015<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 2015<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 2011<br />
| previous_year = 2011<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2019<br />
| next_year = 2019<br />
| turnout = 93,5%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = CarmenDell'Orefice1.jpg<br />
| colour1 = DDDDDD<br />
| nominee1 = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| party1 = {{wpl|Independent politician|Ind}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 8.746.187 <br />
| percentage1 = 57,7%<br />
<br />
| image2 = ElectraGalanou.jpg<br />
| colour2 = 66CCFF<br />
| nominee2 = [[Electra Galanou]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 6.411.850<br />
| percentage2 = 42,3%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{Independent politician/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] {{colorbox|{{G-UNR/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Electra Galanou]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential elections''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 2015.<br />
<br />
Incumbent [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] was re-elected, defeating {{G-UNR}} candidate [[Electra Galanou]].<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]'''<br />
| [[File:CarmenDell'Orefice2.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| [[President of Gylias]]<br><small>(since 2011)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Electra Galanou]]'''<br />
| [[File:ElectraGalanou.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-UNR/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-UNR}}<br />
| Chief executive of [[Electra Galanou#Omicron Group|Omicron Group]]<br><small>(since 1961)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|economic nationalism}} and {{wpl|disability rights}}.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Helena Bonham]]'''<br />
| [[File:Helena Bonham Carter 3 (cropped).jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LU}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Keie Nanei]]'''<br />
| [[File:Amy Alkon in hat.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]]'''<br />
| [[File:VictoriaCavallo.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on a {{wpl|List of frivolous political parties|satirical}} platform.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Saeni Rotara'''<br />
| [[File:SaeniRotara.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-HP/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-HP}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of the arts and culture.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.681.807<br />
|16,1%<br />
|8.746.187<br />
|57,7%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-UNR/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Electra Galanou]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-UNR/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.665.149<br />
|16,0%<br />
|6.411.850<br />
|42,3%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Helena Bonham]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LU/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.663.484<br />
|16,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Keie Nanei]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|2.416.957<br />
|14,5%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.398.634<br />
|14,4%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{Independent politician/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}}<br />
|1.832.290<br />
|11,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-HP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Saeni Rotara<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-HP/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.798.976<br />
|10,8%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|199.886<br />
|1,2%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''16.657.183'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''15.158.037'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|18.178.744<br />
|93,5%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2015-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
Having defeated the sitting president [[Laura Varnaþ]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]], incumbent [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] went into the election in a strong position. She was one of Gylias' most popular presidents, and her {{wpl|sex symbol|"silver fox"}} reputation and identification with [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']] were huge advantages. She was particularly ecstatic that, while Gylias' oldest president, she enjoyed great popularity among young voters, who admired her elegance and commitment to fighting {{wpl|ageism}}.<br />
<br />
The {{G-PA}} did not nominate a candidate after Laura's loss in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]. Instead, leftists swung their support behind Carmen's re-election.<br />
<br />
The {{G-NB}} did not nominate a candidate after [[Yseult Roxane Danesh]]'s poor showing in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]. Instead, the [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] mantle was taken by the {{G-UNR}}'s candidate [[Electra Galanou]], who had previously finished third in [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]].<br />
<br />
[[File:HelenaBonham-2015.jpg|thumb|right|200px|[[Helena Bonham]] arriving for a {{wpl|husting|public meeting}} during the campaign]]<br />
A somewhat surprising nomination was [[Helena Bonham]] as the {{G-LU}}'s candidate. A well-established, beloved {{wpl|character actor|character actress}} known for her quirky roles, Helena was also the grand-daughter of famed "anarcho-liberal" [[Violet Bonham]], and accepted nomination in part due to an interest in "living up to the family name". <br />
<br />
Confounding expectations, Helena ran a serious campaign, marked by erudite speeches that placed her in the {{wpl|liberal socialism|liberal socialist}} tradition of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. Arguably her sole concession to her cinematic fame was dressing in deliberately anachronistic [[Alscia]]n [[Clothing in Gylias|fashions]], but this mainly drew comparisons to Gylias' first president, [[Reda Kazan]].<br />
<br />
Voters also enjoyed a strong line-up of colourful candidates: columnist [[Keie Nanei]] (a returning candidate from [[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]]), comedian [[Cavallo and Del Carretto|Victoria Cavallo]] (whose signature promise was organising a referendum on making "[[Arise, Gylians]]" the national anthem), and writer Saeni Rotara, who sought the {{G-HP}} nomination due to discomfort with running as an {{wpl|independent politician|independent}}.<br />
<br />
In the first round, Carmen obtained a narrow plurality of 16,1% of first preference votes, and carried 5 [[Regions of Gylias|regions]]. Electra took second place, overtaking Helena by only 1.665 votes. Helena registered a strong performance despite narrowly missing out advancing to the final round, winning pluralities in [[Tomes Region|Tomes]] thanks to a sweep of Ðoron and Kaşa, and coming within 0,5% of overtaking Electra in [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]].<br />
<br />
Keie's fourth place finish and 14,5% of first preference votes represented a 4,3% decline from her [[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]] performance, but she still managed to win pluralities in [[Kausania Region|Kausania]] and [[Envadra Region|Envadra]]. Amanda trailed only 0,1% behind, and retained pluralities in [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], and [[Aðuna Region|Aðuna]]. <br />
<br />
Victoria won 11% of first preference votes, coming second in [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], but not managing to win a regional plurality. Conversely, Saeni finished last, but picked up much of the "[[Non-inscrits (Gylias)|non-inscrit]] left" vote that hadn't gone to Carmen, managing pluralities in [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Sváen Region|Sváen]], [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], and [[Tandar Region|Tandar]].<br />
<br />
In the final round, Carmen generally gained transfers from Helena, Amanda, and Saeni's voters. Keie and Victoria's voters were more unpredictable with their preferences. In the end, Carmen defeated Electra by over 1 million votes, obtaining the largest majority since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]].<br />
<br />
Carmen won majorities in 18 regions compared to Electra's 2, making Electra the poorest-performing runner-up since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]. Electra only managed to gain [[Nauras Region|Nauras]] from Saeni.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_presidential_election,_2007&diff=670004Gylian presidential election, 20072023-06-16T09:11:50Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox election<br />
| election_name = Gylian presidential election, 2007<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
| type = presidential<br />
| vote_type = Final<br />
| election_date = 22 January 2007<br />
| previous_election = Gylian presidential election, 2003<br />
| previous_year = 2003<br />
| next_election = Gylian presidential election, 2011<br />
| next_year = 2011<br />
| turnout = 96,2%<br />
| image_size = 225x225px<br />
<br />
| image1 = LauraVarnaþ.jpg<br />
| colour1 = ED1B34<br />
| nominee1 = [[Laura Varnaþ]]<br />
| party1 = {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote1 = 5.628.088<br />
| percentage1 = 50,1%<br />
<br />
| image2 = VeronicaRossetti.jpg<br />
| colour2 = FFFA00<br />
| nominee2 = [[Veronica Rossetti]]<br />
| party2 = {{G-LU/meta/shortname}}<br />
| popular_vote2 = 5.605.621<br />
| percentage2 = 49,9%<br />
<br />
<!-- map --><br />
| map_image = Gylias-elections-presidential-2007-final.png<br />
| map_caption = Results of the final preference distribution by [[Regions of Gylias|region]]<br>{{colorbox|{{G-PA/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Laura Varnaþ]] {{colorbox|{{G-LU/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} [[Veronica Rossetti]]<br />
<br />
<!-- bottom --><br />
| title = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
| before_election = [[Anina Bergmann]]<br />
| before_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
| posttitle = [[President of Gylias|President]] after election<br />
| after_election = [[Laura Varnaþ]]<br />
| after_party = <!-- {{wpl|Independent politician|Independent}} --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
A '''presidential election''' was held in [[Gylias]] on 22 January 2007.<br />
<br />
In one of the most unpredictable presidential elections in Gylian history, third-placed {{G-PA}} candidate [[Laura Varnaþ]] advanced to the final round through vote transfers, and narrowly defeated {{G-LU}} candidate [[Veronica Rossetti]], who had won a plurality of first preference votes.<br />
<br />
==Procedure==<br />
The election was held through {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}.<br />
<br />
Candidates were registered with [[Elections Gylias]] in accordance with normal procedures. They could either be nominated by a [[List of political parties in Gylias|political party]] or {{wpl|electoral bloc}}, civic organisations, or self-nomination as independents.<br />
<br />
{{-}}<br />
<br />
==Candidates==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center;"<br />
|-<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Candidate<br />
! colspan="2" style="width:20%;"| Nominator<br />
! Office(s) held<br />
! style="width:40%;"| Details<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Veronica Rossetti]]'''<br />
| [[File:VeronicaRossetti.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-LU}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Alţira Region|Alţira]]<br><small>(1990–2002)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Nicolette Mercier]]'''<br />
| [[File:NKM2006.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-NB}}<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Herlan Region|Herlan]]<br><small>(since 2002)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Laura Varnaþ]]'''<br />
| [[File:LauraVarnaþ.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-PA}}<br />
| {{wpl|City Council}}lor of [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Velouria]]<br><small>(1992–2002)</small><br>[[Regions of Gylias#Government|Regional Council]]lor for [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]]<br><small>(2002–2006)</small><br />
| Campaigned as the main leftist candidate.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Miranda Belloni]]'''<br />
| [[File:Monica Bellucci 2003.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#009344" |<br />
| Associazione degli Italiani di Gylias<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of [[Banda italiana#''Italianità''|''italianità'']].<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''[[Amanda Leloup]]'''<br />
| [[File:AmandaLeloup-2014.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:#002654" |<br />
| [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
| [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]]<br><small>(1970–1978)</small><br />
| Campaigned on promotion of ''[[francité]]''.<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:lavender;"| '''Dora Eðyn'''<br />
| [[File:DoraEðyn.jpg|100px]]<br />
| style="background:{{G-CG/meta/color}};" |<br />
| {{G-CG}}<br />
| ''None''<br />
| Campaigned on promotion of {{wpl|science}}.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Results==<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; font-size: 100%;"<br />
|-style="background:#e9e9e9;"<br />
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Candidate<br />
!Nominator<br />
!First count<br />
!%<br />
!Final count<br />
!%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Veronica Rossetti]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-LU/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.943.516<br />
|20,7%<br />
|5.605.621<br />
|49,9%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Nicolette Mercier]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.559.579<br />
|18,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Laura Varnaþ]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}<br />
|2.445.820<br />
|17,2%<br />
|5.628.088<br />
|50,1%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#009344"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Miranda Belloni]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|ASITAG<br />
|2.417.380<br />
|17,0%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:#002654"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Amanda Leloup]]<br />
|style="text-align:left"|[[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]]–[[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]]<br />
|2.246.742<br />
|15,8%<br />
|-<br />
|style="background:{{G-CG/meta/color}}"|<br />
|style="text-align:left"|Dora Eðyn<br />
|style="text-align:left"|{{G-CG/meta/shortname}}<br />
|1.421.989<br />
|10,0%<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Others/write-ins<br />
|184.859<br />
|1,3%<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="7"|<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Total'''<br />
|'''14.219.885'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|'''11.233.709'''<br />
|'''100%'''<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|'''Registered voters and turnout'''<br />
|15.037.218<br />
|96,2%<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Maps===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = center<br />
| total_width = 1000<br />
| image1 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2007-first.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = First count pluralities by region<br />
| image2 = Gylias-elections-presidential-2007-final.png<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = Final count majorities by region<br />
}}<br />
<br />
===Analysis===<br />
The first presidential open race since [[Gylian presidential election, 1991|1991]] also proved to be highly unpredictable. The major {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s fielded compelling candidates. The {{G-LU}} nominated [[Veronica Rossetti]], the matriarch of the [[Rossetti family]] and then-former [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Alţira Region|Alţira]]. The {{G-NB}} nominated incumbent [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governor]] of [[Herlan Region|Herlan]] [[Nicolette Mercier]]. <br />
<br />
For the first time since [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]], there was a {{G-CG}} candidate: scientist Dora Eðyn, one of Gylias' leading experts in {{wpl|solar power}} conversion and a professor at [[Anca Déuréy University]].<br />
<br />
The {{G-PA}}'s nomination of [[Laura Varnaþ]] was seen as a curious choice, due to her descent from the [[Varnaþ family]] and her considerably lower profile in [[Local government in Gylias|regional politics]].<br />
<br />
An unusual entry was the actress [[Miranda Belloni]], freshly established as one of Gylias' leading actresses. Miranda stood on a platform of promoting [[Banda italiana#''Italianità''|''italianità'']], and was endorsed by the ''Associazione degli Italiani di Gylias'' (ASITAG). She ran a tongue-in-cheek campaign that heavily capitalised on her Italian {{wpl|sex symbol}} status. She attracted unofficial support from the {{G-PPFN}} due to her existing ties to [[Readymade Records]], and from {{G-LND}} due to her joking promise to ensure "a {{wpl|sex symbol}} for each ethnicity".<br />
<br />
She produced two highly successful [[Politics of Gylias#Party political broadcasts|PPB]]s — one which spoofed [[Carla Miló]] and [[Silvana Perriello]]'s short film ''Perché vuoi una ragazza italiana'' ("Why you want an Italian girlfriend") as ''Perché vuoi una presidente "italiana"'' ("Why you want an 'Italian' president"), and another which parodied her breakthrough role in ''Malèna'', showing her at a press conference unable to describe her platform due to being constantly interrupted by {{wpl|leading question}}s. <br />
<br />
Despite the humorous tone of her campaign, Miranda was sensitive about the ASITAG endorsement, and described herself as "Italian" using {{wpl|air quotes}} because "I didn't want anybody to think that not acting like me made them less Italian".<br />
<br />
In the first round, Veronica won a plurality of first preference votes, and carried the traditional [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] strongholds of [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]], [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], and [[Elena Region|Elena]]. Nicolette finished second with 18% of first preference votes, and pluralities in 3 southern [[Regions of Gylias|regions]] — although notably not [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], where she was narrowly overtaken by Amanda. Laura was in third place, with pluralities in the mountainous northern regions and [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]].<br />
<br />
Miranda's 17% and Amanda's 15,8% represented strong tallies of first preference votes for the colourful candidates, and both were at their strongest in [[Non-inscrits (Gylias)|non-inscrit]]-friendly regions like [[Sváen Region|Sváen]], [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], [[Nezyál Region|Nezyál]], and [[Herlan Region|Herlan]]. Dora Eðyn finished last by a wide margin, with only 10% of first preference votes and pluralities in [[Nauras Region|Nauras]] and [[Kausania Region|Kausania]].<br />
<br />
If the first preferences suggested a [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]]–[[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] showdown, this was overturned by vote transfers: Nicolette generally gained transfers from Dora's voters, but Laura surpassed her due to more transfers from Miranda and Amanda's voters, eliminating her and setting up a left–liberal contest in the final round.<br />
<br />
As a consequence of the unpredictable final, the public was greatly amused to see in [[Elections Gylias]]' official results that the total number of exhausted ballots surpassed Veronica's plurality in the first count. In the end, Laura won with 50,1% of final preferences to Veronica's 49,9% — the narrowest winning margin for an incoming president since [[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]].<br />
<br />
This was the third presidential election in which the final candidates tied at carrying 10 regions each, after [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]] and [[Gylian presidential election, 1995|1995]]. Notably, Veronica overturned Laura's pluralities and won majorities across northern Gylias. Commentators speculated that Laura's [[Varnaþ family]] background particularly harmed her in [[Salxar Region|Salxar]], [[Makarces Region|Makarces]], [[Gacar Region|Gacar]], and [[Gerşyr Region|Gerşyr]], whose left-leaning voters recoiled at voting for a descendant of royalty and preferred the prestige of the [[Rossetti family]] name instead.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian elections}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian elections]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=New_Frontier_Party_(Akashi)&diff=660123New Frontier Party (Akashi)2023-05-21T15:05:36Z<p>Gylias: Created page with "{{Infobox political party | name = New Frontier Party | native_name = 新境界党<br>𐌽𐌹𐌿𐌾𐌰 𐌼𐌰𐍂𐌺𐌰 𐌳𐌰𐌹𐌻ᚴ𐌾𐍉 | abbreviation = NF..."</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox political party<br />
| name = New Frontier Party<br />
| native_name = 新境界党<br>𐌽𐌹𐌿𐌾𐌰 𐌼𐌰𐍂𐌺𐌰 𐌳𐌰𐌹𐌻ᚴ𐌾𐍉<br />
| abbreviation = NFP<br />
| logo = <br />
| colorcode = #F45E7A<br />
| foundation = 1989<br />
| dissolved = 2000<br />
| merged = {{A-FP}} <br />
| ideology = {{plainlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Techno-progressivism}}<br />
* {{wpl|Social liberalism}} }}<br />
| position = {{wpl|Centre-left politics|Centre-left}}<br />
| colours = {{color box|#F45E7A|border=darkgray}} Pink<br />
| national = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|Pale crimson bloc]] <small>(1990–1998)</small><br />
* [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|Light yellow bloc]] <small>(1998–2000)</small> }}<br />
| country = Akashi<br />
}}<br />
<br />
The '''Socialist Party''' ({{wpl|Japanese language|Miranian}}: 新境界党 ''Shin kyōkaitō''; {{wpl|Gothic language|Gothic}}: 𐌽𐌹𐌿𐌾𐌰 𐌼𐌰𐍂𐌺𐌰 𐌳𐌰𐌹𐌻ᚴ𐌾𐍉 ''Niuja Marka Dailkjō'') was a {{wpl|Techno-progressivism|techno-progressive}} [[List of political parties in Akashi|political party]] in [[Akashi]].<br />
<br />
Formed in 1989, it was a member of the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|pale crimson bloc]] for most of its existence. It was eclipsed by the {{A-FP}} in the late 1990s, and merged with it in 2000.<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
The party was founded in 1989, as an expression of {{wpl|techno-progressivism}}. Many of its founding members were centre-leftists disillusioned with the struggles of the {{A-SP}} who hoped that an emphasis on support for the {{wpl|high tech}} sector would boost the left after the {{wpl|progressive conservative}} dominance of the ''[[neondai]]''.<br />
<br />
The NFP entered its first general election with high hopes, but the [[neoliberal conspiracy]] caused it to be overshadowed by the "red wave". However, it still had a respectable debut in [[Akashian general election, 1990|1990]], winning around 8% of the vote and 32 seats. It provided outside support to the [[Shinobu Furukawa]] government.<br />
<br />
The party never improved on its debut, and throughout the 1990s its election results remained largely stagnant, as it found a solid core of support but was unable to expand beyond it.<br />
<br />
Growing dissatisfaction with Shinobu's high-handed way of governing led the party to strongly hint during the [[Akashian general election, 1998|1998]] campaign it would "reconsider" its relations with the government. This caused its support to plunge, and it was subsequently overshadowed by the new {{A-FP}}.<br />
<br />
After further poor election results at the local and national level in 1999–2000, the demoralised party voted to merge with the FP, which took place in 2000.<br />
<br />
==Platform==<br />
The NFP was a {{wpl|techno-progressivism|techno-progressive}} and {{wpl|social liberalism|social liberal}} party. Its platform emphasised use of technology to transform the [[Economy of Akashi|Akashian economy]] and improve public services through {{wpl|decentralisation}} and {{wpl|e-governance}}.<br />
<br />
==Election results==<br />
<br />
===National Assembly===<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="font-size:97%; text-align:right;"<br />
|-<br />
! rowspan=2| Election<br />
! colspan=2| Party list<br />
! colspan=2| Constituency<br />
! rowspan=2| Seats<br />
! rowspan=2| +/–<br />
! rowspan=2| Status<br />
|-<br />
! {{wpl|Party-list proportional representation|PR}} votes<br />
! %<br />
! {{wpl|Single transferable vote|STV}} votes<br />
! %<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian general election, 1990|1990]]<br />
| 535.641<br />
| 8,5%<br />
| 509.874<br />
| 8,1%<br />
| {{composition bar|32|400|hex={{A-NFP/meta/color}}}}<br />
| {{increase}} 32<br />
| {{Yes-No|Outside support}}<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian general election, 1994|1994]]<br />
| 525.379<br />
| 8,2%<br />
| 484.753<br />
| 7,6%<br />
| {{composition bar|30|400|hex={{A-NFP/meta/color}}}}<br />
| {{decrease}} 2<br />
| {{Yes-No|Outside support}}<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian general election, 1998|1998]]<br />
| 263.652<br />
| 4,0%<br />
| 362.562<br />
| 5,5%<br />
| {{composition bar|18|400|hex={{A-NFP/meta/color}}}}<br />
| {{decrease}} 12<br />
| {{no|Opposition}}<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian general election, 1999|1999]]<br />
| 189.792<br />
| 3,0%<br />
| 195.653<br />
| 3,1%<br />
| {{composition bar|8|400|hex={{A-NFP/meta/color}}}}<br />
| {{decrease}} 10<br />
| {{Yes-No|Outside support}}<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Presidency===<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="font-size:97%; text-align:right;"<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan="2"| Election<br />
!rowspan="2"| Candidate<br />
!colspan="2" scope="col"| First round<br />
!colspan="2"| Second round<br />
!rowspan="2"| Result<br />
|-<br />
! Votes<br />
! %<br />
! Votes<br />
! %<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian presidential election, 1990|1990]]<br />
|Nozomi Sugawara<br />
|657.976<br />
|10,7%<br />
|bgcolor=lightgrey colspan=2|<br />
|{{no|Lost}}<br />
|-<br />
![[Akashian presidential election, 1995|1995]]<br />
|Sui Ebisawa<br />
|653.274<br />
|10,3%<br />
|bgcolor=lightgrey colspan=2|<br />
|{{no|Lost}}<br />
|}<br />
<br />
===Provincial assemblies===<br />
{{main|List of Akashian provincial elections}}<br />
<br />
===Prefectural assemblies===<br />
{{main|List of Akashian prefectural elections}}<br />
<br />
{{Akashi political parties}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Politics of Akashi]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Ilaria_Marchese&diff=656154Ilaria Marchese2023-05-14T13:25:10Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Marchese|Ilaria}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Ilaria Marchese<br />
| image = IlariaMarchese-1.png<br />
| image_size = 200px<br />
| birth_date = 1 September 1920<br />
| birth_place = Valona, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2011|5|9|1920|9|1|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| occupation = {{wpl|Trade union}}ist<br />
| known_for = Secretary-General of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] <small>(1960–1977)</small><br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Ilaria Marchese''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Ilaria Markese''; 1 September 1920 – 9 May 2011) was a Gylian {{wpl|trade union}}ist who served as the Secretary-General of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] from 1960 to 1977.<br />
<br />
Under her leadership, the GCWUA became a powerful participant in the [[Golden Revolution]], and a partner in the pact of the dinner party. She was the preeminent leader of the GCWUA's moderate faction, and sometimes jokingly compared herself to "a [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democrat]] chairing an [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] union". Her influence led to a professionalisation of the GCWUA, and a largely docile [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]], pacified by the successful construction of a {{wpl|market socialist}} [[Economy of Gylias|economy]].<br />
<br />
Ilaria was forced out as Secretary-General in 1977, as the GCWUA took a militant turn during the [[wretched decade]]. She had a long retirement until her death in 2011. She remains one of Gylias' outstanding and influential trade unionists, and her moderate course was followed by the longest-serving Secretary-General, [[Patsy Reilly]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Ilaria Marchese was born on 1 September 1920 in Valona. Her father was Nicola Marchese, a {{wpl|trade union}}ist who served as the president of the [[Alscia#Labour movement|UAL]], [[Alscia]]'s {{wpl|national trade union centre}}.<br />
<br />
She attended primary and secondary school in Valona, and was on the verge of beginning her university studies when [[Alscian sovereignty referendum, 1939|Alscia voted to join]] the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]].<br />
<br />
Ilaria had accompanied her father on his official duties starting in adolescence. She spent most of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] working as a secretary or assistant in various capacities to trade unions, although she was never a {{wpl|union organiser}}. This led to the common jibe among her opponents that she was a "bureaucrat" with no hands-on experience of organising workplaces.<br />
<br />
Ilaria's own philosophy of unionism was shaped by the influence of her father. He was a [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] and a strong advocate of union self-restraint, who worked closely with [[Valentina Potenza]] to suppress radical influence within the UAL. Ilaria's vision was largely practical: she saw unions as mainly an instrument to empower and enrich workers, and advocated cooperation between labour, management, and government, backed by force if necessary.<br />
<br />
By the end of the war, Ilaria had become an "insider's insider" within the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]]. She had extensive knowledge of both its internal workings and the relative influence and positions of member unions.<br />
<br />
==General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations==<br />
===Election===<br />
The [[National Obligation period]] initially saw the radicals have the upper hand within the GCWUA, and a rush to [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|implement the Free Territories' economic models throughout Gylias]]. However, this led to some local excesses caused by overzealous unions and union leaders.<br />
<br />
In the 1960 internal election, Ilaria stood as a candidate representing the moderate faction, against the radical Secretary-General Rairea Ţautal. She enjoyed several advantages: the mistrust towards the radicals, the moderate faction uniting entirely behind her, and her father's prestige. She presented herself as an impartial and neutral figure; radical opponents like Rairea charged that she would turn the GCWUA into a "toothless" copy of the UAL.<br />
<br />
She defeated Rairea in the election, becoming Secretary-General. She won additional internal elections in 1965, 1970, and 1975.<br />
<br />
===Leadership===<br />
Ilaria presided over a professionalisation of the GCWUA and improvements in its administration, which earned her the respect of Gylian workers. Her reforms included the expansion of union-run schools for workers' education, libraries, sporting and cultural activities in cooperation with the [[Gylian Sports Confederation]], [[National Recreation Organisation]], and [[Committees for the Advance of the Revolution]], the purchasing of a major stake in ''[[The Social Times]]'', and the establishment of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations#Function|National Workers' Bank]], which became Gylias' largest bank.<br />
<br />
She also established strict anti-corruption and fiscal transparency procedures, to protect unions from financial misconduct. The threat of expulsion from the GCWUA served as a powerful deterrent against malfeasance.<br />
<br />
The establishment of the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Labour|National Mediation Board]] and [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Labour|Directorate of Workplace Democracy]] also represented significant victories for the GCWUA. They became its major partners among [[Gylian administrative agencies]] — the NMB handling any industrial disputes as they emerged, and the DWD protecting {{wpl|workers' self-management}}.<br />
<br />
===Political goals===<br />
Ilaria advocated political neutrality for the GCWUA, rather than tying itself too closely to a particular ideology. She acknowledged the differences between herself and the union membership, joking that she was "a [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democrat]] chairing an [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] union".<br />
<br />
She championed {{wpl|industrial democracy}} and sought to maintain labour solidarity at all costs. [[Esua Nadel]] observed that the latter goal sometimes required Ilaria to "annoy everyone equally": restraining the more radical unionists while cajoling and arm-twisting the moderate unionists.<br />
<br />
Ilaria enjoyed the support of [[Sweetie Letise]], the [[Darnan Cyras government]]'s {{wpl|fixer (person)|political fixer}} and {{wpl|minister without portfolio}}. Sweetie used her influence to help Ilaria consolidate her leadership and strengthen the moderates within the GCWUA.<br />
<br />
===Remaking Gylian labour===<br />
[[File:IlariaMarchese-2.png|thumb|right|200px|Ilaria photographed in 1964]]<br />
Ilaria took office at a very favourable juncture for the GCWUA. The [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|transformation of the economy]] begun during the [[National Obligation period]] reached fruition, and Gylias experienced an [[Economy of Gylias#Economic miracle|economic boom]]. The [[Law on Industrial Organisation of 1958]] was extremely labour-friendly, while the {{wpl|social ownership|socialisation}} of the private sector through [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]] put workers in control of the economy. With unionisation being automatic on beginning employment, the {{wpl|union density}} reached 100%, and recruitment of membership ceased to be an active concern.<br />
<br />
Her non-confrontational approach as Secretary-General was successful because it fit the new realities of the economy. Gylias had little heavy industry, and its economy was dominated by {{wpl|light industry}} and services. Most Gylian workers were thus {{wpl|white-collar worker}}s and {{wpl|pink-collar worker}}s, or {{wpl|self-employment|self-employed}} as [[Merchants (Gylias)|merchants]], independent professionals, and {{wpl|small business}} owners. With {{wpl|workers' self-management}} as the foundation of the economy, labour militancy had little appeal, and unions' attention was focused on providing services and defending the economic interests of their workers.<br />
<br />
As a result of these factors, the Gylian [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]] was largely docile. During the 1960s and 1970s, Gylias had the least amount of time lost to {{wpl|strike action}}s in Siduri, while [[Gylian practices]] and the work of the [[Institute for the Protection of Leisure]] also gave it the lowest average working hours in Siduri. Rairea's charge that Ilaria turned the GCWUA into a copy of the UAL thus had some truth to it, but whereas Alscia experienced no strikes due to the extensive manipulation and {{wpl|clientelism}} practiced by [[Valentina Potenza]], Gylias experienced no strikes due to its success in placing workers directly in charge of running their workplaces.<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
Ilaria strove to present herself as sober and moderate, to practice the self-restraint she advocated as Secretary-General. She was known for dressing in skirt suits with large {{wpl|Pussy bow|lavallières}}, which garnered her a reputation as a [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]], much to her surprise. <br />
<br />
She was soft-spoken, and her strongly {{wpl|Italian language|Italian}}-accented {{wpl|English language|English}} was highlighted in parodies and caricatures of her. [[Carla Miló]] observed gleefully that Ilaria spoke fluent {{wpl|French language|French}} with no trace of an accent, but when she spoke English it was with a thick Italian accent.<br />
<br />
During public appearances, her typical pose was to rest her hands directly in front of her body. She was perceived by the media as stiff, composed, and buttoned-down; she embraced the image because it perfectly suited her approach.<br />
<br />
She was not a powerful speaker, but she was an outstanding strategist and organiser, who managed to keep the GCWUA united and strong. She was widely respected within the GCWUA for her understated image and extensive work behind the scenes. Even her radical opponents acknowledged her skill for organisation and her success in maintaing union power and improving workers' conditions through [[Gylian practices]]. [[Sweetie Letise]] wrote in her memoirs:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"However much people disagreed with her methods, nobody in the GCWUA ever had a bad word to say about Ilaria as a person. Indeed, they praised her effusively for her hard work, elegance, and above all her tact. Ilaria never spoke ill of anyone, kept a firm lid on private disagreements, and very carefully hid her own beliefs for the purpose of fair dealing. Even the way the young radicals made fun of her was tinged with respect, the way one might poke fun at a school headmaster."}}<br />
<br />
She regularly appeared in the media, giving interviews and commenting on news stories. Her constant appearances led the public to see her as the amiable representative of Gylian organised labour, and organised labour as the most important element of the economy.<br />
<br />
Despite her career requiring "a perpetual performance of soft-spoken earnestness", in private Ilaria was a jovial hostess with a gentle sense of humour. She appreciated jokes at her expense because she saw them as a sign that people liked her. Her husband recalled: "She politely pretended not to hear the jokes about her. As long as you were polite to her face, she didn't mind you making fun of her behind her back. And she had such a sweet and gentle personality that nobody had the heart to be rude to her in person."<br />
<br />
[[Virginia Inman]] wrote that "Ilaria positioned the GCWUA into a very effective {{wpl|ballroom dance}} during {{wpl|collective bargaining}}. She presented the GCWUA as a gentle giant, physically powerful yet greatly attentive to others. This led governments to reflexively approve any request made by the GCWUA, because Ilaria had already restrained and tempered them to remove anything the least bit unpalatable."<br />
<br />
==Later life==<br />
Ilaria's restrained approach, which made the Gylian labour movement "remarkably quiet and well-behaved" during the prosperity of the [[Golden Revolution]], faltered in the face of the [[wretched decade]]. Her first meeting with [[Aén Ďanez]] left her shaken; she described Aén to the GCWUA convention as a "mad bomb-thrower".<br />
<br />
With keeping the powder dry no longer an option, Ilaria found it hard to adjust to the new reality of the wretched decade, and the moderates within the GCWUA lost popularity. Several radical unions presented a {{wpl|motion of no confidence}} at the 1977 convention, which succeeded. Ilaria was thus removed as Secretary-General, and succeeded by the radical-supported Keie Seura.<br />
<br />
Ilaria accepted her defeat gracefully, and offered her services to Keie, who retained her on the GCWUA's organising committee. She saw the GCWUA's militant turn as a deviation forced by the crises of the wretched decade, and hoped that her brand of self-restraint would reassert itself once the crises had been resolved.<br />
<br />
This came to pass following the inauguration of the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. Mirroring Ilaria's rise to leadership, Keie and the radicals lost popularity after ill-advised conflicts with the government, and Keie lost a motion of no confidence at the 1988 convention, replaced by the moderate [[Patsy Reilly]]. Ilaria supported Patsy and campaigned for her during the supplementary election.<br />
<br />
She retired from the GCWUA in 1988, and lived in quiet retirement with her family. She maintained her union membership card for the rest of her life. Apart from occasionally meeting with Patsy to provide advice, she kept a low profile, devoting herself to her family and hobbies.<br />
<br />
She refused offers from [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Gianna Calderara]] and [[Laura Varnaþ]] to be appointed to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]].<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Ilaria died on 9 May 2011 in her Mişeyáke apartment, aged 90.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Ilaria married in 1945. Her husband was a [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] volunteer who worked as an accountant after the war. The marriage was happy and lasted until her death, with two children.<br />
<br />
Ilaria led a simple, austere lifestyle. She neither smoked or drank alcohol. She was scrupulous about keeping her expenses low, choosing the cheapest accommodation and transportation for her duties as Secretary-General. Her only indulgence was [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] and jewelry, which she spent more on to maintain her appearance standards.<br />
<br />
One of her children recalled: "She was a warm and loving mother. She was just as poised and stuffy at home, but that's just the way she was, and she was happy with it. She was firm but fair, like a [[Shelley family]] parent. She had a talent as a mother to make us never want to let her down, so misbehaving was simply unthinkable to us."<br />
<br />
Her hobbies included hiking, fishing, [[Sport in Gylias#Tennis|tennis]], and [[Sport in Gylias#Cycling|cycling]]. Her favourite music was [[Susan Shelley]]'s [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]], and one of her prized possessions was Susan's autograph.<br />
<br />
<!-- Ilaria was a Freemason, like her father. --><br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
Ilaria is considered by historians to be one of the most influential Gylian trade unionists. She successfully made the GCWUA a powerful participant in the [[Golden Revolution]] and day-to-day Gylian life, professionalised the organisation, and consolidated worker control over the economy.<br />
<br />
One biographer writes that Ilaria "made Gylian unions squeaky clean and powerfully efficient institutions, oversaw workers assuming responsibility for {{wpl|workers' self-management|self-management}}, and reaped the fruits of the [[Georgette (term)|georgette]]-ification of Gylias' workforce".<br />
<br />
The "quiet and well-behaved" labour movement that Ilaria fostered, viewed with disdain by radicals, became a prominent symbol of the pact of the dinner party. ''[[The Gylian Herald]]'' wrote in its obituary that Ilaria inadvertently did a great deal to popularise [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']], as the image she promoted of a professionalised, sharp-dressed workforce far removed from {{wpl|dirty, dangerous and demeaning}} {{wpl|manual labour}} was a powerful symbol of the "good life" delivered by the Golden Revolution, and an enduring aspiration for subsequent generations of Gylians.<br />
<br />
[[Lea Kersed]] praised Ilaria as "a serious woman and a patriot who managed to reconcile the interests of workers with the interests of the nation". She said that Ilaria's greatest achievement was having the GCWUA "accept responsibility" at a critical juncture in Gylian history and transforming unions to fit the new society and economy built by the Golden Revolution.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Ilaria_Marchese&diff=656153Ilaria Marchese2023-05-14T13:23:45Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Marchese|Ilaria}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Ilaria Marchese<br />
| image = IlariaMarchese-1.png<br />
| image_size = 200px<br />
| birth_date = 1 September 1920<br />
| birth_place = Valona, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2011|5|9|1920|9|1|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| occupation = {{wpl|Trade union}}ist<br />
| known_for = Secretary-General of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] <small>(1960–1977)</small><br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Ilaria Marchese''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Ilaria Markese''; 1 September 1920 – 9 May 2011) was a Gylian {{wpl|trade union}}ist who served as the Secretary-General of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] from 1960 to 1977.<br />
<br />
Under her leadership, the GCWUA became a powerful participant in the [[Golden Revolution]], and a partner in the pact of the dinner party. She was the preeminent leader of the GCWUA's moderate faction, and sometimes jokingly compared herself to "a [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democrat]] chairing an [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] union". Her influence led to a professionalisation of the GCWUA, and a largely docile [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]], pacified by the successful construction of a {{wpl|market socialist}} [[Economy of Gylias|economy]].<br />
<br />
Ilaria was forced out as Secretary-General in 1977, as the GCWUA took a militant turn during the [[wretched decade]]. She had a long retirement until her death in 2011. She remains one of Gylias' outstanding and influential trade unionists, and her moderate course was followed by the longest-serving Secretary-General, [[Patsy Reilly]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Ilaria Marchese was born on 1 September 1920 in Valona. Her father was Nicola Marchese, a {{wpl|trade union}}ist who served as the president of the [[Alscia#Labour movement|UAL]], [[Alscia]]'s {{wpl|national trade union centre}}.<br />
<br />
She attended primary and secondary school in Valona, and was on the verge of beginning her university studies when [[Alscian sovereignty referendum, 1939|Alscia voted to join]] the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]].<br />
<br />
Ilaria had accompanied her father on his official duties starting in adolescence. She spent most of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] working as a secretary or assistant in various capacities to trade unions, although she was never a {{wpl|union organiser}}. This led to the common jibe among her opponents that she was a "bureaucrat" with no hands-on experience of organising workplaces.<br />
<br />
Ilaria's own philosophy of unionism was shaped by the influence of her father. He was a [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] and a strong advocate of union self-restraint, who worked closely with [[Valentina Potenza]] to suppress radical influence within the UAL. Ilaria's vision was largely practical: she saw unions as mainly an instrument to empower and enrich workers, and advocated cooperation between labour, management, and government, backed by force if necessary.<br />
<br />
By the end of the war, Ilaria had become an "insider's insider" within the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]]. She had extensive knowledge of both its internal workings and the relative influence and positions of member unions.<br />
<br />
==General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations==<br />
===Election===<br />
The [[National Obligation period]] initially saw the radicals have the upper hand within the GCWUA, and a rush to [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|implement the Free Territories' economic models throughout Gylias]]. However, this led to some local excesses caused by overzealous unions and union leaders.<br />
<br />
In the 1960 internal election, Ilaria stood as a candidate representing the moderate faction, against the radical Secretary-General Rairea Ţautal. She enjoyed several advantages: the mistrust towards the radicals, the moderate faction uniting entirely behind her, and her father's prestige. She presented herself as an impartial and neutral figure; radical opponents like Rairea charged that she would turn the GCWUA into a "toothless" copy of the UAL.<br />
<br />
She defeated Rairea in the election, becoming Secretary-General. She won additional internal elections in 1965, 1970, and 1975.<br />
<br />
===Leadership===<br />
Ilaria presided over a professionalisation of the GCWUA and improvements in its administration, which earned her the respect of Gylian workers. Her reforms included the expansion of union-run schools for workers' education, libraries, sporting and cultural activities in cooperation with the [[Gylian Sports Confederation]], [[National Recreation Organisation]], and [[Committees for the Advance of the Revolution]], the purchasing of a major stake in ''[[The Social Times]]'', and the establishment of the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations#Function|National Workers' Bank]], which became Gylias' largest bank.<br />
<br />
She also established strict anti-corruption and fiscal transparency procedures, to protect unions from financial misconduct. The threat of expulsion from the GCWUA served as a powerful deterrent against malfeasance.<br />
<br />
The establishment of the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Labour|National Mediation Board]] and [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Labour|Directorate of Workplace Democracy]] also represented significant victories for the GCWUA. They became its major partners among [[Gylian administrative agencies]] — the NMB handling any industrial disputes as they emerged, and the DWD protecting {{wpl|workers' self-management}}.<br />
<br />
===Political goals===<br />
Ilaria advocated political neutrality for the GCWUA, rather than tying itself too closely to a particular ideology. She acknowledged the differences between herself and the union membership, joking that she was "a [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democrat]] chairing an [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] union".<br />
<br />
She championed {{wpl|industrial democracy}} and sought to maintain labour solidarity at all costs. [[Esua Nadel]] observed that the latter goal sometimes required Ilaria to "annoy everyone equally": restraining the more radical unionists while cajoling and arm-twisting the moderate unionists.<br />
<br />
Ilaria enjoyed the support of [[Sweetie Letise]], the [[Darnan Cyras government]]'s {{wpl|fixer (person)|political fixer}} and {{wpl|minister without portfolio}}. Sweetie used her influence to help Ilaria consolidate her leadership and strengthen the moderates within the GCWUA.<br />
<br />
===Remaking Gylian labour===<br />
[[File:IlariaMarchese-2.png|thumb|right|200px|Ilaria photographed in 1964]]<br />
Ilaria took office at a very favourable juncture for the GCWUA. The [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|transformation of the economy]] begun during the [[National Obligation period]] reached fruition, and Gylias experienced an [[Economy of Gylias#Economic miracle|economic boom]]. The [[Law on Industrial Organisation of 1958]] was extremely labour-friendly, while the {{wpl|social ownership|socialisation}} of the private sector through [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]] put workers in control of the economy. With unionisation being automatic on beginning employment, the {{wpl|union density}} reached 100%, and recruitment of membership ceased to be an active concern.<br />
<br />
Her non-confrontational approach as Secretary-General was successful because it fit the new realities of the economy. Gylias had little heavy industry, and its economy was dominated by {{wpl|light industry}} and services. Most Gylian workers were thus {{wpl|white-collar worker}}s and {{wpl|pink-collar worker}}s, or {{wpl|self-employment|self-employed}} as [[Merchants (Gylias)|merchants]], independent professionals, and {{wpl|small business}} owners. With {{wpl|workers' self-management}} as the foundation of the economy, labour militancy had little appeal, and unions' attention was focused on providing services and defending the economic interests of their workers.<br />
<br />
As a result of these factors, the Gylian [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]] was largely docile. During the 1960s and 1970s, Gylias had the least amount of time lost to {{wpl|strike action}}s in Siduri, while [[Gylian practices]] and the work of the [[Institute for the Protection of Leisure]] also gave it the lowest average working hours in Siduri. Rairea's charge that Ilaria turned the GCWUA into a copy of the UAL thus had some truth to it, but whereas Alscia experienced no strikes due to the extensive manipulation and {{wpl|clientelism}} practiced by [[Valentina Potenza]], Gylias experienced no strikes due to its success in placing workers directly in charge of running their workplaces.<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
Ilaria strove to present herself as sober and moderate, to practice the self-restraint she advocated as Secretary-General. She was known for dressing in skirt suits with large {{wpl|Pussy bow|lavallières}}, which garnered her a reputation as a [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]], much to her surprise. <br />
<br />
She was soft-spoken, and her strongly {{wpl|Italian language|Italian}}-accented {{wpl|English language|English}} was highlighted in parodies and caricatures of her. [[Carla Miló]] observed gleefully that Ilaria spoke fluent {{wpl|French language|French}} with no trace of an accent, but when she spoke English it was with a thick Italian accent.<br />
<br />
During public appearances, her typical pose was to rest her hands directly in front of her body. She was perceived by the media as stiff, composed, and buttoned-down; she embraced the image because it perfectly suited her approach.<br />
<br />
She was not a powerful speaker, but she was an outstanding strategist and organiser, who managed to keep the GCWUA united and strong. She was widely respected within the GCWUA for her understated image and extensive work behind the scenes. Even her radical opponents acknowledged her skill for organisation and her success in maintaing union power and improving workers' conditions through [[Gylian practices]]. Esua Nadel wrote:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"However much people disagreed with her methods, nobody in the GCWUA ever had a bad word to say about Ilaria as a person. Indeed, they praised her effusively for her hard work, elegance, and above all her tact. Ilaria never spoke ill of anyone, kept a firm lid on private disagreements, and very carefully hid her own beliefs for the purpose of fair dealing. Even the way the young radicals made fun of her was tinged with respect, the way one might poke fun at a school headmaster."}}<br />
<br />
She regularly appeared in the media, giving interviews and commenting on news stories. Her constant appearances led the public to see her as the amiable representative of Gylian organised labour, and organised labour as the most important element of the economy.<br />
<br />
Despite her career requiring "a perpetual performance of soft-spoken earnestness", in private Ilaria was a jovial hostess with a gentle sense of humour. She appreciated jokes at her expense because she saw them as a sign that people liked her. Her husband recalled: "She politely pretended not to hear the jokes about her. As long as you were polite to her face, she didn't mind you making fun of her behind her back. And she had such a sweet and gentle personality that nobody had the heart to be rude to her in person."<br />
<br />
[[Virginia Inman]] wrote that "Ilaria positioned the GCWUA into a very effective {{wpl|ballroom dance}} during {{wpl|collective bargaining}}. She presented the GCWUA as a gentle giant, physically powerful yet greatly attentive to others. This led governments to reflexively approve any request made by the GCWUA, because Ilaria had already restrained and tempered them to remove anything the least bit unpalatable."<br />
<br />
==Later life==<br />
Ilaria's restrained approach, which made the Gylian labour movement "remarkably quiet and well-behaved" during the prosperity of the [[Golden Revolution]], faltered in the face of the [[wretched decade]]. Her first meeting with [[Aén Ďanez]] left her shaken; she described Aén to the GCWUA convention as a "mad bomb-thrower".<br />
<br />
With keeping the powder dry no longer an option, Ilaria found it hard to adjust to the new reality of the wretched decade, and the moderates within the GCWUA lost popularity. Several radical unions presented a {{wpl|motion of no confidence}} at the 1977 convention, which succeeded. Ilaria was thus removed as Secretary-General, and succeeded by the radical-supported Keie Seura.<br />
<br />
Ilaria accepted her defeat gracefully, and offered her services to Keie, who retained her on the GCWUA's organising committee. She saw the GCWUA's militant turn as a deviation forced by the crises of the wretched decade, and hoped that her brand of self-restraint would reassert itself once the crises had been resolved.<br />
<br />
This came to pass following the inauguration of the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. Mirroring Ilaria's rise to leadership, Keie and the radicals lost popularity after ill-advised conflicts with the government, and Keie lost a motion of no confidence at the 1988 convention, replaced by the moderate [[Patsy Reilly]]. Ilaria supported Patsy and campaigned for her during the supplementary election.<br />
<br />
She retired from the GCWUA in 1988, and lived in quiet retirement with her family. She maintained her union membership card for the rest of her life. Apart from occasionally meeting with Patsy to provide advice, she kept a low profile, devoting herself to her family and hobbies.<br />
<br />
She refused offers from [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Gianna Calderara]] and [[Laura Varnaþ]] to be appointed to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]].<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Ilaria died on 9 May 2011 in her Mişeyáke apartment, aged 90.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Ilaria married in 1945. Her husband was a [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] volunteer who worked as an accountant after the war. The marriage was happy and lasted until her death, with two children.<br />
<br />
Ilaria led a simple, austere lifestyle. She neither smoked or drank alcohol. She was scrupulous about keeping her expenses low, choosing the cheapest accommodation and transportation for her duties as Secretary-General. Her only indulgence was [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] and jewelry, which she spent more on to maintain her appearance standards.<br />
<br />
One of her children recalled: "She was a warm and loving mother. She was just as poised and stuffy at home, but that's just the way she was, and she was happy with it. She was firm but fair, like a [[Shelley family]] parent. She had a talent as a mother to make us never want to let her down, so misbehaving was simply unthinkable to us."<br />
<br />
Her hobbies included hiking, fishing, [[Sport in Gylias#Tennis|tennis]], and [[Sport in Gylias#Cycling|cycling]]. Her favourite music was [[Susan Shelley]]'s [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]], and one of her prized possessions was Susan's autograph.<br />
<br />
<!-- Ilaria was a Freemason, like her father. --><br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
Ilaria is considered by historians to be one of the most influential Gylian trade unionists. She successfully made the GCWUA a powerful participant in the [[Golden Revolution]] and day-to-day Gylian life, professionalised the organisation, and consolidated worker control over the economy.<br />
<br />
One biographer writes that Ilaria "made Gylian unions squeaky clean and powerfully efficient institutions, oversaw workers assuming responsibility for {{wpl|workers' self-management|self-management}}, and reaped the fruits of the [[Georgette (term)|georgette]]-ification of Gylias' workforce".<br />
<br />
The "quiet and well-behaved" labour movement that Ilaria fostered, viewed with disdain by radicals, became a prominent symbol of the pact of the dinner party. ''[[The Gylian Herald]]'' wrote in its obituary that Ilaria inadvertently did a great deal to popularise [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']], as the image she promoted of a professionalised, sharp-dressed workforce far removed from {{wpl|dirty, dangerous and demeaning}} {{wpl|manual labour}} was a powerful symbol of the "good life" delivered by the Golden Revolution, and an enduring aspiration for subsequent generations of Gylians.<br />
<br />
[[Lea Kersed]] praised Ilaria as "a serious woman and a patriot who managed to reconcile the interests of workers with the interests of the nation". She said that Ilaria's greatest achievement was having the GCWUA "accept responsibility" at a critical juncture in Gylian history and transforming unions to fit the new society and economy built by the Golden Revolution.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Non-inscrits_(Gylias)&diff=655150Non-inscrits (Gylias)2023-05-12T07:59:00Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>'''Non-inscrits''' (abbreviated '''NI''', {{wpl|French language|French}}: "unattached") is a term in [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]] for [[List of political parties in Gylias|parties]] that have not formed an {{wpl|electoral bloc}}. The term also encompasses {{wpl|independent politician|independent}} politicians and parliamentarians.<br />
<br />
There is a wide variety of political ideologies represented among non-inscrits. Several non-inscrit parties have represented notably [[Political culture of Gylias|colourful presences in Gylian politics]], including the satirical {{G-LSDP}}, the image-based {{G-ARENA}}, the anarcho-naturist {{G-LND}}, and the pro-nightlife {{G-PPFN}}.<br />
<br />
Many non-inscrit parties participate in the [[Sigrid Eisen#Minor Party Alliance|Minor Party Alliance]].<br />
<br />
==Current non-inscrits==<br />
{|class=wikitable style=text-align:left<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="3"|Party<br />
!Main ideology<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-APP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-APP}}<br />
|APP<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Animal rights}}<br />
* {{wpl|animal welfare}}<br />
* {{wpl|environmentalism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-ARENA/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-ARENA}}<br />
|ARENA<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Anti-establishment}}<br />
* {{wpl|Kabuki dance|image politics}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-FLP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-FLP}}<br />
|FLP<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias|Agrarian socialism]]<br />
* {{wpl|Georgism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-FVU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-FVU}}<br />
|FVU<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Left-libertarianism}}<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|market anarchism]]<br />
* {{wpl|agorism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-GP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-GP}}<br />
|GP<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Green politics}}<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias|eco-socialism]] }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-HP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-HP}}<br />
|HP<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Humanism}}<br />
* {{wpl|secular humanism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-IRAM/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-IRAM}}<br />
|IRAM<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Political parties of minorities|Minority politics}}<br />
* {{wpl|regionalism (politics)|regionalism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-LND}}<br />
|LND<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Free love}}<br />
* {{wpl|LGBT rights}}<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|anarcho-naturism]] }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-LSDP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-LSDP}}<br />
|LSDP<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Psychedelia}}<br />
* [[acid communism]] }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-NAF/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-NAF}}<br />
|NAF<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Techno-progressivism}}<br />
* {{wpl|syncretic politics}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-NPP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-NPP}}<br />
|NPP<br />
|{{wpl|Economic nationalism}}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-PP-CM/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-PP-CM}}<br />
|PP-CM<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias|Synthesis anarchism]]<br />
* {{wpl|big tent}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-PPFN/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-PPFN}}<br />
|PPFN<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias|Populism]] (pro-{{wpl|nightlife}})<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-Pirates/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-Pirates}}<br />
|Pirates<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Pirate politics}}<br />
* {{wpl|direct democracy}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-RFS/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-RFS}}<br />
|RFS<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|Market anarchism]]<br />
* {{wpl|voluntaryism}}<br />
* {{wpl|panarchy}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-RJU/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-RJU}}<br />
|RJU<br />
|{{wpl|Spiritual left}}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-UI/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-UI}}<br />
|UI<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|Individualist anarchism]]<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|market anarchism]] }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-UM/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-UM}}<br />
|UM<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* [[Demopolis|Demopolitanism]]<br />
* {{wpl|cosmopolitanism}}<br />
* {{wpl|localism (politics)|localism}} }}<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-UNR/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-UNR}}<br />
|UNR<br />
|{{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Big tent}}<br />
* {{wpl|direct democracy}}<br />
* {{wpl|participism}} }}<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Defunct non-inscrits==<br />
{|class=wikitable style=text-align:left<br />
|-<br />
!colspan="3"|Party<br />
!Main ideology<br />
!Founded<br />
!Dissolved<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-MED/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-MED}}<br />
|MED<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Left-wing populism|Left-wing populism]] ({{wpl|economic nationalism}})<br />
|1964<br />
|1975<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-PFT/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-PFT}}<br />
|PFT<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|Right-wing populism]] ({{wpl|tax protester}})<br />
|1968<br />
|1981<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-PFF/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-PFF}}<br />
|PFF<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|Right-wing populism]] (anti-{{wpl|vegetarianism}})<br />
|1975<br />
|[[Dérive au droite|1988]]<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-AFP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-AFP}}<br />
|AFP<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|Right-wing populism]] ({{wpl|anti-environmentalism}})<br />
|1979<br />
|[[Dérive au droite|1989]]<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-CRFP/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-CRFP}}<br />
|CRFP<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|Right-wing populism]] (pro-fishing)<br />
|1990<br />
|[[Dérive au droite|2003]]<br />
|-<br />
| style="background:{{G-PCF/meta/color}}"|<br />
|{{G-PCF}}<br />
|PCF<br />
|[[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|Right-wing populism]] (pro-consumption)<br />
|1990<br />
|[[Dérive au droite|2006]]<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Political alignments==<br />
While not grouped into {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s, non-inscrit parties can align with blocs based on shared ideologies.<br />
<br />
The APP, FLP, GP, LSDP, Pirates, and PP-CM and RJU are on the left-wing. The APP, FLP, and RJU have been reliable {{G-PA/meta/shortname}} allies. The GP, LSDP, Pirates and PP-CM follow a more independent leftist course, but still cooperate with the PA.<br />
<br />
The LND and NPP are considered centre-left parties. The NPP's economic ideology places it somewhat closer to the {{G-LU/meta/shortname}}, but it has aligned with leftist parties on certain policy issues. The LND has historically preferred to cooperate with the PA, but has also joined a [[Mathilde Vieira government|coalition]] with the LU and NAF.<br />
<br />
The IRAM, HP, and NAF are centrist parties, which may align with the centre-left or centre-right. The IRAM has been part of every Gylian federal government. <br />
<br />
The UM and PPFN represent urban and [[Demopolis|demopolitan]] issues, and are open to allying with the centre-left and centre-right.<br />
<br />
The UNR is a centre-right party, which has aligned with the {{G-CG/meta/shortname}} and {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}.<br />
<br />
The FVU, UI, and RFS represent the [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|centre-right]] branch of [[Anarchism in Gylias|Gylian anarchism]]. Depending on the issue, they may either align with the centre-right NB, or form a pan-anarchist alliance with the PP-CM.<br />
<br />
Historical [[Populism in Gylias#History|"molehill parties"]] such as the AFP, CRFP, PCF, PFF, and PFT were right-wing parties. They rejected alliances with the NB, and instead aligned with the parties that would form the {{G-UFP/meta/shortname}}.<br />
<br />
The ARENA is nominally {{wpl|far-right politics|far-right}} in presentation, but in practice functions as a {{wpl|big tent}} {{wpl|joke party}}.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian political parties}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Politics of Gylias]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Mikiko_Kashiwagi&diff=651039Mikiko Kashiwagi2023-05-05T11:04:50Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Mikiko Kashiwagi<br />
|image = MikikoKashiwagi1.jpg<br />
|imagesize = 200px<br />
|caption =<br />
|office1 = Government Assembly Leader<br />
|primeminister1 = [[Kōko Kaga]]<br />
|term_start1 = 1 September 2010<br />
|term_end1 = 1 September 2022<br />
|office2 = [[Cabinet of Akashi|Minister of Public Welfare]]<br />
|term_start2 = 1 September 1994<br />
|term_end2 = 3 January 2000<br />
|primeminister2 = [[Shinobu Furukawa]]<br />
|office3 = [[Cabinet of Akashi|Minister of Cooperatives]]<br />
|term_start3 = 1 April 1990<br />
|term_end3 = 1 September 1994<br />
|primeminister3 = [[Shinobu Furukawa]]<br />
|birth_date = {{birth date and age|1966|1|1|df=yes}}<br />
|birth_place = Yūbari, [[Takao]], [[Akashi]]<br />
|birthname = <br />
|residence = <br />
|alma_mater = Hirakawa University<br />
|nationality = Akashian<br />
|party = {{A-SP}}<br />
|signature = <br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Mikiko Kashiwagi''' ({{wpl|Japanese language|Miranian}}: 幹子 柏木; {{wpl|Gothic language|Gothic}}: 𐌼𐌹ᚴ𐌹ᚴ𐍉 ᚴ𐌰𐍊𐌹𐍅𐌰𐌲𐌹 ''Mikiko Kaśiwagi''; born 1 January 1966), commonly known as '''Mika''', is an Akashian politician. She served as the [[Kōko Kaga]] government's {{wpl|parliamentary leader}} in the [[National Assembly (Akashi)|National Assembly]] (2010–2022), and as [[Cabinet of Akashi|Minister of Cooperatives]] (1990–1994) and [[Cabinet of Akashi|Minister of Public Welfare]] (1994–2000) in the [[Shinobu Furukawa]] government.<br />
<br />
Mika was first elected to the [[National Assembly (Akashi)|National Assembly]] in [[Akashian general election, 1986|1986]], becoming its {{wpl|baby of the house|youngest member}}. She is known for her {{wpl|champagne socialist}} image and has a reputation as a ''doyenne'' of the {{A-SP}}. She is credited with playing a key role in securing legislative passage of Kōko's "21st century socialism" agenda, and has been described as "Kōko's {{wpl|second-in-command}}".<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Mikiko Kashiwagi was born in Yūbari on 1 January 1966. Her father was a factory worker and her mother was a nurse; she has a younger sister, Yuriko (b. 1971). She grew up in a working class family, with staunchly {{wpl|trade union}}ist parents.<br />
<br />
She attended elementary and secondary school in her hometown, and then studied {{wpl|political science}} at Hirakawa University. She had not yet completed her degree at the time of her election, and finished her studies {{wpl|part-time student|part-time}}.<br />
<br />
==Political career==<br />
Mika joined the {{A-SP}}'s youth branch while in university. She was selected as a candidate for a constituency in Yūbari. She won a seat in the [[Akashian general election, 1986|1986 general election]], becoming the youngest MNA since the [[Akashian Civil War]]. Her narrow, hard-fought victory amidst the [[Akashian general election, 1986|"blue wave"]] was a significant formative experience, and contributed to the esteem she gained in the party.<br />
<br />
In the [[National Assembly (Akashi)|National Assembly]], she emerged as a young, high-profile opposition legislator. She was firmly on the left of the SP, supporting cooperation between the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|crimson]] and [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|pale crimson]] blocs. She criticised the SP's leadership for attempting to move the party towards the centre. <br />
<br />
Although opposed to her government, Mika personally respected [[Ran Tsukuda]], and at times supported Ran's more left-friendly legislation. Notably, she voted for the 1987 [[Economy of Akashi#Budget|mini-budget]]'s aggressive {{wpl|economic stimulus|stimulus measures}}, which prevented a recession.<br />
<br />
===Cabinet minister===<br />
[[File:MikikoKashiwagi2.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Mika attending a [[Shinobu Furukawa]] cabinet meeting, 1996]]<br />
Mika took part in street protests during the [[neoliberal conspiracy]]. One of the protests she attended turned violent, and she was arrested and sentenced to 3 weeks' imprisonment. The [[Akashian general election, 1990|1990 general election]] was called in the meantime, and she stood for re-election while imprisoned. She benefited from the [[Akashian general election, 1990|"red wave"]], winning the most {{wpl|first-preference votes}} in her constituency, while the {{A-CP}} won a plurality of seats nationwide, with the SP finishing third overall.<br />
<br />
She was appointed Minister of Cooperatives in the first [[Shinobu Furukawa]] cabinet. Shinobu regarded Mika as a "rising star" in left politics, and sought her out as a "kindred spirit" of the left. At the ministry, Mika handled the government's plans to expand the [[Economy of Akashi#Cooperatives|cooperative sector]], and built good ties with the [[Akashian Cooperative Union|Kyōkuren]] and {{A-NCP}}, which provided crucial support to the government. <br />
<br />
During this time, her beliefs evolved, embracing the {{wpl|Co-operative economics#Co-operative commonwealth|co-operative commonwealth}} as the ultimate goal of socialism.<br />
<br />
Following the government's re-election in [[Akashian general election, 1994|1994]], Mika was moved to Minister of Public Welfare. As minister, she oversaw increases in social spending and expansion of [[Akashi#Welfare|assistance programs]]. She became known for her {{wpl|feminism|feminist}} approach to welfare, dedicating her attention to parental leave, child benefit, and assistance for single parents. <br />
<br />
Other notable policies included the creation of arts programs for the unemployed, which she described as "more socially beneficial and contributing to making life more enjoyable than barbarisms like {{wpl|workfare|forcing the unemployed to perform slave labour}}."<br />
<br />
She was critical of Shinobu's forceful governance style, warning that she was alienating the NCP and "sleepwalking towards an election defeat". The [[Akashian general election, 1998|1998 general election]] vindicated her concerns: it produced a {{wpl|hung parliament}} where the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|crimson]] and [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|pale crimson]] blocs finished only one seat ahead of the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|light yellow]] and [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|light blue]] blocs altogether, and neither side could muster a majority. <br />
<br />
Shinobu tasked Mika with securing support from the NCP and {{wpl|Independent politician|independents}}, a task which she regarded as "essentially hopeless" but still did to the best of her ability. As she expected, negotiations ultimately failed and led to a [[Akashian general election, 1999|snap election in 1999]], won by the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|light blue]] bloc.<br />
<br />
===Return to opposition===<br />
During the 14th Assembly, Mika was once again in opposition. She took a more understated role, using some of her time to study economics and attend lectures on the subject. She turned her interest to the organisation of the SP and strengthening its appeal.<br />
<br />
Following the [[Akashian general election, 2002|2002 general election]], she was appointed the SP's lead economic spokesperson. However, she once again clashed with the party leadership, and resigned in 2004. She said the leadership was repeating the mistakes of the late 1980s, including "cowering retience towards the party's beliefs, misguided 'rebranding' attempts, and depressing and frustrating our most faithful supporters."<br />
<br />
The [[Akashian general election, 2006|2006 general election]] was a disaster for the SP: it fell to fourth place, winning less seats than the CP. Many of its voters were lost to the {{A-URP}}, which positioned itself towards the populist left under [[Liana Ferrari]].<br />
<br />
Following the party's defeat, Mika volunteered to serve as interim leader, and was chosen unopposed at an emergency conference. She served as interim leader for three months. As leader, she took measures to reform party procedures, revitalise grassroots support, strengthen relations with socialist organisations, and improve relations with [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|pale crimson]] and [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|crimson]] parties. She met with volunteers regularly and treated them to dinner at restaurants and nightclubs, which made her popular among the party membership.<br />
<br />
In the run-up to the next general election, the party continued to be troubled by low polling numbers. Mika convinced its leader to resign, and a leadership election was held in early 2010, won by [[Kōko Kaga]]. Mika had supported Kōko's bid, and the two formed a close collaboration.<br />
<br />
===Government Assembly Leader===<br />
[[File:MikikoKashiwagi3.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Mika pictured during a meeting with [[Kōko Kaga]], 2011]]<br />
The SP won the [[Akashian general election, 2010|2010 general election]] in a "red wave", gaining the first majority in the National Assembly since [[Akashian general election, 1970|1970]]. Following the final certification of results, Mika delivered an unusually restrained speech to the party's new MNAs, warning them that the majority was "temporary" and "many of you will not be here four years from now", and urging them to "seize the opportunity and put aside personal ambitions to work for the realisation of a more just and joyous Akashi" — using phrasing that deliberately evoked the [[Seigi rintaru|national anthem]].<br />
<br />
Kōko appointed Mika to be the government's leader in the National Assembly. Mika commented on accepting the post, "I know this is not a task that will make me very popular, but it is necessary."<br />
<br />
Mika became known for her meticulous preparation of votes, and played a key role in passing Kōko's program of "21st century socialism" through the National Assembly. One of her notable achievements were the overwhelming majorities for [[Akashi#Welfare|converting Akashi's welfare system]] to the {{wpl|basic income}}–{{wpl|negative income tax}} model: by acknowledging the contribution of Ran's [[Akashi#Welfare|Universal Assistance]] program, she secured centre-right support for the reform. <br />
<br />
Although the SP held a majority by itself, she continued to seek support and input from the [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|pale crimson]] and [[List of political parties in Akashi#Alignments|crimson]] parties. She would schedule opposition business in the Assembly at the beginning of the day, and regularly hosted party leaders in her office.<br />
<br />
In contrast to her initial remarks, Mika became a popular assembly leader. She relied mainly on encouragement, entertaining, and good organisational skills to maintain {{wpl|party discipline}}. She accepted a wide latitude of internal discussion and criticism, but rebuked members whose conduct she saw as self-mutilating towards the party. While identified with the SP's left, she carried out her duties in an impartial manner, seeking to bridge compromise among factions.<br />
<br />
True to her warning, the SP lost its majority in the [[Akashian general election, 2014|2014 general election]], while retaining a plurality. Kōko formed a {{wpl|coalition government}} with the NCP, {{A-GP}}, and {{A-NU}}, while retaining outside support from the left and centre. Mika's existing good relations with the parties proved a significant asset. She personally insisted that the NCP be included in the coalition, recalling her experience in Shinobu's government.<br />
<br />
Mika was easily re-elected in [[Akashian general election, 2018|2018]] and [[Akashian general election, 2022|2022]], and her term as assembly leader ended with that of the government. She strongly supports the [[Mizuki Kōhara]] government, and the Akashian media speculated she would run for leader of the Socialist Party.<br />
<br />
==Public image==<br />
[[File:MikikoKashiwagi4.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Mika photographed in a Hirakawa nightclub]]<br />
Mika has developed a distinctive public image in her career, summed up by one commentator as "a remarkable evolution from youthful firebrand to avuncular ''doyenne''".<br />
<br />
She has a reputation as a {{wpl|champagne socialist}}, and is known for her wardrobe of stylish business suits. She commented that she began to pay attention to her appearance more upon being appointed to the [[Cabinet of Akashi|cabinet]], and subsequently provided similar advice on presentation and handling the media to colleagues. She said in an interview: "Image is a tool, it isn't inherently virtuous or vile. It's important to not be a slave to it."<br />
<br />
She is known for extensively socialising among [[Politics of Akashi#Political environment|''koenkai'']], and rewarding members and party volunteers with outings at restaurants or nightclubs. She pays her share out of her personal money, mainly from [[Akashi#Welfare|basic income]] and [[Akashi#Welfare|social dividends]], and has reduced the outings' frequency since becoming parliamentary leader to avoid perceptions of inappropriate conduct. One colleague remarked: "Mika only does that for others. She's more frugal by herself."<br />
<br />
She made a cameo appearance as herself in the {{wpl|anime}} adaptation of ''[[Talented Sweetness]]'', in a scene where she is listening to the main characters' request that their application for culture ministry subsidies be given special consideration.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Mika is married, and the couple have {{wpl|twin}}s. She is a practitioner of [[Kisekidō]]. She has been {{wpl|vegetarian}} since her 20th birthday. She is fond of {{wpl|red wine}}, making a point of drinking Akashian-made red wine on social occasions, and was formerly a smoker.<br />
<br />
She is an avid cyclist, and {{wpl|association football|football}} fan, supporting Yūbari's football team. Outside of politics, she enjoys reading, writing, and music. She plays the piano, having taken lessons since childhood, and has occasionally played classical and popular piano compositions in public.<br />
<br />
She cites [[Kasumi Kuroki|Kasuko]] as her political inspiration, commenting: "She held a government together in an economic crisis, took tough measures without hitting the workers, and sacrificed her political career for the sake of Akashi's health." She has also said she admires [[Yurika Ehara|Yurikara]]'s response to the [[Summer of Freedom]] for the way it "saved Akashi from another civil war", and has praised [[Astrid Marett]] as "a great First Minister and a formidable political talent". She is an advocate of closer relations with [[Delkora]] and [[Gylias]], and a [[Common Sphere#Politics|soft supporter]] of the [[Common Sphere]].<br />
<br />
[[Category:Akashians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Lea_Kersed&diff=648793Lea Kersed2023-05-01T08:20:37Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Kersed|Lea}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Lea Kersed<br />
|image = LeaKersed.jpg<br />
|office = [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|Deputy Prime Minister]] of [[Gylias]]<br />
|term_start1 = 30 May 1986<br />
|term_end1 = 9 September 1988<br />
|predecessor1 = <br />
|successor1 = <br />
|primeminister1 = [[Filomena Pinheiro]]<br />
|birth_date = 11 February 1933<br />
|birth_place = Taryn, [[Xevden]]<br />
|death_date = {{death date and age|1988|09|09|1933|02|11|df=yes}}<br />
|death_place = Off the coast of Landráy, [[Nauras Region|Nauras]], [[Gylias]]<br />
|party = {{G-CP}} <small>(1969)</small><br>{{G-CNP}} <small>(1969–1988)</small><br />
|otherparty = <br />
|occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* Model<br />
* author<br />
* politician }}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Lea Kersed''' (11 February 1933 – 9 September 1988) was a Gylian model, author, and politician. She was Gylias' [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|Deputy Prime Minister]] in the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. She is one of the most influential [[Conservatism in Gylias|Gylian conservatives]], winning a thorough victory in the [[Conservatism in Gylias#Free Territories|"constructive"–"recalcitrant" battle]] and establishing the {{G-NB}}, Gylias' main conservative electoral bloc.<br />
<br />
Beginning her career as a model, Lea entered politics in the [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969 federal election]], where she was the only [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Deputy]] elected from the {{G-CC}}. She spearheaded the dissolution of the CC through a process of {{wpl|entryism}} by "constructives", and subsequently established the {{G-CNP}} and the {{G-NB}}.<br />
<br />
Lea's good looks, elegant personality, and glamorous image helped drive her to national popularity and establish the NB as a strong {{wpl|progressive conservatism|progressive conservative}} force in [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]]. During the [[wretched decade]], she was a tenacious opponent of the [[Aén Ďanez government]], and repeatedly pushed for a {{wpl|grand coalition}} of conservatives, leftists, liberals, and centrists. This came to fruition after the [[Ossorian war crisis]], and she joined the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]] as [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|Deputy Prime Minister]].<br />
<br />
In the run-up to the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|next federal election]], there was strong speculation that the NB would win, and Lea would become the first conservative [[Prime Minister of Gylias]]. However, Lea died in office on 9 September 1988, drowned while swimming in the Varuna Ocean. Her death caused a fracture in the NB, with the {{G-UFP}} splitting off in 1989, and the NB would remain in opposition for three decades at the federal level.<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Lea Kersed was born on 11 February 1933 in Taryn. She grew up in poverty; her parents took various odd jobs to survive and make money.<br />
<br />
The establishment of the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]] led to an improvement in the family's fortunes. Her parents began working for the state — her father as a secretary for a [[Nerveiík Kingdom#Social conditions|National Syndical Organisation]], and her mother headed a local chapter of the [[Nerveiík Kingdom#State-building|Women's League]]. Lea began attending primary school.<br />
<br />
The family fled the Kingdom after the 31 December 1947 coup that brought to power the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]]. They embarked on a large boat in Ryðai along with many other refugees and subsequently sailed to [[Geography of Gylias|Iárus island]], taking refuge in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]].<br />
<br />
Lea's politics were marked by her childhood in the Nerveiík Kingdom and her family's move to the Free Territories. She often referred to the warm welcome the family received in Iárus, such as in her {{wpl|maiden speech}} to the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]]:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I disembarked with my parents in Iárus, terrified that the life we'd known had just gone up in flames and not knowing what to expect next. When it came our turn to be processed, the clerk took down our names, and asked our backgrounds. When he found out my parents had worked for the Nerveiík Kingdom, he took it on himself to announce loudly, 'Attention everyone, we have two functionaries from the Kingdom with a daughter. Treat them as guests of honour!' And my parents cried from joy.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|We got a generous settlement package, a nice house we shared with the loveliest Gylian family you could meet, and we were even given nice clothes so that we wouldn't look shabby in public. And I have a vivid memory that once we were getting our rations, a [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] soldier passed by and sneered at us for being 'Nerveiíkans'. To my surprise, he got the mother of all tongue-lashings from the commander until he apologised.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|From that day, I've had nothing but admiration for the Free Territories. They've fought a brutal war to rid themselves of a murderous regime, but at home they were draconian about treating people humanely. I even got the impression they went out of their way to treat us well ''because'' my family had been Nerveiík functionaries. And since then, I've felt proud to live in a country that [[Adversary–enemy distinction|treats its enemies ruthlessly but its adversaries with the greatest respect]]."}}<br />
<br />
==Modeling career==<br />
[[File:LeaKersed-1.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lea modeling in 1959]]<br />
Having continued her education in [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes]], Lea began working as a model in the Free Territories.<br />
<br />
Fellow model [[Isabel Longstowe]] praised Lea as "a stunning beauty". Her trademarks included a striking {{wpl|widow's peak}}, a perfectly symmetrical rectangular face, and a fashionably slender body.<br />
<br />
While working as a model, Lea met her husband, Nary Kersed. The two would be exclusive collaborators for the rest of their careers. Nary praised Lea's beauty as "frozen, permanent, it does not age". His portraits of his wife show her gently smiling and a "witty underplay" to the scenes she's set in — more often than not, an incongrously buttoned-down elegance in contrast to prosaic surroundings.<br />
<br />
Lea gained renown as a model during the [[Golden Revolution]], and she and her husband regularly socialised in renowned circles, among artists, musicians, models, and broadcasters. She had a lifelong friendship with [[Ludmila Canaşvili]], and campaigned for her during the [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968 presidential election]]. This experience stirred her interest in politics.<br />
<br />
==Political career==<br />
Lea was inspired by Ludmila to research [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservatism]], and became a [[Conservatism in Gylias#Hannaism|Hannaist]]. At the time, Gylian conservatism was at a low ebb, weakened by the [[Conservatism in Gylias#Free Territories|"constructive"–"recalcitrant" battle]], with many moderate conservatives having instead joined the {{G-CG}} or {{G-NI}}.<br />
<br />
Lea joined the {{G-CP}} just as the [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969 federal election]] campaign started, and ran for a ''circonscription'' in [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]]. She campaigned heavily in her district, to the point that even her {{G-PA}} opponents praised her as a talented campaigner. She ran an entirely personal campaign, with materials carrying only her name and no mention of her political affiliation.<br />
<br />
Aided by recognition from her modeling career, she finished 4th in the final count and was elected, becoming the {{G-CC}}'s only deputy in the 2nd Parliament. [[Iulia Edver]] was famously dismissive at first, commenting that "They had to put up a model who remained tight-lipped about her actual politics to even have a chance of getting elected."<br />
<br />
===Leader of the National Bloc===<br />
[[File:LeaKersed-3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lea's famous playful smile, shown in a photo taken by her husband]]<br />
Once elected, Lea disavowed the CP, and manipulated its internal rules to seize power as its leader and expel "recalcitrants". She disbanded the CP and established the {{G-CNP}}, its name an homage to [[Ossoria]]'s [[Crown Nationalist Party (Ossoria)|Crown Nationalist Party]], a leading model for the new party.<br />
<br />
She encouraged others to apply similar strategies to the other CC parties, and {{wpl|entryism}} from "constructives" to seize control. These tactics led to the destruction of the CC and its replacement by the {{G-NB}}. A political realignment ensued, with many "constructives" elected under the CG or independent banner joining the NB parties. The NB's good performances in the [[List of Gylian regional elections#1970|first regional elections of 1970]], [[List of Gylian municipal elections#1970|municipal elections of 1970]], and the [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|presidential election of 1975]] raised expectations they would become a serious contender in the next federal election.<br />
<br />
The NB finished third in the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]], and formed the official opposition. Although Lea was credited with obtaining the breakthrough that had eluded [[Sasa Ruişela]], she lamented that the result showed how much of an uphill climb they still had to win over voters.<br />
<br />
During the [[wretched decade]], she was a tenacious opponent of the [[Aén Ďanez government]], and repeatedly pushed for a {{wpl|grand coalition}} of conservatives, leftists, liberals, and centrists, to resist the authoritarianism of the [[Revolutionary Rally (Gylias)|left]] and [[Front for Renewal of Order and Society (Gylias)|right]]. She refused to compromise on this principle, both as a means to win support from non-conservative voters, and, in her husband's words, "a personal feather in her cap. I think she wanted to gain immortality by being the first to have the conservatives and the socialists shake hands."<br />
<br />
Following the [[Gylian federal election, 1980|1980 federal election]], she was given the mandate by [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Reda Kazan]] to form a government. Her grand coalition proposal was narrowly derailed by the PA "getting cold feet", which deprived it of a majority.<br />
<br />
Frustrated with the impasse, she ran for the [[President of Gylias|presidency]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 1982|1982]]. She finished third, with 15,1% of first preference votes, and didn't advance to the final round.<br />
<br />
Lea's hard work as opposition leader and consistent anti-Aén stance ultimately attracted more voters frustrated with opposition disunity, who blamed the other blocs for failing to unite and remove Aén. The [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]] was Lea's greatest triumph: the NB finished first and won a plurality, with the highest tally of deputies (100) ever won by a Gylian electoral bloc.<br />
<br />
The triumph obscured growing internal tensions within the NB. The {{G-CNP}}, {{G-NPR}}, and {{G-PDU}} stuck firmly to [[Conservatism in Gylias#Hannaism|Hannaism]], but the {{G-FEP}} and {{G-IFP}} had moved to the right, and grew increasingly {{wpl|neoliberalism|neoliberal}}.<br />
<br />
===Deputy Prime Minister of Gylias===<br />
The [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986 galvanised the opposition, which succeeded in toppling the [[Aén Ďanez government]], and formed a {{wpl|grand coalition}}, the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. Lea had ruled herself out of consideration as Prime Minister, and instead supported the independent deputy [[Filomena Pinheiro]], feeling that her non-partisan image would be more acceptable for the opposition to rally around. Filomena appointed Lea Deputy Prime Minister, in recognition of her long opposition to Aén. The NB obtained 5 cabinet posts in total, marking their first participation in a federal government.<br />
<br />
Lea took on a visible role as Deputy Prime Minister, and strongly supported Filomena's [[Filomena Pinheiro#New Course|"New Course"]], particularly the crackdown on the {{G-RR}} and {{G-FROS}}, the most extensive since the [[Lucian Purge]]. Lea and Filomena became close friends in government, and formed an effective team in public appearances, where Lea's elegance compensated for Filomena's low-key and contemplative manner.<br />
<br />
Lea observed the ''[[dérive au droite]]'' with concern, and was determined to make a stand and expel the FEP and IFP from the NB before the next election. In a party meeting, she stated, "We can't allow any sort of ambiguity or doubt in the Gylian voter's mind whether the National Bloc stands for conservatism as a positive force or a destructive force."<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
[[File:LeaKersed-2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lea and her husband Nary]]<br />
Throughout her political career, Lea capitalised on her physical beauty and glamorous personality to appeal to voters. She did her best to present the "elegantly old-fashioned" image that characterised [[Conservatism in Gylias|Gylian conservatism]]. She always appeared in public meticulously dressed in [[Ðaina Levysti#"Levystile"|Levystile]] suits, giving her an image as a "slick" politician.<br />
<br />
Ideologically, Lea supported the [[Gylian consensus]], but mainly distinguished the NB through its stances on {{wpl|communitarianism}}, {{wpl|social corporatism}}, {{wpl|municipalisation}}, and [[Political culture of Gylias#Statism and anarchism|statism]]. She was skeptical of whether Gylias could manage to abolish the state entirely, and her own model was closer to a {{wpl|night-watchman state}}, protecting {{wpl|direct democracy}} and providing coordination where necessary.<br />
<br />
For most voters, Lea's "playfully inscrutable smile" was her defining trademark. She eagerly used this in her campaign material; one of her famous posters showed her smiling accompanied by the simple caption ''"The National Bloc will please Gylias"''.<br />
<br />
Lea's experience in relocating to Iárus gave her a lifelong appreciation of the [[adversary–enemy distinction]]. She was known for going out of her way to befriend politicians from the {{G-PA}}, {{G-LU}}, and {{G-CG}}, and said that her dream was to hear others say, "I don't agree with Lea at all, but she's a wonderful friend." One of her proudest achievements in this regard was befriending [[Iulia Edver]], who had been dismissive of her when she was first elected deputy.<br />
<br />
Although firmly opposed to {{wpl|reactionary|reactionism}}, Lea had a degree of sympathy for {{wpl|social conservatism}}, mainly in nostalgia for [[Clothing in Gylias|older styles of appearance]]. She noted with amusement that "[[Reda Kazan|Reda]] is even more conservative than us" due to the President's tongue-in-cheek advocacy of stricter dress standards, and would remark that she wished Reda had been the leader of the {{G-PA}} instead.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Lea married photographer Nary Kersed in 1957, on her 24th birthday. Nary took her surname upon marriage. The marriage lasted until her death, and they had two children, Simon and Sue.<br />
<br />
Lea and Nary had a happy and loving marriage. Acquaintances noted that Nary was in awe of his wife, referring to her as his "muse", and the two regularly expressed affection by lightheartedly teasing each other. Lea jokingly forbade Nary from wearing casual clothes at home and insisted he wear a three-piece suit to look as sharp as she did, to which he obliged.<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Lea was an avid swimmer throughout her life. One of her favourite swimming spots was the Varuna Ocean coast near Landráy. On the morning of 9 September 1988, she went to Landráy with her family and two of their neighbours. They went by bicycle to a local beach where they started swimming. Around 12:12, Lea was suddenly caught in a {{wpl|rip current}} and drowned at sea. Nary remembered: "She didn't raise her arms or cry for help, she just slipped beneath the waves and that's the last time we ever saw her."<br />
<br />
Despite a massive search conducted by the [[Gylian Police]] and the [[Gylian Self-Defense Forces|Gylian Naval Self-Defense Force]], Lea's body was never recovered.<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
Lea is a major figure in the history of [[Conservatism in Gylias|Gylian conservatism]], and is credited with establishing it as an electoral force by ending the [[Conservatism in Gylias#Free Territories|"constructive"–"recalcitrant" battle]] that had plagued it since the Free Territories.<br />
<br />
Her death destabilised the NB and hastened the {{G-UFP}}'s split in 1989; the NB would remain in opposition until the [[Gylian federal election, 2020|2020 federal election]].<br />
<br />
She was the second Deputy Prime Minister to die in office after [[Aliska Géza]]. Like Aliska, she gained a reputation as "the Prime Minister who never was", and appears often in Gylian {{wpl|alternate history}} and {{wpl|counterfactual history}} works, which speculate on how she would have fared as Prime Minister and its possible effect on [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]].<br />
<br />
A public swimming pool in Landráy is named after Lea. Although this is often regarded as {{wpl|black humour}}, Nary himself stated that "it's what Lea would have wanted. She would've loved it, and she would've laughed heartily."<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian models]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Rena_Nele%C5%9F&diff=642644Rena Neleş2023-04-19T11:01:42Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Neleş|Rena}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Rena Neleş<br />
| image = RenaNeleş.jpg<br />
| image_size = 200px<br />
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1985|05|15|df=yes}}<br />
| birth_place = Şenri, [[Envadra Region|Envadra]], Gylias<br />
| occupation = {{wpl|Voice actor}}<br />
| years_active = 2007–present<br />
| credits = ''[[Castle Bang]]'' as Liza Runecastle<br>''Liquid Woman'' as Rias Gemi<br>''[[Ballad for a Sex God]]'' as Lust<br>''[[Easy Life]]'' as Lisa "Izzy" Easley<br>''[[Medaka Box]]'' as Medaka Kurokami<br>''Monster Squad'' as Jane Smith<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Rena Neleş''' (born 15 May 1985) is a Gylian {{wpl|voice actor}}. She is best known for her roles as extremely attractive, boastful, and witty heroines, particularly in the ''[[nénédie]]'' genre, such as Liza Runecastle in ''[[Castle Bang]]'', Rias Gemi in ''Liquid Woman'', Lust in ''[[Ballad for a Sex God]]'', Medaka Kurokami in ''[[Medaka Box]]'', and Jane Smith in ''Monster Squad''.<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Rena Neleş was born on 15 May 1985 in Şenri.<br />
<br />
She became interested in acting from watching ''[[Kleptechne]]'' and ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]'' in childhood.<br />
<br />
She studied acting at the Federal University of Mişeyáke, graduating with a master's degree in Fine Arts.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
Rena stayed in Mişeyáke after graduation and began her voice acting career.<br />
<br />
Her breakthrough came in 2009, when she voiced Liza Runecastle in ''[[Castle Bang]]''. The role set the tone for her career, and launched a long association with the ''[[nénédie]]'' genre, including further defining roles as Lust in ''[[Ballad for a Sex God]]'', Lisa "Izzy" Easley in ''[[Easy Life]]'', Medaka Kurokami in ''[[Medaka Box]]'', Rias Gemi in ''[[Liquid Woman]]'', and Jane Smith in ''Monster Squad''.<br />
<br />
Rena mainly acts in {{wpl|English language|English}}. For her role as Medaka Kurokami, she received coaching in {{wpl|Japanese language|Miranian}} from her co-stars [[The Sapphires]]. Her performance was so convincing that she reported recieving fan mail from fans who assumed she was fluent in Miranian.<br />
<br />
''[[Animonthly]]'' wrote in 2020 that Rena and [[Max Storm]] "established themselves as the indispensable go-tos for larger-than-life sexy {{wpl|bombshell (slang)|bombshells}}", noting that Rena's performances "exude big sisterly charm, sprightly energy, and irresistible cool", in contrast to Max's "boisterous, rowdy rabble-rousers".<br />
<br />
==Filmography==<br />
'''Television and film'''<br />
* ''[[Castle Bang]]'' (2009–2012) as Liza Runecastle<br />
* ''[[Ballad for a Sex God]]'' (2009–2014) as Lust<br />
* ''[[Easy Life]]'' (2011–2015) as Lisa "Izzy" Easley<br />
* ''[[Medaka Box]]'' (2012) as Medaka Kurokami<br />
* ''Liquid Woman'' (2012–2022) as Rias Gemi<br />
* ''Monster Squad'' (2015–2020) as Jane Smith<br />
<!-- ''Vermeil in Gold'' (2022) as Vermeil --><br />
<br />
'''Video games'''<br />
* ''Dragon's Crown'' (2013) as Sorceress<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian actors]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Battle_of_Velouria&diff=637738Battle of Velouria2023-04-07T14:11:59Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox military conflict<br />
| conflict = Battle of Velouria<br />
| partof = the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]<br />
| image = Female Soldier of the Corvin Passage.png<br />
| caption = An unknown PA soldier during the Battle of Velouria, one of the battle's most famous images<br />
| date = 23 December 1957 – 2 January 1958<br />
| place = Velouria, [[Xevden]]<br />
| result = [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]<br />
* Capture of high-ranking [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] officials<br />
* Complete destruction of the [[Xevden]]ite state<br />
* End of [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]<br />
| combatant1 = [[Image:Black flag.svg|22px]] [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]<br />
| combatant2 = {{flagicon|Xevden}} [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]]<br />
| commander1 = [[Image:Flag of the EZLN.svg|22px]] '''[[Raira Sano]]''' <small>({{wpl|commander-in-chief}})</small><br />
| commander2 = [[File:Green flag with symbol of falanga.svg|22px]] Daŋe Reskar<br />
<!-- | strength1 = ?<br />
| strength2 = ?<br />
| casualties1 = ?<br />
| casualties2 = ? --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
The '''Battle of Velouria''' was the final offensive and battle of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. The [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] attacked Velouria beginning on 23 December 1957, and gradually took the entire city. Fighting ended on 2 January 1958, with the capture and razing of the Royal Palace.<br />
<br />
Coming at the end of the 20-year [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], the battle was marked by ferocity on both sides. The [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] had undergone a process of cumulative radicalisation and was aware it would face a reckoning for its {{wpl|war crime}}s and the Xevdenite Terror. The [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] were impatient to end the war and angered by the fierce Xevdenite resistance, leading to brutal tactics in an attempt to break it.<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
The second phase of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] had become a straightforward conflict between the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] and [[Xevden]], led by the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]]. The decisive victories at the [[Battles of Nerazur and Mytin]] on 14–15 April 1948 turned the tide of war in the Free Territories' favour. For the remainder of the war the Xevdenites were limited to reacting to Free Territories advances, and were never able to regain the initiative or launch a major offensive.<br />
<br />
Although the Xevdenites had lost the initiative permanently, the Free Territories' advance was slow but steady over the next decade. They had to contend with several problems that slowed their progress:<br />
<br />
* The fundamental problem of having to control and protect a large territory with too little manpower in the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] — a problem that the other Gylian factions had faced in the first phase as well,<br />
* The need to integrate, reorganise, and begin reconstruction of newly-liberated territory — and thus clear it of Xevdenite stragglers, saboteurs, and irregulars.<br />
* The need to smooth over tensions and maintain the {{wpl|popular front}} created by unifying all Gylian factions under the Free Territories' umbrella.<br />
<br />
In preparation for the upcoming victory, the [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchists]] finally broke the hated [[History of Gylias#Liberation War|"alliance of convenience"]] with statists–authoritarians through the [[Lucian Purge]] of April 1956.<br />
<br />
By 1956, the Free Territories had liberated all but the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]]. Ever since Nerazur and Mytin, the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] had undergone a process of cumulative radicalisation. The Xevdenites put up increasingly fanatical resistance, and the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime#Ideology|Revolutionary Front for Patriotic Victory]] and [[Tymzar–Nalo regime#Ideology|Storm of Steel]] conducted a campaign of massacres and destruction known as the Xevdenite Terror.<br />
<br />
The Xevdenite resistance, motivated by the knowledge that they would face a reckoning for their crimes, angered the Free Territories. [[Raira Sano]], {{wpl|commander-in-chief}} of the People's Army, wrote in her memoirs that the People's Army "grew increasingly brutalised as the war ground on". <br />
<br />
War crimes and reprisals against the especially hated RFPV and Storm of Steel were tolerated: prisoners were {{wpl|Summary execution|summarily executed}} and their corpses dumped in public squares to be abused by passersby, or hung by lamp-posts with wooden boards attached detailing their crimes.<br />
<br />
==Combatants==<br />
<br />
===Free Territories===<br />
The [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] had successfully occupied the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]] by December 1957, and converged on Velouria, the Xevdenite capital.<br />
<br />
Leading cadres and political figures traveled to Velouria in anticipation of the imminent victory.<br />
<br />
The People's Army enjoyed all the advantages going into the battle: it had liberated the rest of Gylian territory, had air superiority, and had successfully blockaded Velouria by ship.<br />
<br />
[[Lilja Kjellberg]], a soldier in the People's Army and future sport minister in the [[Darnan Cyras government]], described the general sentiment in ''[[Nation Building]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Nerves were stretched raw, patience had been ground to dust. We had been at war for two fucking decades. People were sick of fighting and just wanted it to end already. And when the Xevdenites kept fighting and delayed victory … well, fuck 'em, they're subhumans anyway. They killed our own, let's just kill them all and be done with it."}}<br />
<br />
===Xevden===<br />
The [[Tymzar–Nalo regime#Military|Royal Army]] had prepared defensive plans long before the final battle, and had devoted much effort to fortifying Velouria. Their forces were severely depleted, and supplemented by police forces and {{wpl|militia}}s, particularly from the Storm of Steel.<br />
<br />
Many civilians had fled the city before the final battle, but some had remained trapped. The city suffered from severe shortages.<br />
<br />
Tymzar and Nalo Ðari acknowledged there was no hope of victory, and instead focused on making the end as brutal and destructive as possible. Nalo scornfully alluded to the {{wpl|scorched earth}} tactics of the [[Glorious Rebellion]] and [[Anca Déuréy]]'s famous quote ''"We may lose, but we'll leave behind a smouldering ruin in revenge."''<br />
<br />
==Battle==<br />
The People's Army launched the battle on 23 December 1957, with an artillery barrage at 08:30. The intense bombing, by both artillery and aircraft, reduced much of the city to rubble.<br />
<br />
The People's Army was met with heavy fighting and {{wpl|urban warfare}}. They had to fight house by house to clear the streets.<br />
<br />
The Major Julie Legrand Battalion of {{wpl|bicycle infantry}}, commanded by [[Julie Legrand]], played a key role in the battle, using its mobility to manoeuvre around Xevdenite fortifications and help clear buildings and streets.<br />
<br />
The slow pace at which the city was captured frustrated People's Army soldiers, some of whom turned to brutal tactics to force the Xevdenites to submit faster. [[Raira Sano]], present during the battle, publicly scolded and shamed People's Army soldiers who were indiscriminately bombing neighbourhoods and killing combatants and civilians alike.<br />
<br />
While the Free Territories made efforts to prevent massacres, there were reports of People's Army units practicing an unofficial {{wpl|no quarter}} policy. Storm of Steel members who fell into custody were summarily executed.<br />
<br />
The People's Army finally reached the former Royal Palace on the night of 1–2 January 1958. A captured Xevdenite soldier informed them that Tymzar and Nalo were there, having both failed to escape, and planned a {{wpl|last stand}}. The palace was bombed intensely by artillery. Afterwards, the [[15th Special Operations Squad]] was sent to perform a final mop-up of the building, and managed to capture Tymzar and Nalo alive.<br />
<br />
With Tymzar and Nalo now in custody, the People's Army resumed bombing the palace until it was completely destroyed. Finally, two volunteers climbed what remained of the building and raised two flags, one black and one red.<br />
<br />
By this point, the sun had risen and the remaining residents of Velouria saw the flags above the palace, signifying the Free Territories' victory. Raira Sano climbed on top of the Royal Palace's ruins and gave a victory speech to the soldiers present. This became a famous symbol of the war's end, and yielded some of Raira's most iconic photographs.<br />
<br />
==Aftermath==<br />
The Battle of Velouria marked the end of the Liberation War, and the final destruction of [[Xevden]] as a state. It began the process of transition from the Free Territories to Gylias.<br />
<br />
After fighting subsided, the Free Territories took measures to start restoring essential services, and made a major effort to feed and house the city's residents. Velouria had suffered some of the most extensive damage of the Liberation War, and thus required an equally massive reconstruction effort. Residents who had fled the city before the final battle began to return to assist with reconstruction.<br />
<br />
The end of the battle is commemorated as [[Culture of Gylias#Public holidays|Rememberance Day]] every 2 January.<br />
<br />
[[Category:History of Gylias]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Xevden&diff=634373Xevden2023-03-30T07:49:27Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox former country<br />
|conventional_long_name = Kingdom of Xevden<br />
|common_name = Xevden<br />
|p1 = Liúşai League<br />
|flag_p1 = LiúşaiFlag.png<br />
|s1 = Alscia{{!}}'''1908''':<br>Alscia<br />
|flag_s1 = Civil Flag of El Salvador.png<br />
|s2 = Free Territories (Gylias){{!}}'''1938''':<br>Free Territories<br />
|flag_s2 = BlackFlag.svg<br />
|s3 = Nerveiík Kingdom{{!}}'''1938''':<br>Nerveiík Kingdom<br />
|flag_s3 = XevdenFlag-N.png<br />
|image_flag = XevdenFlag.png<br />
|flag_type = Flag<br />
|image_coat =<br />
|symbol_type = Seal<br />
|image_map = XevdenLateMap.png<br />
|image_map_caption = Xevden in the early 20th century. Light green denotes [[Alscian Border War#TACS|territories lost to]] [[Alscia]] during the [[Alscian Border War]].<br />
|capital = Velouria<br />
|government_type = {{wpl|Absolute monarchy}} <small>(1704–1754)</small><br>{{wpl|Constitutional monarchy}} with an authoritarian framework <small>(1754–1902)</small><br>{{wpl|Absolute monarchy}} <small>(1902–1934)</small><br>[[Nerveiík Kingdom|Constitutional monarchy]] <small>(1934–1947)</small><br>[[Tymzar–Nalo regime|Absolute monarchy]] <small>(1947–1958)</small><br />
|title_leader = King<br />
|leader1 = Ḑary<br />
|year_leader1 = 1704–1744 <small>(first)</small><br />
|leader2 = [[Tymzar–Nalo regime|Tymzar]]<br />
|year_leader2 = 1947–1958 <small>(last)</small><br />
|title_deputy = Prime Minister<br />
|deputy1 = [[Nerveiík Kingdom|Den Alieraş]]<br />
|year_deputy1 = 1938–1947 <small>(last)</small><br />
|legislature = Xevdenite Parliament<br />
|era = Pre-modernity, modernity<br />
|event_pre = [[Colonisation War]] begins<br />
|date_pre = 1695<br />
|event_start = [[Colonisation War]] ends<br />
|year_start = 1704<br />
|event1 = [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]]<br />
|date_event1 = 1754<br />
|event2 = [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ assembly|Keraþ assembly]]<br />
|date_event2 = 1848<br />
|event3 = [[Glorious Rebellion]]<br />
|date_event3 = 1856–1868<br />
|event4 = [[Cacerta-Xevden War]]<br />
|date_event4 = 1904–1908<br />
|event5 = [[Alscian Border War]]<br />
|date_event5 = 1911–1939<br />
|event6 = [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] begins<br />
|date_event6 = 1 January 1938<br />
|event_end = [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] ends<br />
|year_end = 1958<br />
|date_end = 2 January<br />
|currency = Crown<br />
|today = {{flag|Gylias}}<br />
}}<br />
{{History of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
The '''Kingdom of Xevden''' is the common name for the state that existed from 1704 to 1958 in the territory today occupied by [[Gylias]]. It was established after the [[Colonisation War]] (1695–1704), which resulted in Xevdenite conquest of the [[Liúşai League]] together with the simultaneous loss of their homeland in [[Lemobrogia]].<br />
<br />
For much of its existence, Xevden was an {{wpl|absolute monarchy}} or authoritarian state, ruled by an {{wpl|alien elite}} outnumbered by hostile native populations, [[Gylic peoples|Gylic]] and non-Gylic. It was largely a pariah within [[Tyran]] and became one of its poorest states, ravaged by corruption, nepotism, arbitrary rule, and a deficient industrialisation in the 19th century.<br />
<br />
Xevden was repeatedly destabilised by popular revolts, with notably large ones occuring in [[Rebellion of 1749|1749]], 1789, [[Gylian revolution of 1848|1848]], and [[Glorious Rebellion|1856–1868]], as well as ongoing resistance from ''kyðoi''. Reforms to consolidate the state and redress the injustices committed since the Colonisation War were repeatedly blocked or sabotaged by an intransigent minority among the elite, desiring to preserve its privileges and dreading a reckoning for its abuses.<br />
<br />
The [[Gylian ascendancy]] and a [[Cacerta-Xevden War|disastrous war with Cacerta]] heightened Xevden's crisis, and the state entered a period of disintegration in the early 20th century. King [[Varnaþ family|Láaresy]] launched an attempt to resolve the crisis known as the 1400 Days' Reform, which was unsuccessful.<br />
<br />
When the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] began in 1938, the monarchy's retreat to the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]] produced a reformist constitutional period known as the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]]. It was overthrown in turn by the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] in 1947, which itself led Xevden to a defeat in the Liberation War and its demise in 1958. It was followed by the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], which evolved into present-day [[Gylias]].<br />
<br />
==Etymology==<br />
The term "Xevden" is a modern, pejorative coinage. It initially came from "Ŋej dvin", meaning "Ŋej state". Among [[Gylic peoples|Gylic populations]], it was pronounced "n'hej dven", partly an {{wpl|eye dialect}} since before the [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959]], "Ŋej" was written ''Nhej''. The pronunciation evolved as the initial [n] was {{wpl|apheresis|lost}}, the [h] hardened into an [x], the [v] and [d] were {{wpl|Metathesis (linguistics)|transposed}}, and the [ʒ] was merged with the [d], resulting in the pronunciation [xevd͡ʒen]. The [d͡ʒ] then underwent {{wpl|fortition}} to [d], resulting in "Xevden".<br />
<br />
The state was officially known as the "Ŋej Realm" or "Ŋej Kingdom" during its lifetime. However, the [[Gylian ascendancy]] led to the standardisation of "Xevden" for the state and "Xevdenites" for its elites. Part of this was due to the Gylians exploiting {{wpl|diglossia}} and {{wpl|language secessionism}} among the Ŋej: ordinary Ŋej underwent a process of [[Gylic peoples|Gylicisation]], particularly through linguistic {{wpl|relexification}}, while the elites grew increasingly apart both culturally and linguistically.<br />
<br />
The explicit politicisation of the term has attracted complaints from other Tyranian historians. [[Rózsá Prohászka]] once commented that "It would be ridiculous to retroactively rename the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic|Socialist Republic]] ''Vörösállam'' ['red state'] and those who collaborated with it ''vörösok'' ['reds']." The term's use among [[Lemobrogia]]n historians is equally controversial.<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
<br />
===Establishment===<br />
{{main|Colonisation War}}<br />
<br />
The Ŋej people first began to arrive after the [[Lemobrogia]]n Civil War. They began to settle in the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]], which was less populated, and trade with [[Gylic peoples|Gylics]]. Reports of the [[Liúşai League]]'s weakness after a series of natural disasters and internal conflicts drew the interest of the Ŋej authorities, who concluded it was a suitable target for expansion. The expansion scheme was launched in earnest by king Ḑary, but the Ŋej's growing numbers and activities caused tension and suspicion from the League.<br />
<br />
The Ŋej state launched the [[Colonisation War]] in 1695. Despite the League's spirited resistance and {{wpl|war of attrition}} tactics, the Ŋej advanced slowly northwards, using {{wpl|divide and conquer}} tactics and taking advantage of the states' weakness. However, the campaign was disastrous for the Ŋej: they conquered the League, but lost their homeland in [[Lemobrogia]].<br />
<br />
The war ended with the League's defeat in 1704, and the official proclamation of the Ŋej Kingdom. For many years, the loss of the Lemobrogian homeland was used as a mobilising myth, in an attempt to inclucate {{wpl|revanchism|revanchist}} and expansionist sentiments among the elites. However, hopes of a conquest were impractical as long as Lemobrogia was in the {{wpl|sphere of influence}} of larger empires like [[Syara]], [[Tennai]], and [[Acrea]].<br />
<br />
===Rebellions and constitution===<br />
{{main|Rebellion of 1749|Gylian revolution of 1848|Glorious Rebellion}}<br />
<br />
Xevden was precarious from the start, since the Xevdenites were now a numerically inferior {{wpl|alien elite}} ruling over vast territory inhabited by the hostile populations defeated in the Colonisation War. A transformation took place along {{wpl|aristocracy|aristocratic}}–{{wpl|oligarchy|oligarchic}} lines: native populations were marginalised throughout society, land was stolen and taken by the nobility, and an authoritarian system was imposed. <br />
<br />
The economy took on a more {{wpl|feudalism|feudal}} character, with land owned by the elite and most of the population worked the fields in return for wages and protection. The Xevdenites promoted a more restrictive and {{wpl|patriarchy|patriarchal}} morality, particularly regarding [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|gender and sexuality]]; women were denied equal status and excluded from public life.<br />
<br />
Although the Xevdenites managed to cling to power, being significantly outnumbered put a limit on their ability to rule by violence. The Gylic and non-Gylic populations resisted Xevdenite rule. From the beginning, native bandits and guerrilla fighters, known as ''kyðoi'', took refuge in the mountains and attacked and harassed the Xevdenites. Military expenses strained the royal treasury, resulting in higher taxation that fueled further unrest.<br />
<br />
[[File:MariaLeszczynska03.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Senalta, queen of Xevden (1754–1804)]]<br />
The [[Rebellion of 1749]] benefited from the attrition of the authorities, and managed to seize significant, if discontinuous territory. The resulting stalemate made clear that Xevden was both unable to defeat the rebellion, but the rebels also lacked the means to overthrow Xevden alone. Panic seized the palace, and king Keďys was overthrown by his wife, Senalta.<br />
<br />
Senalta managed to end the rebellion peacefully and signed the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] in 1754, laying the basis for a constitutionalisation of the state. Reigning through {{wpl|enlightened absolutism}}, she introduced a series of reforms, including the establishment of a bicameral parliament, a {{wpl|bill of rights}}, the abolition of {{wpl|serfdom}}, and the introduction of a class-based citizenship system. The latter afforded native populations the lesser status of {{wpl|Alien (law)|resident aliens}} — allowed to establish their own schools and local assemblies, but disenfranchised and subject to certain legal restrictions.<br />
<br />
Senalta's reforms made an enemy of the nobility; she was forced to rely on her support from native populations. However, the pace of reform remained slow, and the resident alien status, initially intended as a first step towards citizenship, calcified into a legal {{wpl|second-class citizen}}ship. Censorship and a secret police, initially created to suppress the reactionary opposition, would later become weapons in their hands.<br />
<br />
The deepest repercussions came from religious policy. Senalta studied countries like [[Mansuriyyah]], [[Syara]], and [[Shalum]], and resolved to use religion as a means to strengthen the state. She was interested in the {{wpl|monotheism|monotheist}} religions of Mansuriyyah, but was unwilling to adopt them out of fear of foreign subordination. Instead, she drew on various aspects to form her own {{wpl|state religion}}, known as "salvationism", premised on monotheism, {{wpl|millenarianism}}, and the monarch as a divine messenger. Far from consolidating the state, salvationism caused a backlash among native populations, which [[Religion in Gylias|retained their traditional beliefs in defiance]].<br />
<br />
===Disintegration===<br />
{{main|Gylian ascendancy}}<br />
<br />
The fragile peace Senalta secured began to unravel after her death in 1804. Her successors lacked her skill at balancing competing interests or credibility among Gylics and non-Gylics. The monarchy lost power to the nobility and the conservative-dominated parliament. Seeking a new pretext for rule, the elites increasingly embraced a mélange of salvationism, racism, and {{wpl|social darwinism|social spencerism}}. The advent of the {{wpl|Industrial Revolution}} brought a haphazard transition to {{wpl|capitalism}}. The deficient industrialisation highlighted the pervasive inequality, corruption, and poverty of Xevden, and the emerging {{wpl|middle class}} provided an additional challenge to aristocratic privileges.<br />
<br />
The Gylic and non-Gylic populations took advantage of the Xevdenites' policy of marginalisation, carving out space outside of the Xevdenite state and beginning a {{wpl|national awakening}}. The [[Gylian ascendancy]] produced a common [[Gylian nationalism|Gylian identity]], and a network of organisations outside Xevdenite society, including [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]], {{wpl|mutual aid}} organisations, schools, publications, and political parties. United by resistance to Xevden and monotheism, the Gylians became a receptive audience to radical ideologies. One notable victory of the Gylian ascendancy was the Ŋej's acceptance as [[Gylic peoples]]. The Gylians skilfully exploited the existing {{wpl|diglossia}}, {{wpl|language secessionism}}, and industrial discontent, convincing the ordinary Ŋej they had more in common with the impoverished Gylians than the Xevdenite elite.<br />
<br />
The [[Gylian revolution of 1848]] led to the [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ asssembly|first Gylian national assembly, convoked in Keraþ]]. The assembly produced a [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ constitution|liberal democratic constitution]], with a strengthened {{wpl|parliamentary democracy}}, less powers for the monarchy, decentralisation of the state, and universal citizenship and suffrage. The Keraþ constitution's compromises displeased the radical leftist faction, but was stalled by the Xevdenites. The stalling led to the [[Glorious Rebellion]], which seized a large territory in south-western [[Geography of Gylias|Laişyn]] and implemented radical democratic reforms between 1856 and 1868.<br />
<br />
The Xevdenite elites realised their essentially lucky escape after the failure of the Glorious Rebellion, and took a more careful approach. The elites split between pragmatists, which advocated concessions to resolve the "Gylian Question", and {{wpl|reactionary|reactionaries}}, seeking to maintain the system by force. Similarly, the failures of 1848 and 1856–1868 produced debates within the Gylian opposition between the constitutionalists, preferring non-violent gathering of strength to more fruitless uprisings, and the confrontationists. The latter drew on the influence of {{wpl|insurrectionary anarchism}} and {{wpl|illegalism}}, and were crucial in transforming the ''kyðoi'' from disorganised bandits and raiders into a modern guerilla force.<br />
<br />
The years after 1868 were a window when the Xevdenite pragmatists and Gylian constitutionalists had the upper hand in their respective camps, and a succession of governments struggled to resolve the "Gylian Question". However, the Xevdenite pragmatists were sabotaged by the instransigent reactionaries, whereas the Gylian opposition simply gained strength as the confrontationists gained more followers.<br />
<br />
The {{wpl|hung parliament}} produced by the 1890 election marked a turning point. Raţiáş Keýmer became prime minister, causing a split in the ruling Party of Order and forming a coalition between pragmatists, liberals, Gylian nationalists, and republicans. Raţiáş managed to introduce several reforms, but by then it was too late: they were too little for the increasingly radical Gylians, and were predictably rejected by reactionaries. His government fell in 1897 after losing republican support, and the reactionaries caused a constitutional crisis by attempting to form a government without parliamentary backing.<br />
<br />
The 1900 election saw the first victory of a liberal coalition, led by Gezy Nemáz. Gezy's government was confronted by reactionary intransigence and obstruction. Much of its agenda was stalled, although it notably disbanded Xevden's upper house by force and used {{wpl|legislative violence}} to suppress reactionary obstruction. The increasing ill-health of king Laŋyl caused the reactionaries to panic. When he died in September 1902, they staged a palace coup, killing all the other heirs and installing the authoritarian Karnaz on the throne.<br />
<br />
===Royal dictatorship===<br />
{{main|Alscia|Alscian Border War}}<br />
<br />
Karnaz instituted an autocratic regime, abandoning even the trappings of constitutionalism. He abrogated the constitution, shut down the legislature, imposed censorship, and banned most political parties, trade unions, and similar organisations. He directed law enforcement to begin mass arrests of the opposition and dissenters.<br />
<br />
The authoritarian turn was a failure. Decades of administrative decay and internal rot brought by rampant corruption and nepotism sabotaged the purge: many escaped from the authorities, and the arbitrary and capricious enforcement destroyed any remaining support for the regime outside the Xevdenite elites.<br />
<br />
Trying to end Xevden's pariah status in Tyran, Karnaz pursued a reckless foreign policy. He allowed a dispute with the [[Cacertian Empire]] to escalate into the [[Cacerta-Xevden War]] of 1904–1908. The war was an unquestioned victory for the Cacertians, who settled for modest territorial gains out of a fear of over-expansion. Their territory was organised as [[Alscia]]. Alscia experienced robust economic growth, social progress, and cultural development; it became a centre of Gylian media and dissidence, with a key role in [[Alscia#Radicalism|disseminating and popularising radical ideas]]. Furthermore, it engaged in the protracted [[Alscian Border War]] to harass and pressure Xevden.<br />
<br />
Karnaz's regime never recovered from the Cacertian defeat. It lost the exclusive claim to Gylian territory when Alscia was formed, and now gained a powerful rival who made the destruction of Xevden a cornerstone of its foreign policy. Xevden spent the rest of Karnaz's reign stumbling from one crisis into the next, sliding into an unofficial civil war. Emboldened by the defeats and Alscian aid, Gylian insurgencies and uprisings consistently erupted and gained ground. Many of these were led by anarchists, cementing their increasing importance to the Gylian resistance. At the same time, Gylian radicalism made Tyranian powers wary of intervening, regardless of their growing distaste for Xevden.<br />
<br />
===1400 Days' Reform===<br />
In his last years, Karnaz's health declined and he grew increasingly paranoid, as the Xevdenite pragmatists gained influence at the expense of the discredited reactionaries. They staged their own palace coup, placing [[Varnaþ family|Láaresy]] on the throne on 3 March 1934.<br />
<br />
Láaresy immediately launched sweeping changes, which came to be dubbed the "1400 Days' Reform". Prisoners were released, censorship was abolished, the repressive apparatus was dismantled, and the old class-based citizenship system was replaced by equal citizenship and suffrage. He promised the drafting of a new constitution, based on the Keraþ constitution, and elections for a restored legislature. Formerly banned parties, trade unions, publications, and civic organisations were legalised.<br />
<br />
Láaresy was unique among Xevdenite monarchs in relying on support from Gylians to an extent that even surpassed Senalta. He sought to establish a {{wpl|popular monarchy}}, drastically simplifying protocol and style, and restricted the [[Varnaþ family|royal family]] to just [[Varnaþ family|himself and his sisters]]. The prominent public role taken by his younger sisters and wife, all vocal supporters of [[Feminism in Gylias|feminism]] and women's rights, earned Gylians' goodwill as much as it scandalised the reactionaries.<br />
<br />
While Láaresy won a brief respite in fighting, it was too late for a constitutional resolution. A new election in 1935 was tainted by fraud and political violence, producing a {{wpl|hung parliament}}. He fended off a reactionary coup attempt in 1936 and organised new elections in 1937, with similarly violent and inconclusive results. Polarisation was now at an all-time high, and {{wpl|militia}}s and {{wpl|paramilitary|paramilitaries}} proliferated as the public anticipated violent conflict.<br />
<br />
===War and demise===<br />
{{main|Liberation War (Gylias)|l1=Liberation War|Nerveiík Kingdom|Tymzar–Nalo regime}}<br />
<br />
The outbreak of a [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] insurgency on 1 January 1938 marks the conventional start of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. Láaresy held back the Xevdenite military, seeking to de-escalate the situation, and after the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] were proclaimed, he engaged in negotiations with [[Darnan Cyras]] for a comprehensive peace settlement. Although the two developed a mutual respect, the Free Territories used the talks to stall for time. With more Gylian uprisings breaking out and extremist paramilitaries instigating further conflict, Láaresy ordered the withdrawal of the military to the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]], a chaotic retreat that lasted nearly a year.<br />
<br />
[[File:Skeda-Ahmet-Zogu.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The [[Varnaþ family]] in Velouria, 1939]]<br />
The retreat inaugurated the period of the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]]. Although it was undoubtedly a military setback, the withdrawal yielded unexpected benefits by removing many obstacles to the 1400 Days' Reform. The Nerveiík Kingdom experienced consolidation as a reformist {{wpl|constitutional monarchy}}, and achieved some successes in modernisation, particularly of the [[Nerveiík Kingdom#Economy|economy]] and [[Nerveiík Kingdom#Military|military]]. However, it was heavily dependent on support from great powers, particularly [[Acrea]] and [[Ossoria]].<br />
<br />
The Nerveiík Kingdom marked a crossroads for Xevden. In its reformist zeal, it sought to catch up on the lost time caused by reactionary intransigence. The Varnaþ family's sincere commitment to reform and peace won it respect among Gylians, even among the Free Territories with which the Kingdom observed an unofficial truce. Symbolic moves such as the alteration of national symbols and the introduction of new textbooks that condemned the abuses of the ''ancien régime'' made it at least plausible, if a long shot, for the Nerveiík Kingdom to reform itself and secure a "national agreement" that would transform Xevden into a new entity entirely.<br />
<br />
This possibility was destroyed by a reactionary ''coup d'état'' on 31 December 1947, which brought to power the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]]. A totalitarian regime resting on an uneasy alliance between traditionalist reactionaries and {{wpl|Futurism#1920s and 1930s|Political Futurists}} of the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime#Ideology|Revolutionary Front for Patriotic Victory]], it marked the final revenge of the reactionaries: it began with purges and crackdowns to destroy all trace of the Nerveiík Kingdom's achievements, and then it brought Xevden into the Liberation War, launching its second phase.<br />
<br />
The war became Xevden's final and fatal catastrophe. Although the Tymzar–Nalo regime initially achieved success against the fractious Gylian factions, it proved no match for the Free Territories. The [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]]'s mastery of {{wpl|guerrilla warfare}}, control of advantageous higher ground, and superior strategy proved decisive, and they regained the upper hand with spectacular victories at the [[battles of Nerazur and Mytin]] on 14–15 April 1948. Worse, Xevden's decimation of the other Gylian factions drove them to unite behind the Free Territories, making the war a straightforward conflict.<br />
<br />
After a drawn-out collapse lasting a decade, the [[Battle of Velouria]] ended on 2 January 1958, and with it the Xevdenite state. The transition from the Free Territories to [[Gylias]] began afterwards, and the [[Arnak Trials]] took place to punish Xevdenite crimes and war crimes.<br />
<br />
==Politics==<br />
Xevden began as an {{wpl|absolute monarchy}}, and even the nominal development of a {{wpl|constitutional monarchy}} never rid it of its authoritarian impulses. The main centre of power was the Xevdenite monarch, who retained significant powers even after constitutional reforms. These included an absolute veto over legislation, the right to dissolve the legislature, and the sole right to appoint and dismiss ministers, who were responsible solely to the monarch.<br />
<br />
Xevden's parliament was bicameral, composed of a {{wpl|lower house}} elected by suffrage and an appointed {{wpl|upper house}} consisting of the nobility. Suffrage was initially limited to only formal citizens who were also male property owners. Reforms in the 19th century gradually expanded the suffrage by abolishing the property requirement and slowly introducing female suffrage. However, true {{wpl|universal suffrage}} only occured during the 1400 Days' Reform, when the class-based citizenship system was abolished. The lower house was elected by {{wpl|First-past-the-post voting|plurality voting}} in constituencies; the upper house was forcefully dissolved in 1900 and never restored afterwards.<br />
<br />
For most of its existence, the Xevdenite leadership was determined to protect the ''status quo'', and only assented to reforms under significant duress. The state was extremely inefficient, and the royal court became infamous for its incessant intrigues and factionalisation, leading the disgusted Láaresy to unilaterally purge all other relatives and courtiers when he restricted the royal family to just himself, his sisters, and his wife. The role of government evolved late due to its subordination to the monarchy, and the post of {{wpl|prime minister}} was repeatedly suspended at several intervals, including the 1897–1900 constitutional crisis and Karnaz's royal dictatorship.<br />
<br />
Xevden's foreign relations were generally poor or outright nonexistent. It was ostracised by the rest of [[Tyran]] as a precarious state, a doddering {{wpl|sick man of Europe|sick man of Tyran}} lurching from crisis to crisis. Fear of destabilising such an immense territory in south-eastern Siduri precluded most powers from intervening, though some made notable efforts to weaken Xevden, including [[Kirisaki]]'s support of the Gylian ascendancy, the [[Cacertian Empire]]'s successful [[Cacerta-Xevden War|conquest of Alscia]], and the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]]'s ambitions for world revolution.<br />
<br />
===Monarchs===<br />
{|style="text-align:center; width:100%" class="wikitable" <br />
!Name <br />
!Portrait<br />
!Reign<br />
!Notes<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Ḑary<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1704–1744<br />
| align="left" |Previously Ŋej monarch from 1690, launched the [[Colonisation War]].<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Keďys<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1744–1754<br />
| align="left" |Overthrown in a palace coup caused by the success of the [[Rebellion of 1749]].<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Senalta<br />
| align="center"|[[File:MariaLeszczynska03.jpg|100px|center]]<br />
| align="center"|1754–1804<br />
| align="left" |Signed the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] and implemented constitutional reforms, but also instituted the class-based citizenship system and the state religion.<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Gelberḑ<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1804–1835<br />
| align="left" |His reign was marked by the increasing authoritarian drift of Xevden.<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Ŋarny<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1835–1870<br />
| align="left" |Assassinated by the pragmatist faction in the palace.<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Ernax<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1870–1888<br />
| align="left" |<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Laŋyl<br />
| align="center"|—<br />
| align="center"|1888–1902<br />
| align="left" |His reign saw the height of conflict over the "Gylian Question".<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|Karnaz<br />
| align="center"|[[File:Victor Emmanuel III King of Italy Giacomo Brogi.jpg|100px|center]]<br />
| align="center"|1902–1934<br />
| align="left" |Sezied power in a ''coup d'état''. His authoritarian regime led Xevden to defeat in the [[Cacerta-Xevden War]] and strengthened Gylian insurgencies and uprisings.<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|[[Varnaþ family|Láaresy]]<br />
| align="center"|[[File:VarnaþFamily-Láaresy.jpg|100px|center]]<br />
| align="center"|1934–1947<br />
| align="left" |Launched the 1400 Days' Reform, and presided over the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]] during the first phase of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
|-<br />
| align="center"|[[Tymzar–Nalo regime|Tymzar]]<br />
| align="center"|[[File:Tymzar(small).jpg|100px|center]]<br />
| align="center"|1947–1958<br />
| align="left" |Overthrew the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]] in a ''coup d'état'' and formed the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]].<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Economy==<br />
Xevden was one of Tyran's poorest countries. It suffered from severe inequality, with a massive divide between the wealthy elites and impoverished workers. Corruption and nepotism ran rampant, and rotted the state's administrative capacities over time. The country was overwhelmingly agricultural, economically undeveloped, and illiterate.<br />
<br />
The deficient industrialisation of the 19th century only added to its problems. Xevden was unable to finance development on its own, but Tyranian industrialists cared little for its corruption, lack of infrastructure, and structural deficits. Its currency, the crown, suffered repeated bouts of inflation and devaluation, and was generally treated as a laughingstock among Tyranian currencies. The fact that its currency was so tied to the monarchy fueled ample republican sentiment during the [[Gylian ascendancy]] and after.<br />
<br />
The abandonment of ''laissez faire'' in the wake of the 1888–1889 depression led to the belated adoption of {{wpl|economic interventionism|interventionist}} and {{wpl|progresivism|progressive}} policies, particularly under the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]]. Even then, the Kingdom struggled to catch up to the achievements and growth rates of [[Alscia]], whose strong economic performance was a significant challenge to Xevden's legitimacy.<br />
<br />
The weakness of the Xevdenite economy and state was strongly illustrated by the life of landlord [[Sura Eşiderea]]. She became Xevden's greatest landholder, owning an area whose surface nearly matched [[Gylias]]' current surface, and was known as a compassionate and generous landlord, leasing out her land in farms on highly generous terms, paying her workers generous wages, and using her wealth to support the establishment of schools and cooperatives. Her land developed very well and her tenants established successful farms and businesses, forming a stark contrast to the rest of the Xevdenite economy.<br />
<br />
==Society==<br />
Xevdenite society was severely unequal, largely rural, and spread over vast spaces. Urban areas were badly affected by the [[Colonisation War]], and many cities endured stagnation until the Industrial Revolution.<br />
<br />
Although the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] abolished the {{wpl|serfdom}}-like regime, the elites continued to exploit the population through a variety of mechanisms such as taxes, low wages, control over land, and some forms of ''{{wpl|corvée}}'' labour.<br />
<br />
===Demographics===<br />
Overall population figures for Xevden are wildly varied and notoriously unreliable for historians. There was no organised nationwide {{wpl|census}} until the Nerveiík Kingdom held one in 1943, by which time its reduced territory made it more of a census of the [[Geography of Gylias|Nerveiík peninsula]]. Record-keeping was haphazard, and Xevdenite authorities only counted citizens before the abolition of class-based citizenship.<br />
<br />
Historians estimate that the proportion of citizens was 5% of the population at most, the rest being resident aliens.<br />
<br />
===Religion===<br />
Senalta adopted a {{wpl|state religion}} as a means of state consolidation, which came to be termed "salvationism". Drawing on various aspects of {{wpl|zoroastrianism}}, the monotheist religions of Mansuriyyah, and [[Syara]]n [[Zobethos]], it was a religion based on {{wpl|monotheism}}, {{wpl|millenarianism}}, a simplistic {{wpl|Dualism in cosmology|dualist}} morality, and positioning the monarch and nobility as divine messengers.<br />
<br />
Salvationism never really took root in Xevdenite life beyond being a convenient tool for social control. Its theology emphasised the corrupt nature of the world and humanity and obedience to the sole deity as a guarantee of a good afterlife, communicating elites' contempt for non-Xevdenites. Its implicit glorification of wealth helped spread the racist and {{wpl|social darwinism|social spencerist}} sentiments that emerged among Xevdenite elites in the 19th century, and manifested itself in the building of lavish religious buildings, all of which would later be destroyed during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
<br />
Official conversion to salvationism was required to obtain full citizenship of Xevden. This caused a significant disagreement among the Gylian opposition: constitutionalists argued for an essentially {{wpl|entryism|entryist}} strategy of going through the formalities in order to build up a presence in the parliament, against the opposition of the confrontationists who argued for complete ostracism and treating any Gylians who converted as traitors and enemies of the people.<br />
<br />
===Resistance===<br />
The weaknesses of the Xevdenite state paradoxically advantaged the Gylian resistance. Xevdenite policy was one of discrimination and marginalisation, but Xevdenites' contemptuous social spencerism meant they cared little for what non-Xevdenites did outside official supervision. Few Xevdenites attempted to learn any [[Gylic languages|Gylic language]], scornfully dismissing them as inferior. Censorship was mainly used to police Xevdenite society. While Xevdenites occasionally tried to encourage resident aliens to become full citizens through conversion, and thus implicitly acceptance of Xevdenite ideology, most of these efforts were perfunctory.<br />
<br />
Marginalised but largely left to their own devices by the Xevdenite authorities, the native populations managed to construct a nearly parallel society outside of the Xevdenite state, which culminated in the [[Gylian ascendancy]].<br />
<br />
The size of Xevden's territory was also advantageous, as it provided the ''kyðoi'' with extensive mountain areas to use as their base, and helped them establish themselves in Gylian communities that they could rely on for support, supplies, and information on Xevdenite movements.<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
The memory and reputation of Xevden remain overwhelmingly negative in Gylias. For Gylians, Xevden represented a defining negative example, embodying all the hated traits that the Gylian ascendancy revolted against — authoritarianism, discrimination, elitism, inequality. The Gylian identity that emerged during the Gylian ascendancy defined itself strongly as the opposite of Xevden, making it easier for Gylians to embrace radical ideologies such as [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]], through a mindset of "the more extreme the contrast, the better".<br />
<br />
The end of the Liberation War and the Arnak Trials brought harsh historical judgement on Xevden; one of the verdicts in the latter described it as a "200-year old machine of criminality". The [[wicked–evil distinction]] and [[adversary–enemy distinction]] achieved widespread acceptance as concepts that separated Gylians from Xevdenites. One illustrative example of the war was the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]] being treated as an adversary, with the [[Varnaþ family]] and prominent figures granted full rehabilitation afterwards, while the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] was treated as an enemy, and its leaders were given the harshest punishment at the Arnak Trials.<br />
<br />
Senalta's attempt to use salvationism to consolidate the state backfired severely. Gylics had already had [[Religion in Gylias|conflicts with monotheists]] dating back to the Liúşai League, and had defeated the [[Quliyasi Jihad]]. The imposition of salvationism outraged native populations and strengthened their determination to retain their traditional beliefs in defiance. The experience of Xevden also cemented Gylians' association of monotheism with tyranny and oppression, which later culminated in the hostile environment of the Free Territories that drove monotheist adherents to flee, and all traces of their presence physically destroyed.<br />
<br />
{{Gylias Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:History of Gylias]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylian_ascendancy&diff=634368Gylian ascendancy2023-03-30T07:47:32Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{History of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
The '''Gylian ascendancy''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''L'ascendant gylienne'') was a social, cultural, and political movement among [[Gylic peoples|Gylic]] and [[Demographics of Gylias#Ethnic groups and languages|non-Gylic]] peoples in the 19th century, resulting in the establishment of a [[Gylian nationalism|common Gylian identity]] and a "parallel society" in opposition to [[Xevden]]ite rule. <br />
<br />
It was a period of significant development that gave rise to [[Culture of Gylias|Gylian culture]] and a more organised Gylian resistance, bringing the "Gylian Question" to the forefront of Xevdenite politics.<br />
<br />
==Name==<br />
The term "Gylian ascendancy" emerged through popularisation of "Gylias" and "Gylian" as an umbrella term for the populations oppressed by Xevden, regardless of ethnicity or history. The name itself originates from [[Anca Déuréy]]'s 1848 poem "My Country (A Ballad)", as rendered in a regional dialect.<br />
<br />
An alternative term that is sometimes used in a more academic sense is "Gylian {{wpl|national awakening}}". Nevertheless, many leading figures of the ascendancy objected to what they saw as negative implications in terms like "{{wpl|national awakening}}" or "{{wpl|national revival}}", perceiving them to insinuate Gylian weakness.<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
The 19th century had seen the rise of {{wpl|romantic nationalism}} and several {{wpl|revolutionary wave}}s, an international context that encouraged the native populations now under [[Xevden]]ite rule. The reign of queen Senalta (1754–1804) had a mixed effect: the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] secured a {{wpl|constitutional monarchy}}, but the pace of reforms under Senalta's {{wpl|enlightened absolutism}} remained slow, and frustrations grew with the {{wpl|second-class citizenship}} regime and the institution of [[Xevden#Religion|salvationism]] as a {{wpl|state religion}}.<br />
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The tenuous peace built by Senalta unraveled under her successors, with the monarchy losing influence to the conservative nobility. Xevden grew increasingly authoritarian, with a combination of racism and {{wpl|social darwinism|social spencerism}} solidifying into the ideological justification for the elites' rule.<br />
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One major advantage for the ascendancy was the Xevdenite state policy of "willful ignorance", according to historian Lere Sineşe. Xevdenites saw themselves as superior and non-Xevdenites with contempt, which discouraged endeavours to learn more about non-Xevdenites, especially languages. <br />
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Crucially, one of the major concessions of the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] was native populations' right to establish their own schools and conduct their affairs in their own languages. The policy of "willful ignorance", combined with arbitrary and capricious law enforcement, left the Xevdenite elites either ignorant or in denial of the growing work of Gylian organisation.<br />
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The long-term failures of the [[Rebellion of 1749]] and riots of 1789 led many Gylic intellectuals and activists to conclude that efforts should be directed at {{wpl|organic work|strengthening the national foundation}} before undertaking any more revolts, particularly by building up national unity to prevent ethnic conflicts from derailing future revolutions.<br />
<br />
==Society and culture==<br />
The main methods of the Gylian ascendancy were education, modernisation, and building up economic and social capital. The focus was activities outside the immediate purview of the Xevdenite state, particularly in {{wpl|ghetto|Gylic-majority areas neglected by the authorities}}. A network of Gylian institutions was built up over decades, which included clandestine schools, publications, political parties, {{wpl|mutual organisations}}, and {{wpl|cooperative}}s. Out of all these, schools arguably had the greatest importance, and certainly received a lofty position in subsequent historiography.<br />
<br />
A priority of the ascendancy was forging Gylic and non-Gylic unity against Xevdenites. Sustained interaction and deliberate cultivation of ties led to the emergence of [[Gylian nationalism]], which posited a common, flexible identity that could include all populations victimised by Xevden. {{wpl|French language|French}} came to be embraced as a {{wpl|lingua franca}}, contributing to the emergence of ''[[francité]]'' as a distinct tendency.<br />
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One notable victory for the Gylian ascendancy was the Gylianisation of the Ŋej. The Ŋej had established [[Xevden]], but over the years a severe {{wpl|diglossia}} had emerged between the ordinary and elite Ŋej languages. Additionally, ordinary Ŋej interacted mainly with [[Gylic peoples|Gylics]], and the haphazard transition to {{wpl|capitalism}} made them identify more with Gylics as fellow victims of poverty rather than the elite Ŋej who were ostensibly compatriots. <br />
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The Gylians seized on this opportunity and encouraged Ŋej {{wpl|linguistic secessionism}} and {{wpl|relexification}}, in the process inventing the Ŋej–Xevdenite distinction. The success in turning the Ŋej into a Gylic people further isolated and weakened the Xevdenite elites, which were ignorant of the process until very late.<br />
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{{multiple image<br />
| align = right<br />
| total_width = 320<br />
| image1 = Jules Laure - Portrait of Lola Montez, 1845.jpg<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = [[Anca Déuréy]]<br />
| image2 = AngelineDalles.jpg<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = [[Angeline Dalles]]<br />
}}<br />
The ascendancy was characterised by the emergence and flourishing of [[Culture of Gylias|Gylian culture]], with notable manifestations in [[Literature of Gylias|literature]], [[Art of Gylias|art]], and [[Music of Gylias|folk song]]. {{wpl|Romanticism}} and {{wpl|Realism (arts)|realism}} became the prevailing styles of the day, fulfilling complementary goals in giving voice to Gylians' struggle for emancipation. A combination of necessity and expediency drove many artists toward eclecticism and the {{wpl|polymath}} ideal.<br />
<br />
[[Anca Déuréy]] was recognised in her lifetime as the "mother of Gylian literature". Not only did the term "Gylias" itself originate from one of her poems, her work was characterised by adventurous {{wpl|multilingualism}}, {{wpl|code-switching}}, and {{wpl|idioglossia}}, which had a great impact on the subsequent evolution of the [[Gylic languages]] and [[Gylic alphabet|alphabet]]. Another major writer of the period was [[Angeline Dalles]], whose works as "Madame Rouge" pioneered a fusion of {{wpl|horror fiction}} and {{wpl|Satire#Juvenalian|Juvenalian satire}} whose influence endured beyond the struggle with Xevden.<br />
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Opposition to Xevden represented the foundation of Gylian identity, and Gylians came to see themselves, above everything else, as Xevden's antithesis. [[Xevden#Religion|Salvationism]] begat [[Religion in Gylias|widespread hostility to monotheism]], holding fast to traditional {{wpl|ethnic religion}}s, and a powerful {{wpl|secularism|secularist}} current. <br />
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Xevdenite society's restrictive and {{wpl|patriarchy|patriarchal}} morality led to the popularisation of the [[wicked–evil distinction]] and pride in the bawdy and libertine aspects of folklore. Xevdenite oppression was countered by a celebration of the [[Liúşai League]], which contributed to the Gylian public's openness towards {{wpl|radicalism (historical)|radical}} ideologies.<br />
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Perhaps most visibly, rejection of Xevdenite society's {{wpl|patriarchy|patriarchal}} subjugation and marginalisation of women brought widespread acceptance of [[Feminism in Gylias|Gylian feminism]], with women taking prominent roles in the ascendancy and broader resistance to Xevden. Several women who married into nobility or wealth used their wealth to help the Gylian opposition, such as landlord [[Sura Eşiderea]].<br />
<br />
==Politics==<br />
{{multiple image|perrow=2|total_width=320<br />
| image1 = Constantin Daniel Rosenthal - Maria Rosetti.jpg<br />
| image2 = HannahEdelstein.jpg<br />
| image3 = Alex. Kyr. Vorontsova-Dashkova 3.jpg<br />
| image4 = Ladyworsley.jpg<br />
| footer = Important Gylian political pioneers include [[Socialism in Gylias|socialist]] [[Mary Grant]] (top left), [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]] [[Hannah Edelstein]] (top right), [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] [[Nefne Sary]] (bottom left), and [[Feminism in Gylias|feminist]] [[Enari Lentesi]] (bottom right).<br />
}}<br />
From the outset, the Gylian ascendancy formed a political movement that worked in concert with the socio-cultural one. The formation of a common Gylian identity, steady growth of clandestine education, and emergence of Gylian-specific publications provided the necessary backdrop for political organisation. Gylian activists established ties with like-minded international associations; translation and dissemination of political treatises contributed to the growth of Gylian political thought and movements.<br />
<br />
Gylian political movements were fundamentally shaped by the circumstances of Xevdenite oppression, fundamentally orienting them towards fighting for freedom and justice. While elsewhere {{wpl|conservatism}} was an ideology of elites concerned with maintaining hierarchy and order, [[Conservatism in Gylias|Gylian conservatism]] was founded from the perspective of the oppressed, giving it a unique focus on {{wpl|freethought}}, pragmatism, and {{wpl|paternalistic conservatism|paternalism}}. [[Liberalism in Gylias|Liberalism]]'s strong focus on civil rights and democracy led it to questions of economic justice.<br />
<br />
The ascendancy was a period of {{wpl|radicalism (historical|radical}} agitation, and the tumult produced new ideologies like [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]], [[Communism in Gylias|communism]], and [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]]. Political parties began to appear: the {{G-NUP}} in 1875, the {{G-NLP}} in 1877, and later the {{G-SDP}} and {{G-SP}} as breakaways produced by ''{{wpl|sinistrisme}}''. The Gylian public gradually grew more radical in response to Xevdenite intransigence, turning increasingly to far-left ideologies like anarchism and communism.<br />
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One significant barrier for Gylian participation in politics was their second-class citizenship, which was exacerbated by Xevden's limited suffrage and corruption. Two leading factions emerged within the Gylian opposition in response:<br />
* The '''constitutionalists''', who argued for a focus on constitutional and non-violent agitation for their interests, in line with the focus on strengthening the nation rather than fruitless uprisings. They were known for their emphasis on {{wpl|party discipline}} to maximise influence and proto-{{wpl|entryism|entryist}} tactics such as formally taking citizenship in the minimum numbers necessary to win election, manipulating the {{wpl|First-past-the-post voting|first-past-the-post}} system and building the alliance with the Gylianised Ŋej.<br />
* The '''confrontationists''', who argued that Gylian liberation could only be accomplished through physical force, and agitated for further insurrections, uprisings, and violence. They found notable kindred spirits among the anarchist tendencies of {{wpl|illegalism}} and {{wpl|insurrectionary anarchism}}. Their most important contribution was in transforming the ''kyðoi'', largely disorganised mountain {{wpl|bandit}}s and fighters active since the [[Colonisation War]], into a modern insurrectionary force.<br />
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Historians regard one of the pivotal features of the ascendancy to be the enduring alliance between constitutionalists and confrontationists. Despite their disagreements over tactics, both factions were united by the goal of overthrowing Xevden, and recognised that their approaches were complementary. The constitutionalists refused to denounce or distance themselves from the confrontationists, and leading political theorists went further in embracing the {{wpl|right of revolution}} as fundamental. <br />
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Xevden's inability to sever the alliance or reverse the Gylianisation of ordinary Ŋej contributed greatly to [[Xevden#Disintegration|its disintegration]].<br />
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==Revolutions==<br />
Rampant corruption and nepotism, deficient industrialisation, severe inequality, and the increasing salience of the "Gylian Question" all contributed to a fracture among the Xevdenite elite. Pragmatists who recognised the crisis and advocated concessions to preserve the state were opposed by {{wpl|reactionary|reactionaries}} who wanted to maintain the system and their privileges at any cost. Gylian agitation began to yield resuts in hard-won reforms, at this point concentrated on civil rights and liberties.<br />
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The [[Gylian revolution of 1848]] was the first major show of force for the Gylian ascendancy. Public unrest erupted into nationwide rebellions and protests, and {{wpl|popular assembly|popular assemblies}} were organised, demanding a new constitution to replace the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]]. Xevdenite authorities were unsure how to respond, and after several outbreaks of violence and ''kyðoi''-aided uprisings, chose negotiation. The [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ assembly|first Gylian national assembly was convened in Keraþ]].<br />
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Meeting for nearly a year, the Keraþ assembly produced a [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ constitution|constitution]] that sought to reconcile competing demands of liberalism, nationalism, and radicalism. It maintained the {{wpl|constitutional monarchy}} but reduced its powers, strengthening {{wpl|parliamentary democracy}} instead. <br />
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Universal suffrage and full citizenship were stipulated, as was a decentralisation of the state, to be reorganised along {{wpl|federalism|federal}} lines. Although the radical leftist factions were displeased with the compromises involved in the constitution, the Gylian united front was preserved, with the promise that the constitution would open the path for further emancipation in the economic sphere.<br />
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The Xevdenites responded to the Keraþ constitution with stalling tactics, introducing its provisions piecemeal into the Xevdenite parliament to further water them down. Anger at Xevdenite obstruction erupted into the [[Glorious Rebellion]] of 1856–1868. <br />
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It succeeded in seizing significant territory in south-western [[Geography of Gylias|Laişyn]], where the rebels proclaimed a republic and implemented radical democratic reforms. Numerous Gylian luminaries took part in the [[Gylian revolution of 1848#Keraþ assembly|Keraþ assembly]] and the Glorious Rebellion, including [[Mary Grant]], [[Hannah Edelstein]], [[Nefne Sary]], [[Angeline Dalles]], and [[Anca Déuréy]].<br />
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While celebrated for its 12-year lifespan, the Glorious Rebellion failed to deal Xevden a knockout blow, and was ultimately defeated. However, the tenacity of the rebellion and closeness of the result shocked the Xevdenites, and authorities moved carefully to avoid further inflaming unrest. After an attempt to try leaders of the rebellion degenerated into a humiliating farce, the pragmatists assassinated the erratic king Ŋarny in 1870, and his successor Ernax immediately proclaimed a general {{wpl|amnesty}} and reconciliation.<br />
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The failure of the Glorious Rebellion opened a window in which Xevdenite pragmatists and Gylian constitutionalists had the upper hand in their respective camps, and a succession of governments struggled to resolve the "Gylian Question". However, the Xevdenite pragmatists were sabotaged by the instransigent reactionaries, whereas the Gylian opposition simply gained strength as the piecemeal and miserly nature of reforms pushed more Gylians into the confrontationist camp. <br />
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Historian Nina Raukan writes that the 1848–1868 revolutionary period had an important economic effect: it further weakened industrialisation of Xevden, thus saving Gylians from enduring the full brunt of misery caused by the {{wpl|Industrial Revolution}}, and further isolated Xevden on the international stage.<br />
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A turning point came with the 1890 election, which produced a {{wpl|hung parliament}}. The ruling Party of Order split, and Raţiáş Keýmer assembled a coalition of Xevdenite pragmatists, liberals, Gylian nationalists, and republicans. His premiership saw the introduction of several reforms, but by this time the Gylians had lost patience for a constitutional remedy. <br />
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The victory of Gezy Nemáz's liberal coalition in the 1900 election resulted in two years of struggle for reforms, notably including the forceful dissolution of the upper house and use of {{wpl|legislative violence}} against reactionaries. King Karnaz's [[Xevden#Royal dictatorship|autocratic regime]] brought about disaster in the [[Cacerta-Xevden War]] and the formation of [[Alscia]], inaugurating the next phase of Gylian resistance.<br />
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==International context==<br />
While the Gylian ascendancy was mainly carried out by Gylians living in Xevden, they secured significant support from Gylians that had emigrated to other countries and formed tight-knit communities there. [[Cacerta]], [[Kirisaki]], and [[Tennai]] were particular targets of emigration, due to historical ties and good relations with those countries.<br />
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Foreign Gylians such as [[Lera Seraðu]] made notable contributions to rallying foreign support for the Gylian cause and disseminating Gylian works through translation and publication. Many of the ones who lived long enough to catch the formation of Alscia subsequently moved there, where they were honoured for their philanthropy and activism.<br />
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==Historiography==<br />
The Gylian ascendancy marked the birth of Gylian history, as the new Gylian identity sought a story of its own. As a result, while the Gylian ascendancy is generally lionised in public memory, and it resulted in groundbreaking, valuable studies of Gylian history and folklore, there was a strong tendency towards "heroic" history, and the interpretation of history and folklore in ways that deliberately strengthened Gylian identity and promoted opposition to Xevden.<br />
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The "heroic" tendency persisted into the 20th century, as manifestations of the will to overthrow Xevden. One notable manifestation was the glorification of the [[Liúşai League]]'s {{wpl|direct democracy}}, which increasingly convinced Gylians to turn to [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]] as they saw the League as a successful precedent. During the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], the tendency turned into a {{wpl|Whig history|presentation of the past as an inexorable march towards progress}}, with progress being identified with anarchism and praise directed at Gylian revolutionaries' willigness to use force, violence, and ruthlessness towards enemies.<br />
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The tendency lost its prominence during the [[Golden Revolution]], and its retreat allowed for a more balanced assessment of Gylian history in the absence of an overpowering drive to promote resistance to the Xevdenite enemy. One biographer comments that much of the controversy provoked by historian [[Herta Schwamen]] was her adherence to the "heroic" slant even after it had fallen out of favour. <br />
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The general consensus among modern historians is that the ascendancy's historiography played an important role in mobilising Gylian identity and agitation, but it led to excesses and distortions, such as inappropriate politicisation of {{wpl|anthropology}} and {{wpl|folklore studies}}, which had to be later corrected by later generations of Gylians.<br />
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{{Gylias Navbox}}<br />
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[[Category:History of Gylias]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Sura_E%C5%9Fiderea&diff=634367Sura Eşiderea2023-03-30T07:45:53Z<p>Gylias: Created page with "{{Gylian name|Eşiderea|Sura}} {{Infobox person | name = Sura Eşiderea | image = SuraEşiderea.jpg | caption = Sura Eşiderea, circa 1836 | birth_date = 1..."</p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Eşiderea|Sura}}<br />
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{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Sura Eşiderea<br />
| image = SuraEşiderea.jpg<br />
| caption = Sura Eşiderea, circa 1836<br />
| birth_date = 1 December 1800<br />
| birth_place = [[Xevden]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|1901|09|29|1800|12|01|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = [[Xevden]]<br />
| occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* Landowner<br />
* philanthropist<br />
* horse breeder }}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Sura Eşiderea''' (1 December 1800 – 29 September 1901) was a Gylian landowner, philanthropist, and horse breeder. She was an important figure in the [[Gylian ascendancy]] and a prominent member of the [[Gylian ascendancy#Politics|constitutionalist faction]]. She became the most successful Gylian {{wpl|landlord}}, owning vast landholdings during [[History of Gylias#Xevden's disintegration|Xevden's disintegration]], and was known as a benevolent landowner, who leased out her land in highly generous terms for tenants, and supported the establishment of schools and {{wpl|cooperative}}s.<br />
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Her name has become ingrained in Gylian culture as a byword for someone with an illustrious reputation in an otherwise disgraceful occupation. She is considered by historians to be a forerunner of the {{wpl|land reform}}s carried out by [[Alscia]] and the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. Columnist [[Esua Nadel]] summed up her legacy humorously as "the only landlord to ever be called a 'friend of the people'."<br />
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==Life==<br />
Sura Eşiderea was born on 1 December 1800. She was the third of five children, and was largely educated at home.<br />
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She married a member of the [[Xevden]]ite nobility in 1820. The marriage was happy and successful, lasting until his death, and they had two children. The marriage gave her an entrance into the world of nobility and the wealth necessary to build up her estates.<br />
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Sura and her husband spent most of their lives buying up land and developing estates. They took particular advantage of the destruction caused by the [[Gylian revolution of 1848]] and [[Glorious Rebellion]] to buy land at rock-bottom prices or take it from other Xevdenite nobles. Historian Nina Raukan described Sura as "utterly ruthless in acquiring land from the nobility, and utterly benevolent and virtuous towards her tenants". By her late life, Sura's landholdings were estimated at nearly 1.000.000 km², making her the owner of an area close to [[Gylias]]' total modern surface of 1.728.328 km².<br />
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Sura was known as a gregarious, generous, and lenient landowner. She granted lifetime leases to tenants at rock-bottom prices, and only collected a yearly nominal rent of 1 crown. She famously never evicted any tenant. She leased out her land in farms on highly generous terms, paid her workers generous wages, and used her wealth to support the establishment of schools and {{wpl|cooperative}}s. In contrast to the otherwise deficient [[Xevden#Economy|Xevdenite economy]], Sura's land developed very well and her tenants established successful farms and businesses.<br />
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Sura was passionate about {{wpl|animal welfare}}, and her main preoccupation outside of landholding was {{wpl|horse breeding}}. She established and was the main benefactor of the League Against Animal Cruelty. She was a successful horse breeder and enthusiastic equestrian, who regularly toured her landholdings on horseback and was almost always seen in public wearing a {{wpl|riding coat}}. She fiercely criticised cruelty against horses in particular, shaming those who whipped their horses and mistreated them.<br />
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Sura died on 29 September 1901, aged 100. Her will bequeathed most of her wealth to Gylian charities and schools. Upon her death, most of her landholdings were taken over by the local agricultural cooperatives and villages, but suffered during the chaos of [[Xevden#Royal dictatorship|Karnaz's royal dictatorship and resulting unofficial civil war]].<br />
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==Legacy==<br />
Sura is commemorated through many monuments in the Gylian countryside, most of whom bear the following text:<br />
<br />
<blockquote>"This monument was erected by the tenants and friends of the late Sura Eşiderea, in rememberance of a kind and considerate landlord and true friend of the people"</blockquote><br />
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[[Virginia Inman]] similarly notes that Sura is "the only landlord to be discussed positively in [[Julie Legrand]]'s ''[[The Green Book]]'', and to be held in high regard by the Gylian left." Her reputation is reflected in the Gylian saying ''"If all landlords were like Sura…"''.<br />
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Most of the {{wpl|horse breed}}s that exist in Gylias today are descended from Sura's breeds.<br />
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[[Category:Gylians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:SuraE%C5%9Fiderea.jpg&diff=634366File:SuraEşiderea.jpg2023-03-30T07:45:18Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Green_Book&diff=634365The Green Book2023-03-30T07:44:42Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Infobox book<br />
| name = The Green Book<br />
| image = JulieLegrand-TheGreenBook.jpg <br />
| caption = Cover of the original English edition<br />
| author = [[Julie Legrand]]<br />
| country = [[Gylias]]<br />
| language = {{wpl|French language|French}}<br>{{wpl|English language|English}}<br />
| series =<br />
| subject = {{wpl|Political philosophy}}<br />
| publisher =<br />
| pub_date = 1960<br />
| media_type = Print<br />
| pages = 100<br />
}}<br />
{{Socialism in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
'''''The Green Book''''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''L'livre verte'') is a 1960 book by [[Julie Legrand]]. It presents her {{wpl|political philosophy}} and eccentric leftist views, as well as her perspective on [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. It was written in a conversational style that reflected Julie's personality, and featured statements, quotations, and jokes.<br />
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The book became one of the most widely distributed in Gylias during the [[Golden Revolution]], and secured Julie's reputation as the "chief ideologue" of the {{G-DCP}}, as well as her significant power within the party. Historian Nina Raukan described it as "the foundational text of the post-[[Liberation War (Gylias)|war]] Gylian left", and its unique approach to {{wpl|left-wing politics}} came to be dubbed [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
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==Background==<br />
During the 1950s, [[Julie Legrand]] had become a well-known commander in the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] and a rising star in [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] politics. Joining the {{G-DCP}} upon establishment, she was adopted as the ''protégé'' of the [[Freeman family|Freeman sisters]], and formed other lifelong friendships that shaped her politics, particularly with [[Raira Sano]] and [[Sweetie Letise]].<br />
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Julie's fierce rivalry with the [[Communism in Gylias|authoritarian communist]] leader [[Adélaïde Raynault]], played out through exciting insult matches in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]], helped establish her as a force to be reckoned with in politics. The rivalry ended with Julie triumphant in 1956, after Adélaïde died and Julie's major role in the [[Lucian Purge]]. Julie was thus left the dominant French figure of the Free Territories' public life, and given credit for the success of the purge. In 1958, she took office along with the rest of the [[Darnan Cyras government|Darnan Cyras Executive Committee]].<br />
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Julie wrote ''The Green Book'' between 1956 and 1960. Its writing reflected the ''milieu'' of the transition from the Free Territories to Gylias, and several commentators would argue that its indirect goal was to help make the Gylian left more amenable to the pact of the dinner party as promoted by Raira. The book drew inspiration from several sources, such as [[Izai Sesaþ]]'s hugely influential ''L'ABCd'anarchie'' and {{wpl|H. G. Wells}}' ''{{wpl|The Outline of History}}''. <br />
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Julie's husband Marc was a key collaborator and assistant during the writing of the book. She admitted in interviews and her autobiography that Marc did "the most thankless tasks", including reading and researching several books used as material, with Julie writing the resulting chapters based on his notes. Marc also had a keen interest in burnishing his wife's legend, and was responsible for the cover, showing Julie in a self-satisfied pose that became iconic.<br />
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==Writing==<br />
''The Green Book'' is written in a simple style. Julie placed a premium on accesssibility and made an effort to limit the use of jargon in the text.<br />
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Julie planned the book to be a riposte to what she considered "the blight of execrably-written, brainless, narcissistic tomes vomited by politicians, leaders, and autocrats in love with the sound of their voices". As a result, the book draws influence from the [[Literature of Gylias#Liúşai League|Gylic "pillow book" tradition]], interspersing the text with remarks, quotations, and jokes. Humour is a significant element of the book, and Julie takes numerous opportunities to demonstrate her [[Julie Legrand#Humour|famed mischievous wit]].<br />
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The book was drastically edited before publication, as Julie wanted it to be short. The title was a nod to [[Julie Legrand#Public image|her reputation as "the green lady"]].<br />
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==Contents==<br />
''The Green Book'' is organised into three parts, labeled simply "Yesterday", "Today", and "Tomorrow".<br />
<br />
===''Yesterday''===<br />
Part one sets out Julie's interpretation of [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. She presents the [[Liúşai League]] as communal and cooperative societies with a tradition of {{wpl|direct democracy}}, and [[Xevden]] as a dictatorial and oppressive usurper. She analyses the [[Gylian ascendancy]] as a necessary alliance between the dispossessed majority and the intellectuals and "noble {{wpl|class traitor}}s" who sided with the people. <br />
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She gives a positive assessment of figures like the landlord [[Sura Eşiderea]], [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberalism]]'s philosophical founder [[Nefne Sary]], and [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]]'s philosophical founder [[Mary Grant]], presenting them as compassionate women who used their wealth to help the impoverished Gylians, and arguing that the real crime of Xevden was that only a few had "the advantages of wealth and time to think" in order to develop ideologies and thus advance the revolutionary project.<br />
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She presents [[Alscia]] as a crucial turning point in Gylian history, and chides its radical critics for "letting perfect become the enemy of good". She praises figures like [[Şio Etes]] and [[Angeline Dalles]] for "grasping the needs of the moment" and advancing a strategy of {{wpl|reformism|reformist}} democracy at home and radical agitation abroad. In a long passage, she attacks the degeneration of the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]] into bureaucratic authoritarianism. She writes frankly of her disillusionment with Ruvelkan communism and the need for "profound soul-searching" on the left to learn the lessons of Ruvelka and prevent a revolution from being hijacked by authoritarians.<br />
<br />
The [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] theorist [[Maria Antónia]] wrote that the entire first section of ''The Green Book'' "is cherry-picked, organised, and arranged into a single thrust: to present violent revolution and its hijacking as the greatest danger to progress, and Julie's moderation as the only dependable path to success."<br />
<br />
===''Today''===<br />
Part two sets out Julie's interpretation of the Free Territories and then-ongoing transition from the Free Territories to Gylias. She praises [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]]'s goal of abolishing all forms of unnecessary coercion and hierarchy, but argues that in the absence of a {{wpl|world revolution}}, Gylias must seek to protect itself against {{wpl|reactionism}}, and thus a pragmatic approach to the current situation must replace dogmatic adherence to "articles of faith". She states:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Show me the anarchist who can provide us with an infallible method of creating a {{wpl|stateless society}} without leaving ourselves defenseless before the world's reactionaries and capitalists, and I will follow them whole-heartedly. In the contest between survival and purity, I will always choose survival."}}<br />
<br />
She describes the role of {{wpl|utopian socialism}} in the revolutionary tradition, and argues that experimentation and drawing up plans in advance is vital for the success of a revolution. In the absence of a clear vision, the revolution leaves itself open to being hijacked by {{wpl|Blanquism|putschists}}, as happened in Ruvelka. This section serves as Julie's implicit criticism of the anarchists' [[Golden Revolution#Goals|refusal to formulate overly specific goals out of the same fear]]. <br />
<br />
She writes that organising is "arduous, thankless work", and revolutionaries must "nourish people's souls", citing the example of the [[Alscia#Labour movement|UAL's provision of education, entertainment, leisure, cultural activities, and welfare to workers]] in [[Alscia]]. She argues that "whoever sets out to change society must first live in accordance with their vision", citing as examples establishing [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|trade unions]] and [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]], educating oneself, participating in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], joining {{wpl|social organisation}}s, and taking part in {{wpl|community building}}.<br />
<br />
She considers {{wpl|class conflict}} the defining element of human history, but warns that the abolition of classes cannot be carried out violently like in Ruvelka, which simply "drove everyone down to the same level of misery". Instead, she advocates achieving a {{wpl|classless society}} by "raising everyone to the same level of comfort", which would cause hierarchy and class distinctions to disappear. She quotes ''{{wpl|The Communist Manifesto}}''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> description of {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} but approves of the idea of raising everyone to the level of the {{wpl|bourgeoisie}}, as long as {{wpl|capital accumulation}} is abolished.<br />
<br />
She discusses the "unsolveable problem" of anarchism: that while it is ideal for organisation at community level, it falters and struggles at a large scale. She argues that the conditions for achieving full anarchism are currently absent, and in the interim a method for carrying out coordination and organisation at a larger scale is necessary: the {{wpl|state}}. She describes the state as "simply a tool at our disposal, that must be used just as every other tool lest enemies seize it first". She also theorises that, in light of Gylias' historical experience, for most Gylians the idea of a government helping them rather than simply oppressing them was revolutionary in itself, and they would not be eager to dismantle it so quickly.<br />
<br />
===''Tomorrow''===<br />
Part three sets out Julie's vision of what constitutes a "good society" and how future developments may help achieve it. She focuses on three themes: the economy, society, and the left.<br />
<br />
She writes that an economic model combining {{wpl|decentralised planning}} with [[Community markets (Gylias)|community markets]] in order to organise production viably and meet everyone's needs would represent a strong option for the future. This model would be achieved through placing the {{wpl|means of production}} into {{wpl|social ownership}}, abolishing {{wpl|capital accumulation}} and the {{wpl|profit motive}}, and mobilising [[Economy of Gylias#Applied science|scientific breakthroughs]] to achieve the ultimate means of communication and coordination across Gylian territory.<br />
<br />
She draws a distinction between work and labour, using one to mean self-realisation and the other to mean pointless drudgery. She discusses the {{wpl|Luddite}} revolts of [[Delkora]], against use of machinery to immiserate workers, and the [[Glorious Rebellion#Republic|Gylian Republic]] taking control of mechanisation to raise wages and reduce unemployment. She writes that automation and mechanisation must be fostered, in order to achieve a future where "machines do the work" and people enjoy an abundance of free time that they can use for leisure, personal pursuits, and self-realisation. Use of science and technology in the public benefit would thus open the path to a {{wpl|non-monetary economy}}.<br />
<br />
She emphasises that economic liberation goes hand in hand with social liberation. Her vision of {{wpl|social revolution}} concentrates on "the good life":<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"We need more open-air cafés, brighter streets at night, more public halls and houses, more theatres and galleries, better and more hospitable hoteliers and restaurateurs, brighter and cleaner eating houses, more pleasure gardens, more trees and grass and parks and comfortable benches, more murals and pictures in public places, better designs for furniture and items and [[Clothing in Gylias|clothes]], statues in the centre of new housing estates, better-designed new street lamps and telephone kiosks, & so on & so forth ad infinitum.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|How will we get these? By putting people in charge of creating their places to live, places to work, places to celebrate, and places to relax. The revolution is made for the people. Its goal is to put people in the saddle and give them all the tools they need."}}<br />
<br />
She ends the book with a pointed criticism and passionate plea towards the left. She considers the greatest faults of the left to be: asceticism, impetuousness, lack of patience, moralism, lack of concern for the public's needs, struggles with both division and discipline, nihilism, and the worst in her eyes, regimentation and inflexibility. She writes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Any revolutionary not guided by love and concern for people's joy is worthless and useless. Throw them to the reactionaries or lock them in prisons, they will only damage the revolution. Those who care nothing for the arts, for beauty, for pleasure — they may be safely put up against a wall and shot before they can inflict their terrors on the people."}}<br />
<br />
She argues that leftists must cultivate qualities that will protect them against authoritarianism and demagoguery "like how we are vaccinated against disease". She names examples of some of these qualities: sophistication, elegance, erudition, a love of the arts, a quest for knowledge, clear thinking and communication, dignity, a strong sense of self, and approaching any utopian vision from the premise that they would be on the bottom rung of society, not the top.<br />
<br />
She concludes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"The basic principle of a good society must be that everyone will have a place and a role in it — including our [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. A society must have room for a [[Angeline Dalles|Madame Rouge]], for a [[Lucretia Pecunia Mercator]], for a [[Hannah Edelstein]], for a [[Beatrice Albini]], for a [[Cécile Sorel]], for a [[mauve circle]], for a [[Beatrice Shelley]], in order to deserve the right to exist."}}<br />
<br />
==Reception==<br />
Upon publication, ''The Green Book'' quickly became a publishing sensation. In its first year, it distributed over 2,5 million copies — equivalent to half of Gylias' total population. The book was widely distributed during the [[Golden Revolution]], and it became an unofficial standard for members of {{G-PA}} parties to own a copy.<br />
<br />
Initially published in {{wpl|French language|French}} and {{wpl|English language|English}}, it came to be translated into multiple languages and distributed throughout [[Tyran]]. The official distribution figures for 2010, the book's 50th anniversary, were 20 million copies in Gylias, and between 50 and 100 million copies for the rest of Tyran.<br />
<br />
The book aroused strong reactions upon publication. It gained an ecstatic reception among [[Socialism in Gylias|socialists]], the "mainstream" left, and even from [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]] and [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservatism]], who approved of Julie's message that a "good society" needed to grant them a place, even as [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. It was more controversial among [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchists]] and [[Communism in Gylias|communists]], who took issue with Julie's {{wpl|Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionism}}, {{wpl|reformism}} and skepticism of revolution. A polemical review in ''[[Free Gylias]]'' bore the headline "How dare she call herself an anarchist".<br />
<br />
Beyond its political aspect, the book garnered critical acclaim, with many reviewers praising its writing style. The poet [[Phaedra Metaxa]] called it "a very fine book, a pleasure to read". A review in ''[[L'Petit Écho]]'' said it "brims with passion, with clarity of thought, with humour and lightness of touch. One of Julie Legrand's witticisms has more impact than a thousand theories". [[Margot Fontaine]] commented that "hardly a dozen people alive write French ''or'' English as well as Julie Legrand".<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
''The Green Book'' cemented Julie's reputation as the most influential leftist of post-war Gylias. It also gave her the status of the {{G-DCP}}'s "chief ideologue", and bolstered her influence within the party. Julie used her enormous power within the party to carry out her project of [[Julie Legrand#Reshaping the left|reshaping the left]] to consolidate the dominance of exactly her ideals and {{wpl|champagne socialist}} image on the Gylian left — an approach that earned the nickname [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
<br />
Historians have described ''The Green Book'' as one of the foundational texts of the Golden Revolution, together with similarly influential texts like [[Ðaina Levysti]]'s ''The Empire of Elegance'' and [[Margot Fontaine]]'s ''L'construction d'identité gylienne''. (All three works, coincidentally, were published in 1960.)<br />
<br />
[[Isabel Longstowe]] observed that the book "marked Julie's ascent to living legend": it made her a cultural icon in Gylias and one of the undisputed heroic figures of the Gylian left. Julie retained the copyright of the book for the [[Law of Gylias#Intellectual rights law|maximum 40 years possible]] and made a small fortune from its sales, leading to jokes that she practiced the {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} she preached. She became a prolific writer, writing several more books elaborating on the themes of ''The Green Book'', but these did not capture the public attention in the same way. Her [[Julie Legrand#Writings and ideology|only comparable successes]] were her war memoirs, autobiography, and the collection of quotes ''The Wit and Wisdom of Julie Legrand'', which earned critical acclaim and commercial success.<br />
<br />
An article in ''[[The Republic]]'' in 2014, published on the occasion of Julie's 90th birthday, stated that "Julie Legrand became an exemplary symbols of all the virtues she advocated for the left. She was cultured, elegant, charming, sharp-dressed, perceptive, attentive to nuance, and devoted to moderating the excesses of radicalism. ''The Green Book'' stands as a testament to her best qualities and helpful influence on the Gylian left." [[Raira Sano]] wrote of Julie's "crucial insight that many people who had never known anything else, who had not previously enjoyed good health, education, ''or'' a democratic system, would be happy just with all the time in the world, their needs fulfilled, and getting to make decisions without having the stomach for abolishing the state".<br />
<br />
The book became a significant document among the Tyranian left, and remains a potent symbol of {{wpl|reformism}} and the disillusionment engenered by the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]].<br />
<br />
{{Golden Revolution Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian books]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Ser_%C5%9Eanorin&diff=622542Ser Şanorin2023-02-28T08:03:22Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Şanorin|Ser}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Ser Şanorin<br />
| image = SerŞanorin(small).jpg<br />
| image_size = 200px<br />
| birth_date = 7 February 1927<br />
| birth_place = Valona, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|df=yes|2007|12|18|1927|2|7}} <br />
| death_place = Kaşa, [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* Businesswoman<br />
* writer<br />
* activist<br />
* politician}}<br />
}}<br />
{{Socialism in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
'''Ser Şanorin''' (7 February 1927 – 18 December 2007) was a Gylian businesswoman, writer, activist, and politician. She is considered the co-founder of [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']] together with [[Sima Daián]], providing much of its theoretical underpinning. She helped ''aristerokratia'' establish a distinctive niche in the [[Golden Revolution]], and enjoyed a long career as a warmly-regarded public figure, including a long term as [[Gylian Senate|Senator]] for [[Tomes Region|Tomes]] and a presidential run in [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Ser Şanorin was born on 7 February 1927 in Valona, [[Alscia]]. She came from a modestly well-off family: her father was a banker and her mother was an {{wpl|art dealer}}. In her childhood, she also used an Italianised spelling of her name, ''Sera Scianorina'', in deference to the strong {{wpl|Italophilia}} of Alscian society.<br />
<br />
She grew up learning {{wpl|Italian language|Italian}} and [[Gylic languages|Zineran]] as her native languages. This gave her a marked Italian accent and sing-song lilt when speaking Zineran or other languages, a trait that would become her trademark in politics.<br />
<br />
She attended school in Alscia until [[Alscia#Dissolution|it joined]] the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], at which point she continued with [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes]]. During the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], she started an {{wpl|apprenticeship}}, which led to her establishing a successful {{wpl|cooperative}} for repairs.<br />
<br />
By the end of the war, she had settled in [[Tomes Region|Tomes]] and had founded a successful [[Regions of Gylias|regional]] chain of maintenance and repair establishments called ''Sereparatio''.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
Ser developed an interest in politics during the war. She was repulsed by the [[Communism in Gylias|statist communists]] and harked back to what she considered the more genteel politics of Alscia in her youth. She developed her beliefs by synthesis of several traditions, including [[Mary Grant]]'s humanism, [[Phaedra Metaxa]]'s ''mousaikratia'', and [[Conservatism in Gylias#Hannaism|Hannaism]], but struggled to find an outlet that would match them.<br />
<br />
The spread of the ethos of [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] during the [[Golden Revolution]] provided an ideal environment for Ser's ideas to flourish. The final catalyst was a meeting with [[Sima Daián]]; the two found that they were kindred spirits politically and decided to work together as a team. They published the first ''aristerokratia'' {{wpl|manifesto}} in 1960 and set out to promote the idea, becoming contributors to ''[[The Travelling Companion]]'', and entering politics.<br />
<br />
Within the team, Ser provided the main theoretical underpinning of ''aristerokratia'', while Sima by her own admission worked mainly to polish its language and conceive an appealing image. In line with Ser's intentions, ''aristerokratia'' became a form of [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democracy]] centred around [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] and the [[Conservatism in Gylias#Hannaism|Hannaist]] notion of "rescuing nobility from the nobility", which coupled the ideal of a {{wpl|classless society}} with preserving the ideal of elegance and refinement as an inspiration to others. <br />
<br />
===Senate===<br />
Ser ran for the newly-established [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] in the [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962 federal election]]. She was elected as an {{wpl|independent politician|independent}} candidate for [[Tomes Region|Tomes]]. She won re-election in [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969]], [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976]], [[Gylian federal election, 1980|1980]], [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985]], [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], and [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], and served in the Senate until it was reformed to a {{wpl|sortition}}-based body in 2000.<br />
<br />
In the Senate, she served on the [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Culture, Arts and Leisure]] and [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Public Standards and Integrity]]. She proved an especially colourful and popular Senator, cultivating close friendships with colleagues [[Phaedra Metaxa]] and [[Teisa Rede]]. Ser and Teisa were nicknamed the "{{wpl|trench coat}} caucus" due to their similar appearances and their habit of sitting next to each other in the {{G-NI}} area.<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
[[File:SerŞanorin.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Ser Şanorin in 1962]]<br />
The ''aristerokratia'' project demanded appropriate supporters, and Ser and Sima duly transformed themselves into appealing and elegant figures to match. Ser adopted a trademark appearance consisting of a [[Ðaina Levysti#"Levystile"|Levystile]] skirt suit with a {{wpl|cloche hat}} and a {{wpl|trench coat}}. She hired a {{wpl|personal assistant}} who accompanied her virtually everywhere, especially holding up {{wpl|umbrella}}s to shield her from the elements, giving her an image of aristocratic eccentricity.<br />
<br />
Ser purposefully cultivated and emphasised the aspects of her personality that matched the ''aristerokratia'' ideal, joking with Sima that they would be "cartoon characters in the service of beautifying Gylian life". She played up her Italian accent as a reminder of her Alscian origin, and was nicknamed "the Italian from Tomes" (''l'italiana di Tomes'').<br />
<br />
Upon election to the Senate, Ser resigned from her roles on the ''Sereparatio'' cooperatives. While her rhetoric focused on her ''aristerokratia'' ideals, she did speak with pride about her business career. She entered politics with considerable financial comfort, but never earned enough to participate in the [[Social Partnership Program]]. However, she did encourage the perception of herself as rich since it helped her better represent the ideals she advocated.<br />
<br />
Ser ran for the [[President of Gylias|presidency]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]], placing third with 17,3% of first preference votes. As they had planned beforehand, Sima took her place in [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|the next election]], finishing third with 17% of first preference votes.<br />
<br />
==Later life==<br />
After leaving the Senate, Ser spent the rest of her life in quiet retirement with her family. She still went out of her way to go to ''Sereparatio'' cooperatives for repairs or maintenance needs, showing her pride and support of the chain that had become a well-established institution in Tomes.<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Ser died of natural causes on 18 December 2007 in a Kaşa hospital.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Ser was married to an Italian husband. The couple created a large family through {{wpl|adoption}}, ultimately adopting 10 children.<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
Ser and Sima played a great role in popularising ''aristerokratia'' as a quirky presence in [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]] and public life.<br />
<br />
Ser was a highly influential model for many [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democratic]] politicians, who cultivated similar public images and adopted ''aristerokratia'' as part of their ideology. Ser was greatly pleased by this, joking that she "taught others how to be soft in politics". She was fond of observing that [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democracy]], despite or due to its "milder" and {{wpl|reformism|reformist}} nature, relied on flamboyant public figures like herself or [[Lilja Kjellberg]] in order to keep up with the more radical wings of [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]] and [[Communism in Gylias|communism]].<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Castle_Bang&diff=615382Castle Bang2023-02-10T06:34:12Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Infobox television<br />
| show_name = Castle Bang<br />
| image = <br />
| image_size = <br />
| caption = <br />
| genre = {{flatlist|<br />
* [[Nénédie]]<br />
* {{wpl|comedy}}<br />
* {{wpl|action-adventure}} }}<br />
| voices = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[Rena Neleş]]<br />
* Saele Roano }}<br />
| country = [[Gylias]]<br />
| language = {{plainlist|<br />
* {{wpl|English language|English}}<br />
* {{wpl|French language|French}}<br />
* ''various'' }}<br />
| num_episodes = 30 (60 segments)<br />
| composer = [[Susan Shelley]]<br />
| company = {{plainlist|<br />
* Kamanimation<br />
* [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Gylian National Film Institute]] }}<br />
| channel = [[Associated Television|ATV]] [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]] and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]]<br />
| first_aired = 1 June 2009<br />
| last_aired = 28 December 2012<br />
| website = <!-- --><br />
}}<br />
<br />
''' ''Castle Bang'' ''' is a Gylian [[Gylianime|animated series]] which aired on [[Associated Television|ATV]] [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]] and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]] in 2009–2012. Produced by Kamanimation and the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Gylian National Film Institute]], it is a [[nénédie]] comedy following the adventures of Liza Runecastle, a {{wpl|polymath}} who serves [[Alscia]] together with her sidekick Nancy Bangcroft and is handsomely rewarded for her efforts.<br />
<br />
It is one of Gylias' most successful animated series, and is regarded as a peak of the ''[[nénédie]]'' genre, and one of the greatest cartoons of the 2000s–2010s.<br />
<br />
==Plot==<br />
The series is set in 1919 in [[Alscia]], and follows the adventures of Liza Runecastle, a talented and attractive {{wpl|polymath}} who serves the [[Alscia]]n government in a variety of ways. In her tasks, she is assisted by her unwavering yet bashful assistant, Nancy Bangcroft.<br />
<br />
Liza is introduced as a heroine of the [[Alscian Border War]], and accumulates a hyperbolic list of achievements over the course of the series. She is a scientist, martial artist, marksman, military commander, writer, inventor, engineer, architect, diplomat, artist, painter, model, [[Prostitution in Gylias|sex worker]], and businesswoman. She is Alscia's richest woman, owning a huge variety of businesses, and it is implied that the historical [[Gaulette]] conglomerate is actually "Runecastle".<br />
<br />
By the end of the series, she has become the {{wpl|generalissimo}} of the [[Alscia#Military|Border Guard]], has received the highest {{wpl|military awards and decorations}} conferred by Alscia, and has been granted the title of Duchess and all the {{wpl|order of merit|orders of merit}} by the [[Alscia#Class structure|UOC]]. In the final segment, she is shown being intensely courted by the Alscian parties to run for office, with her final answer being left playfully ambiguous.<br />
<br />
==Characters==<br />
[[File:LizaRunecastle.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Liza Runecastle]]<br />
;Liza Runecastle<br />
:''Voiced by:'' [[Rena Neleş]]<br />
:Liza is a heroine of the [[Alscian Border War]] who now leads a life of adventure, {{wpl|polymath}}y, and comfort. She has a vast and improbable array of skills and talents, and every project she is involved in becomes a triumph that further increases her glory. She is a household name who enjoys universal popularity in Alscia and is seen by everyone as a role model to aspire to.<br />
<br />
:She is boisterous, extremely self-confident, and has little modesty, enjoying showing off her cleavage and having numerous {{wpl|one-night stand}}s. She has a mischievous side and enjoys teasing others good-naturedly, but is a kind and passionate woman who always thinks of what is best for her comrades and friends. She loves her fame, particularly for the way it's brought her riches, adulation, and an active sex life, but retains a sense of decorum and mainly uses her fame to encourage others to pursue their dreams and have equally great achievements.<br />
<br />
:Liza is highly charismatic and brazenly hypersexual, seeking to have as many sexual encounters as possible with [[Valeria Valente]]-like efficiency, in pursuit of a state of permanent "post-orgasmic bliss". Her closest friend is Nancy, who she loves deeply but also enjoys teasing mercilessly due to her easily embarrassed nature, claiming this is intended to "thicken her skin". She provides Nancy with plentiful physical intimacy, especially in the form of hugs and belly rubs.<br />
{{-}}<br />
[[File:NancyBangcroft.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Nancy Bangcroft]]<br />
;Nancy Bangcroft<br />
:''Voiced by:'' Saele Roano<br />
:Nancy is Liza's assistant. The few mentions of her past suggest that she had grown up in [[Xevden]] and fled to [[Alscia]] after it was established.<br />
<br />
:She is an extremely skilled {{wpl|sharpshooter}}, and always carries an {{wpl|elephant rifle}}. She is very timid, and when embarrassed, blushes easily. She is often awkward in social situations, and is flustered by luxury, the result of an impoverished childhood. She feels intimidated by her lack of as many effortless talents as Liza's, but the series repeatedly shows she is better than she gives herself credit for, and Liza constantly tells Nancy the same. She is portrayed as someone who tends to resort to "brute-force" tactics due to her lesser social proficiency compared to Liza.<br />
<br />
:Nancy is Liza's closest friend, and admires her greatly, while being somewhat daunted by her achievements. In turn, Liza acts as a big sister figure to her, encouraging her to be more confident and affectionately teasing her as a way to give her a "thick skin". Nancy is somewhat bashful about Liza's hugs and physical intimacy, but enjoys it despite her initial surprise.<br />
{{-}}<br />
==Production==<br />
===Conception===<br />
[[File:Liza+Nancy.jpg|thumb|right|The dynamic between the boisterous [[Nénédie#Characteristics|''nénédette'']] Liza and the shy sidekick Nancy is central to ''Castle Bang'']]<br />
''Castle Bang'' originated as an individual Kamanimation project that was taken over collectively. The studio was small and specialised in {{wpl|erotica}} at the time. The creative team decided to try its hand at ''[[nénédie]]'', and considered it an interesting challenge to create an attractive character following the model of [[Julie Legrand]].<br />
<br />
[[Chihiro Munakata]] was hired as {{wpl|character designer}}, as the team admired his work on ''[[Kenkyūsha Ayako to joshu Himeko]]'', especially the stylish wardrobes he devised for his big-breasted heroines. <br />
<br />
Liza was the first character to be designed. Chihiro drew inspiration from {{wpl|dirndl}}s for her outfit. The team thought the design was strong, and were inspired by its appearance to set the series in [[Alscia]]. Nancy was concieved afterwards, on the suggestion that Liza have a character to play off of. Nancy was deliberately designed to be Liza's opposite, from her personality to her appearance.<br />
<br />
Early in production, the studio reached out to [[Susan Shelley]] to score the show. This was a highly attractive prospect, both due to the prestige of Susan's name and her highly successful [[Marvelous Music from the Magnificent Mademoiselles|soundtrack]] to ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]''. Susan agreed to join the project, and had a meeting with the creative team to ask for further information about the series and the characters. <br />
<br />
The writers were inspired by the meeting to take Liza's character in a different direction, and with Susan's blessing, refashioned Liza into an affectionate parody of the [[Shelley family]], with a dash of [[Valeria Valente]]-styled passion for efficiency, and [[Raira Sano]]-inspired reputation as a national heroine.<br />
<br />
The series was produced by Kamanimation and the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Gylian National Film Institute]] between 2008 and 2012. The Alscian setting made the team feel it would be a natural fit for [[Associated Television|ATV]] [[Arxaþ Region|Arxaþ]] and [[Alţira Region|Alţira]].<br />
<br />
===Approach===<br />
The central element of the series is the humorous portrayal of Liza Runecastle as irresistible, self-confident, and an extreme polymath. One writer recalled: "There was a kind of naughty thrill to coming up with ideas, we were basically {{wpl|Daedalus}} trying to figure out how far we could go without flying too close to the sun." The most common writing approach was to suggest a new field for Liza to be active in. One common running gag was showing Liza inventing recognisably modern technology, but with 1910s aesthetics, only for it to prove too far ahead of its time.<br />
<br />
The writers' intention was for the viewers to both be entertained by Liza's improbable achievements, and still find her to be an admirable and endearing character. Once the character was refashioned, a jocular working title for the series was ''The Rise and Rise of Liza Runecastle''. Liza's ability to achieve ever greater success became a crucial part of her sex appeal, together with her boisterous personality and attractive appearance.<br />
<br />
The series' setting in 1919 Alscia allowed the writers to draw inspiration from [[Valeria Valente]] and the {{wpl|efficiency movement}} in deepening Liza's characterisation, and to have a comedic subplot running throughout the episodes where Liza and Nancy follow the [[Race Around the World]].<br />
<br />
===Style===<br />
The creative team took inspiration from ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]'' in making a deliberately rosy portrayal of [[Alscia]]. They played up the common traits associated with Alscia in pop culture, showing an almost utopian [[Alscia#The "hurried province"|"hurried province"]] where poverty doesn't exist, everyone enjoys a good life, and everyone is [[Clothing in Gylias|sharp-dressed]] and well-groomed. They hoped this would make the series as comforting to viewers as ''The Magnificent Mademoiselles'' had been.<br />
<br />
Since Liza's breasts were the most prominent part of her physique, the series made a running gag out of showing her lactating, and its results: she greatly enjoys working as a {{wpl|wet nurse}}, insists on breastfeeding all her partners as an erotic act, and once per segment asks for Nancy's "help", which Nancy obliges.<br />
<br />
In keeping with ''[[nénédie]]''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> emphasis on brevity, ''Castle Bang'' used a two shorts format, with each episode consisting of two shorts around 10 minutes long.<br />
<br />
===Characterisation===<br />
[[File:LizaRunecastle-extra.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Liza's characterisation as a proud, attractive, and comically extreme {{wpl|polymath}} won widespread critical acclaim]]<br />
The creators enjoyed the dynamic of Nancy as admiring yet somewhat intimidated by Liza, and Liza as a big sister figure who shows her affection physically and through teasing.<br />
<br />
As one writer explained: "Liza is someone who's just somehow blessed, has gone through life with no adversity and easily accomplishes anything she sets out to. Nancy comes from a typical background, and nothing's ever come easy for her, she's had to fight to get where she is. The combination of the two brings out the best in each other: Nancy gets to enjoy the sweet life, and Liza has a best friend who keeps her astute."<br />
<br />
The creative team followed a rule during production that "viewers must always laugh ''with'' Liza and Nancy, never at them."<br />
<br />
Two running gags were included in every episode, usually as the ending to a segment. One was a scene Liza enthusiastically hugs Nancy while celebrating, squeezing her tightly and pushing her head into her breasts due to their height difference. Another was for Nancy to "help" Liza when lactating, and afterwards Nancy is shown looking the same but jokingly complaining about feeling fat from drinking all of Liza's breast milk, while Liza playfully rubs her belly and reassures her she looks good.<br />
<br />
===Soundtrack===<br />
The soundtrack was performed by [[Susan Shelley]]. Reprising a technique she was famous for, Susan scored the show as if it was serious, in order to enhance the comedy.<br />
<br />
Susan drew on various influences to produce a "period-appropriate" soundtrack, including [[Music of Gylias#Art music|orchestral music]], [[Gylian jazz|jazz]], and {{wpl|minimal music|minimalism}}. She acknowledged using "{{wpl|Rhapsody in Blue}}" as a key reference for how to create {{wpl|orchestral jazz}}. The score used a variety of ensembles, including orchestra, {{wpl|big band}}, small combo, and a reduced number of instruments.<br />
<br />
Susan sought out a group of collaborators to serve as the jazz combo, much as [[Combustible Edison]] had been for ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]''. She chose [[Mondo Fine]] for the task, beginning a lengthy and close collaboration that lasted until her death.<br />
<br />
The score used diverse instruments and ensembles to complement the action on screen. {{wpl|Pizzicato}} violins, tuned percussion instruments, and {{wpl|minimal music|minimalist}} {{wpl|ostinato}}s were used to represent the "hustle and bustle" of Alscian society, as well as its forward-looking optimism. Liza was accompanied by a soundtrack of "lusty" big band jazz, highlighted by slow drumming, blues-influenced licks, and prominent horn section. Nancy was accompanied by a soundtrack of "sensitive" piano and acoustic guitar.<br />
<br />
The creators applauded Susan's soundtrack and considered it crucial to the show's success. One animator commented that Susan's score "winked at the audience, added another layer to the comedy, and brought grandeur to the show — you watched Liza being magnificent and you began to feel magnificent yourself."<br />
<br />
Susan also expressed fondness for the soundtrack, declaring in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'' that she was very proud of it. She quipped, "I tried my best to raise Liza Runecastle to greatness."<br />
<br />
==Reception==<br />
''Castle Bang'' was a critical and commercial success upon airing. It became one of the biggest hits of the ''[[nénédie]]'' genre, with reviewers praising the strong characterisation, raunchy comedy, voice acting, dynamic between Liza and Nancy, and stylish soundtrack.<br />
<br />
The series was uploaded to [[Proton]] TV as it aired, and was later released on {{wpl|DVD}}.<br />
<br />
The series experienced significant popularity in Gylias, far beyond the creators' initial expectations. It quickly became one of Gylias' most successful animated series, and Kamanimation's biggest hit. It also marked the breakthrough role for [[Rena Neleş]], who established herself as a leading voice actress strongly associated with ''[[nénédie]]''.<br />
<br />
Liza became one of the most celebrated characters in [[Gylianime]], with a particularly strong following on the [[Internet in Gylias|Gylian internet]], and figures of her quickly became the fastest-selling merchandise in Gylias in decades. <br />
<br />
===Related media===<br />
The creators approved the creation of an {{wpl|action-adventure game}} based on the show, which was well-received.<br />
<br />
Some time after the series ended, debate began within the creative team whether they should produce a sequel. One of the major issues was how to develop on the setting of the series. A writer commented: "What's left for Liza to do? Probably just become President of the Universe! ''[laughs]'' That was our stumbling block. We weren't sure we wanted to push Liza into politics because it might cramp her style, and since the setting is Alscia, the problem then is how do you tackle the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]?"<br />
<br />
Any plans to create a sequel to ''Castle Bang'' were permanently shelved after [[Susan Shelley]]'s death in 2016. The creators thought her scoring was so important to the show's success that a sequel without her soundtrack would risk being inferior.<br />
<br />
In the end, Kamanimation published a [[Culture of Gylias#Comics|Gylimanga]] sequel, ''Castle Rule'', in 2019, with [[Chihiro Munakata]] handling the artwork. Set in the year 2000, it shows Liza and Nancy as {{wpl|supercentenarian}}s, benefitting from great advances in medicine and science. They reminisce about their lives since the events of ''Castle Bang'', shown in flashback:<br />
* Thanks to Liza's campaigning, the [[Alscian sovereignty referendum, 1939|Alscian sovereignty referendum]] goes the other way, as Alscians vote by a landslide against joining the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. <br />
* Alscia becomes a "tandemocracy", jointly led by Liza and [[Donatella Rossetti]], and concludes an alliance with the Free Territories. The Free Territories and Alscia conclude a {{wpl|sphere of influence}} agreement, with Alscia given free rein to expand east of the [[Geography of Gylias|Kackar mountains]].<br />
* Alscia's rapid expansion makes it a major combatant in the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. When the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]] is overthrown, the [[Varnaþ family]] takes refuge in Alscia. The combined Alscian military and [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] destroy the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime#Military|Royal Army]] and rapidly overrun Nerveiík, toppling the [[Tymzar–Nalo regime]] in short order. With Alscian assistance, the Free Territories completes the liberation of territories west of the [[Geography of Gylias|Kackar mountains]].<br />
* Liza leads diplomatic negotiations for the integration of Alscia and the Free Territories. These are successful and result in the establishment of Gylias in 1950.<br />
* Liza becomes the [[Prime Minister of Gylias]], leading a cabinet composed of several real-life cabinet members (including [[Julie Legrand]], [[Rin Tōsaka]] and [[Sakura Tōsaka]]) while sidelining others. The integration of the Free Territories results in a pact of the dinner party where the [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]] are in the superior position; Gylias retains the trappings of the Free Territories while in practice functioning like Alscia.<br />
* Liza leads Gylias to a golden age of prosperity, peace, and progress. The [[Golden Revolution]] happens in a modified form, with [[gauchic]] aesthetics and [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing styles]] becoming ubiquituous. [[Valeria Valente]]'s philosophy of efficiency is combined with [[Economy of Gylias#Planning|decentralised planning]] through the [[Hermes Programme]]. {{wpl|Art Deco}} and {{wpl|Raygun Gothic}} become the defining visual and architectural styles of Gylias. <br />
* The old [[Popular Progressive Front]] is expanded to include the [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarcho-communists]] and [[Conservatism in Gylias|progressive conservatives]], creating a "magic coalition" that dominates Gylian politics with a divided, weak, and unpopular opposition. In reaction to [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]]' dominance, both the communists and conservatives dilute their ideology and move closer to the centre, becoming more like liberals.<br />
* [[Julie Legrand]] and [[Lea Kersed]] become Liza's right-hand women, helping bring the anarcho-communists and progressive conservatives into the "magic coalition".<br />
* Throughout it all, Liza's list of accomplishments and talents grows ever more extravagant, and she remains Gylias' richest woman, her wealth growing to unimaginable levels despite her extensive philanthropy, donations, and funding {{wpl|public works}} and state projects out of her own pocket. She remains as hypersexual and boastful as ever, achieving her goal of having sex with every adult Gylian, and personally wet nursing every Gylian baby. She has also successfully helped Nancy grow more confident and boastful herself, while remaining her closest friend, romantic partner, and devoted assistant.<br />
* After an incredibly extravagant 100th birthday party that shuts down the Gylian economy for a week due to the collective hangovers and exhaustion from partying, Liza announces her upcoming retirement. She steps down after the 1990 federal election, having become the longest-serving and oldest democratically-elected leader in [[Tyran]].<br />
* Due to enormous advances in science, technology, and medicine, many of them due to Liza's own research and inventions, the {{wpl|maximum life span}} has increased immensely, while the {{wpl|ageing}} process has slowed immensely. Liza looks forward to a long and happy retirement with her beloved Nancy. In the final scene, Liza muses about the numerous sexual encounters she looks forward to in retirement, to which Nancy chuckles knowingly.<br />
<br />
{{Susan Shelley Navbox}}<br />
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[[Category:Gylian television series]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Susan_Shelley&diff=614587Susan Shelley2023-02-08T08:15:55Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Shelley|Susan}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox musical artist<br />
| name = Susan Shelley<br />
| image = SusanShelley-1.jpg<br />
| background = non_vocal_instrumentalist<br />
| birth_date = 3 January 1926<br />
| birth_place = Etra, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{death date and age|df=yes|2016|12|16|1926|2|3}}<br />
| death_place = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| genre = {{flatlist|<br />
*{{wpl|Rock music|Rock}}<br />
*{{wpl|pop music|pop}}<br />
*[[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]]<br />
*{{wpl|comedy music|comedy}}<br />
*{{wpl|easy listening}}<br />
*{{wpl|space age pop}}<br />
*{{wpl|light music}}<br />
*[[Gylian Sound]]<br />
*[[Gylian jazz|jazz]] }}<br />
| years_active = 1950–2016<br />
| label = {{flatlist|<br />
*[[Making Records]]<br />
*[[Susan Shelley#Sound Records|Sound Records]] }}<br />
| associated_acts = {{flatlist|<br />
*[[The Beaties]]<br />
*[[Marian Ellis]]<br />
*[[Asuka (musician)|Asuka]] and [[the Mighty Invincibles]]<br />
*[[Stella Star]]<br />
*[[The Verve]]<br />
*[[Yoko Kanno and the Seatbelts]]<br />
*[[Kaida Rakodi]]<br />
*[[Jocelyn Tran]]<br />
*[[Kay and Windsor]]<br />
*Terri "Cupcake" Mason<br />
*[[Mondo Fine]]}}<br />
| instrument = {{flatlist|<br />
*Keyboards<br />
*oboe<br />
*clarinet<br />
*tape loops}}<br />
| alias = Ms. Shelley<br />
| module = {{Infobox person | embed=yes<br />
| signature = SusanShelley-signature.png<br />
| spouse = {{marriage|[[Alan Shelley]]|1948}}<br />
| children = {{flatlist|<br />
*Alex<br />
*Paul<br />
*[[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]]<br />
*George }}<br />
| website = http://www.susanshelley.gls/<br />
}}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Susan Shelley''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Suzyn Şeli''; 3 January 1926 – 16 December 2016) was a Gylian {{wpl|record producer}}, arranger, composer, {{wpl|audio engineer}}, and musician. She was considered one of the greatest producers and arrangers in [[Music of Gylias|Gylian music]], and was best-known for her work with [[The Beaties]]. She produced all of the Beaties' releases during their career, and was referred to as the "[[fifth Beatie]]".<br />
<br />
Born into the prestigious [[Shelley family]], Susan began her lengthy career by producing comedy and {{wpl|novelty record}}s by acts like [[Kay and Windsor]], Niní Marshall, and Terri "Cupcake" Mason. Her work with the Beaties was greatly influential, in establishing their innovative [[The Beaties' recording practices|recording practices]] and developing the {{wpl|recording studio as an instrument}}. She achieved a distinctive public image and illustrious reputation, which was highlighted in her interviews and appearances in documentaries like ''[[The Beaties at Work]]'', ''[[The Beaties Anthology]]'', and ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]''.<br />
<br />
Susan was one of Gylias' most prolific producers and arrangers, working with a huge variety of musicians during her six decades-long career. As a composer she wrote in many genres, including [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] and popular music. She was Gylias' most successful composer of [[Music of Gylias#Art music|contemporary classical music]], earning public favour for her melodicism and avoidance of dissonance and {{wpl|atonality}}. She composed, arranged, and produced film and television scores, as well as the {{wpl|theme music}} for the [[Gylian National Broadcasting Service]], compiled on ''[[Themes for Broadcasting]]''.<br />
<br />
Considered by music critics "one of the most prodigiously talented and successful musicians in Gylian history", Susan's career passed in a continuous series of critical acclaim and commercial success until her death. She was held in high regard by musicians, and the recipient of many honours. Her life and work were celebrated in Gylias, and to Gylians she represented a vision of success, both for her work and for her loving family life. Numerous obituaries and tributes after her death acknowledged her as one of the greatest Gylians of all time.<br />
<br />
{{TOC limit|2}}<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Susan Shelley was born on 3 January 1926 in Etra. She was an Anglophone of mixed Allamunnae and Shalumite descent.<br />
<br />
She was born into the prestigious and affluent [[Shelley family]], and had an older sister, [[Irene Shelley|Irene]]. Her parents [[Henry Shelley|Henry]] and [[Beatrice Shelley|Beatrice]] managed the Royal Concert Hall in the capital, and Henry also served on the [[Alscia#Legislative Council|Legislative Council]] as a member of the {{G-NUP}}, and would later serve in the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] for the same party after the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
<br />
She described her childhood as "very happy, very disciplined, and very artistic". Her parents' ambitions and distinctive parenting methods, particularly those of her mother, permanently shaped her and her sister's [[Shelley family#Characteristics|personalities and ideals]], producing the regal personality that was her trademark throughout her life.<br />
<br />
She recalled her childhood in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'' as follows:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I lucked into the most fortuitous, warm, constructive kind of family context imaginable. My father was a councillor. My mother ran the Royal Concert Hall with him, and they worked with some of the best musicians of the time. They were wholesome, they neither smoked nor drank, and they never used bad language. I never heard a four-letter word. It didn't exist in my wholesome family setting."}}<br />
<br />
Susan was a bright student who did very well in school. She gained a reputation among her classmates for being unusually mature for her age, and was often consulted for advice or trusted with important information. When she was 6, her parents acquired a piano, which sparked her interest in music. She began taking piano lessons, and created her first piano composition, "The Spider's Dance", aged 8.<br />
<br />
Her parents' occupation allowed her to meet many famous musicians from an early age. As she wrote in her autobiography:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"By the time I'd entered adolescence, there was no question in my mind: I would be a musician. The idea of dedicating my life to anything else was simply laughable. My parents were passionate about music, and the decision pleased them greatly. My mother advised me to aim higher: that I should be the best musician in the world."}}<br />
<br />
After Alscia [[Alscian sovereignty referendum, 1939|voted to join]] the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], the family initially moved to [[Molise]], to escape the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], and subsequently to the [[Northern States]]. She continued her education in the Northern States, and attended the Royal Northian Conservatory of Music, where she studied piano, oboe, clarinet, and {{wpl|orchestration}}. She graduated in 1948, and the same year married her husband [[Alan Shelley]].<br />
<br />
Susan's ambitions changed while at the conservatory, where she was exposed to early {{wpl|electroacoustic music}}. She wrote:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Suddenly, my fantasies about being the next {{wpl|Sergei Rachmaninoff|Rachmaninov}} seemed a bit ordinary. What if I could be both Rachmaninov and thoroughly modern? This became the question that drove me for the next few years."}}<br />
<br />
==Career beginnings==<br />
===Northern States===<br />
While still attending the conservatory, Susan began working as a {{wpl|session musician}} to earn additional money. She played piano and wrote brass and strings arrangements. She also wrote and published several [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] pieces under her name, but found difficulty drawing interest in them. One of her early published compositions was ''{{wpl|Variation (music)|Variations}} on [[Primavera di bellezza]]'', a Gylian patriotic song she had a lifelong fondness for.<br />
<br />
She began working for a Northian record label's classical music department, which she credited with training her to be a {{wpl|music engineer}}. She mainly recorded classical music, and folk music from around the Northern States.<br />
<br />
By the 1950s, she was growing disillusioned with her career's path. She thought the classical music department too traditionalist and unwilling her accomodate her interest in modern music, and had concluded that publishing her works alone wasn't enough to gain an audience.<br />
<br />
Nevertheless, she stated: "I don't want to give the impression I was miserable … the Northern States treated us very well. We had a nice home. I had a rewarding job, my husband had a rewarding job. We lived comfortably. Our only indulgence was the {{wpl|department store}}, so we were always well-dressed."<br />
<br />
===Free Territories and Gylias===<br />
With the Liberation War now in its final stage, Susan moved with her husband to the Free Territories. The move greatly benefited her career, and she joked that it made her "a giant fish in a very small pond" compared to her situation in the Northern States.<br />
<br />
Besides her work as a session musician and arranger, she found work as an engineer and producer for {{wpl|radio}}. This provided her with her first opportunities to work with comedians. She produced [[Kay and Windsor]]'s ''The Best of Kay and Windsor'' (1958) and ''The Rest of Kay and Windsor'' (1959), the first Gylian comedy albums recorded in a studio. With their mixture of spoken sketches and music spoofs, the albums were critical and commercial successes in Gylias. She went on to work with other comedians like Niní Marshall and Terri "Cupcake" Mason, and in 1962 collaborated with [[Megelan]]ese musician Maddalena Fagandini on the single "Time Beat"/"Waltz in Orbit".<br />
<br />
A recording session with the [[Hilda Wechsler]] Big Band increased her fame within the Gylian music industry. Although Hilda had a reputation as a strong disciplinarian and a control freak in the studio, Susan secured complete authority in the studio. Hilda's pianist [[Toshiko Akiyoshi]] recalled: <br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley was endlessly patient, endlessly diplomatic, and firmly polite. She called Hilda's bluff right from the beginning, when she asked to be called 'Ms. Shelley'. Hilda agreed after some protest, seeing Ms. Shelley impossible to anger, and trying to pick a fight with her made her feel remorseful. If Hilda tried to argue something, Ms. Shelley simply sat there serenely and let her go on, and would diplomatically remind her that studio time cost money. Seeing she couldn't get the better of Ms. Shelley, Hilda ended up being on her best behaviour ever in a studio session."}}<br />
<br />
The status of "the woman who made Hilda Wechsler back down" burnished her reputation.<br />
<br />
==The Beaties==<br />
===Beginning of collaboration===<br />
In 1962, Susan was contacted by [[Hiroshi and Misaki Morishima]], the managers of [[The Beaties]], to see if she would be interested in working with them. Susan first met with Hiroshi and Misaki, who made a good impression on her. She thought they were "serious and honest", and discovered they were also the parents of two of the bandmembers, which made her interested.<br />
<br />
The Beaties travelled to Mişeyáke, where Susan was then located, to have an "audition" for her. Susan thought their original songs were weak, but liked the sound of [[Haruka Morishima]] and [[Tsukasa Morishima]]'s vocals. In the discussion afterwards, she asked if there was anything they didn't like, to which [[Sæna Kaþa]] replied, "I don't like your tie." That was the turning point of the conversation: Haruka and Tsukasa chimed in afterwards with jokes and comic wordplay, and Susan decided that she should work with them for their wit alone.<br />
<br />
Susan traveled to Kyman to produce the Beaties' first singles and the ''Class Session'' EP, all released in 1962. At their first session, she tried to suggest they recorded a song written by a professional songwriter, but Haruka and Tsukasa declined, since it wasn't written by them. Susan accepted and adopted the same mindset, refusing to let the Beaties record songs not written by themselves in the studio, with the sole exception of the ''Class Session'' EP.<br />
<br />
She initially commuted between Mişeyáke and Kyman. In 1964, she helped the Beaties establish [[Beat Studios]]. The experience of setting up Beat Studios encouraged her to establish the [[Susan Shelley#Palace of Sound|Palace of Sound]] in Mişeyáke. Once the Beaties entered their "part-time years" in 1970, the Palace of Sound became her main recording studio due to its state-of-the-art facilities and proximity to her home.<br />
<br />
===Producer and band===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan in [[Beat Studios]]]]<br />
Susan produced every Beaties release throughout their career. She was initially also the sole {{wpl|audio engineer}} for their studio recordings, before assistants were hired.<br />
<br />
The band and producer enjoyed a strong and close friendship that lasted throughout their lives. The Beaties trusted Susan completely, and let her handle decisions they couldn't agree on. In the studio, Susan enjoyed full control. She made the final decisions for what takes were acceptable and what songs were fit for release, in close consultation with the band. The Beaties were happy to let Susan exercise authority in the studio, because she did so in a discreet manner, and entrusting her with responsibility helped defuse creative arguments. <br />
<br />
As their assistant [[Mal Evans]] wrote in ''Living the Beaties' Legend'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"They could talk among themselves all they wanted, but once they stepped into the studio, Ms. Shelley's word was law. The idea of questioning one of Ms. Shelley's decisions simply never occurred to them. Once she made a decision, the only thing to do was to nod and obey.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|Ms. Shelley was amazingly artful in the way she held sway in the studio. She talked with all of the Beaties, individually and as a group, to find out where they stood. She tailored her decisions as much as possible to please all of them the most. Sometimes, all she needed was to parrot back an opinion they'd just expressed, and they'd cheer and acknowledge how great she was."}}<br />
<br />
At the beginning of their working relationship, she played a major role in refining and arranging the Beaties' songs. She described the early days in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I would meet them in the studio to hear a new number. I would sit on the chair and Miss Morishima and Miss Morishima would stand around me with their acoustic guitars and play and sing it. Then I would make suggestions to improve it and we'd try it again.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|I taught them the importance of the hook. You had to grab people's attention right off, so when they came in with a new song, I'd generally get a hold of it and 'top and tail' it — work out the beginning and the end. Anytime they came in with a new idea, I'd show them ways we could do it, or suggest improvements. What I loved most about the girls was they were always eager to try anything."}}<br />
<br />
As the Beaties' artistry flourished, Susan's control in the studio was relaxed. She still engaged in extensive pre-production meetings with the band to decide on the direction and sound of a new project before recording would begin. She never attempted to influence the band's decisions — indeed, she embraced the stripped-down sound of 1970s releases like ''Plugged In'', ''Wildlife'', and ''Amplified''.<br />
<br />
===In the studio===<br />
Susan was very disciplined in the studio. She disliked jamming as a waste of recording time, and after adopting the band's emphasis on original songs, mainly tolerated playing covers as a way to calibrate recording equipment before a take. <br />
<br />
She allowed the band's wives, family, and friends to visit them at the studio, but denied them access to the control room, and only allowed them in the recording area if they were playing an instrument or singing backing vocals on a song. Mal Evans wrote that she "made you feel welcome but made it clear you were a guest and expected you to behave appropriately. As long as you were quiet and didn't interfere with work, you were always welcome to visit."<br />
<br />
She brought an element of ceremony to recording sessions. When the Beaties once showed up for a session dressed casually, she sent them home to "get dressed"; once they returned wearing their band outfits, she declared the session could proceed. <br />
<br />
[[Mary Willett]] said that Susan called the shots in the studio by "convincing them that Ms. Shelley was right, and that what Ms. Shelley wants, they also want. She never pushed it and was an amazing persuader, so for us, contradicting Ms. Shelley was unthinkable. No matter how far out things got, no matter how many risks they took, in the studio they dressed to Ms. Shelley's standards and obeyed her decisions. She was a rock of stability in the studio, and set a marvelous example of discipline and work ethic that spread to everyone she worked with."<br />
<br />
Mal Evans recounted an anecdote from the mixing session of "Savoy Truffle", illustrating Susan's intuition for when to defer to the band's preferences:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley and Sæna were standing in the control room, listening to the mix. Sæna had asked for the saxophones to be distorted, she thought they were too clean. Sæna was getting pretty excited about the mix, and Ms. Shelley just stood peacefully smiling, as she always did. At one point, Ms. Shelley remarked, 'It's toppy.' She made no judgement, it was only an observation — heavy on the high-end. After a long pause, Sæna replied, just as happily, 'Yeah. It is.' Afterwards, Sæna broke into a bit of a dance because she loved the guitar solo, and Ms. Shelley just smiled at her like a delighted mother basking in her daughter's happiness."}}<br />
<br />
Even as the Beaties' working habits changed around 1968, from tightly rehearsing a backing track to recording all the rehearsals and jamming, then adding overdubs to the best take, Susan maintained discipline and decorum in the studio, insisting on regular hours and a focus on the respective songs.<br />
<br />
In a humorous summary of their relationship, Tsukasa stated in ''[[The Beaties Anthology]]'' that "Ms. Shelley has never, ''ever'', seen us wearing anything but our band outfits." Susan agreed in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'', making the similar quip, "To see the Beaties not dressed as the Beaties would be a crime against nature."<br />
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===Keeping the peace===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-9.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan as she appears in ''[[The Beaties at Work]]'', overseeing a session in [[Beat Studios]]]]<br />
Susan had a reputation for being "marvelously unflappable" in the studio. Mal Evans recalled: "Her face sported a permanent serene smile, and no mishaps or setbacks ever caused her to lose her cool or temper."<br />
<br />
She was described as "eternally diplomatic" in the studio. In order to maintain the façade of infability in her relationship with the Beaties, she never criticised their ideas directly. Instead, she couched them in euphemisms — typically, saying "I'm not entirely sure" about the respective element, or referring to her conventional musical training.<br />
<br />
Similarly, the Beaties never criticised or challenged one of Susan's ideas directly, and took pains to express their doubts with similar diplomacy and euphemisms. Mary joked that Susan's presence turned the studio into "a wonderful temple of good manners", where both Susan and the Beaties would "engage in this pleasant dance of politeness, which mutually polished their wit, sharpened their judgement, and strengthened their creativity."<br />
<br />
When producing the single "She Loves You", Susan diplomatically remarked that "most people" would not end the song with the {{wpl|major sixth}} chord used, to which Haruka replied, "It's such a great sound, I don't know why they wouldn't". When showing Haruka the possible {{wpl|Voicing (music)|voicings}} for "Yesterday", Susan remarked that "normally, one would avoid the D# in this context", to which Haruka replied, "Well, let's use it then, Ms. Shelley! Can't let a good note go to waste!".<br />
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After the band had recorded two different takes of "Strawberry Fields Forever", Tsukasa expressed a desire to merge elements of both into a single recording. Susan reminded Tsukasa that the takes were in different keys and speeds, to which Tsukasa replied cheerfully, "You're the master of the studio, Ms. Shelley! I'm sure you'll find a way!". Susan smiled and quietly nodded, and set about merging the two takes through careful varispeeding and editing.<br />
<br />
One incident during the "White Album" sessions illustrates Susan's relaxed demeanour and talent for defusing arguments. After recording what became the final track for "Ob-La-Di, Ob-La-Da", Haruka expressed a desire to remake the track. Susan replied, "No. This is the take. You won't improve on it." Haruka accepted and the band moved on to overdubs. <br />
<br />
Later, Susan gave some advice to Haruka while she was unsatisfied with her lead vocal attempt, and Haruka blurted out, "Well, you come down and sing it." Susan did so: she ushered Haruka out of the studio and sang a vocal. Then she returned to the control room and asked, "I trust that's what you wanted?". A chastened Haruka replied, "Yes, now I know how to sing it." Haruka then went into the studio and sang the final vocal take.<br />
<br />
After completing the take, Haruka returned and apologised to Susan. Susan laughed and replied, "My dear Miss Morishima, you were not at fault, and I would never hold it against you. Everything is alright." The two then embraced.<br />
<br />
The Beaties greatly valued Susan's soothing presence and ability to keep the peace, and frankly declared that they could never imagine working with another producer. Raşa Edau wrote in ''Gylias' First Family'' that no other producer could match the way the Beaties happily accepted Susan's authority without question, and loyally carried out her every request.<br />
<br />
===Arranging and producing===<br />
Susan's formal musical expertise helped fill the gaps between the Beaties' unrefined talent and the sound which distinguished them from other groups. She created all of their orchestral arrangements, and performed keyboard parts, in collaboration with the less musically experienced band. Famously, their releases until 1966 listed Susan as the only other musician besides the band. She remained their primary keyboardist for the rest of their career, and the majority of the keyboard parts on their songs were played either by the Beaties or herself.<br />
<br />
One of her first crucial contributions to a Beaties recording was asking the Beaties to speed up "Please Please Me", originally written as a slow ballad, turning it into an upbeat pop rock song.<br />
<br />
Susan's notable ideas included scoring "Yesterday" for a string quartet (convincing an initially reluctant Haruka), arranging the trumpet solo on "Penny Lane" based on Haruka's wishes, creating the quirky arrangement of "I Am the Walrus", helping Haruka implement the orchestral climax of "A Day in the Life", playing the honky-tonk piano solos on "Lovely Rita" and "Rocky Raccoon", and the sped-up baroque piano solo on "In My Life".<br />
<br />
She provided the title of "Eleanor Rigby", after Haruka asked her for suggestions on a good English name.<br />
<br />
One of Susan's most famous contributions, assisted by [[Amalareiks]], was merging two separate takes of "Strawberry Fields Forever" into a single master through careful varispeeding and editing. These, plus innovations like {{wpl|automatic double tracking}} or the use of a {{wpl|Leslie speaker}} for vocals on "Tomorrow Never Knows", led the Beaties to refer to Susan as a "studio magician".<br />
<br />
Susan played an integral role in assembling much of the material of ''Plugged In'' (1972), ''Wildlife'' (1974), and ''Amplified'' (1974). Much of it emerged from jams and improvisations by the Beaties, which Susan instructed them how to edit and refine into songs.<br />
<br />
===Dynamic===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-18.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan photographed drinking tea by [[Viviane Mayer]], showcasing her trademark serene smile]]<br />
The Beaties greatly admired Susan, and trusted her completely, deferring to her on creative decisions that they didn't allow others to make for them. The respect was mutual: Susan loved the Beaties, and often praised them in the studio as "the greatest musicians in the world".<br />
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Susan's older age and distinctive appearance made a strong impression on the Beaties from their first meeting, and many witnesses would characterise their dynamic as "motherly". Misaki Morishima herself quipped, "I'm only Haruka and Tsukasa's mother. Ms. Shelley is the mother of the Beaties." <br />
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One measure of their mutual respect was their defiance of the [[Culture of Gylias#Society|Gylian norm of addressing someone by their first or full name]]: Susan maintained a sense of decorum — for her, "the girls" were always "Miss Morishima", "Miss Kaþa", and "Miss Ståblom" —, and the Beaties reciprocated, always addressing her as "Ms. Shelley" (''Sheri-sama'' for Haruka and Tsukasa). <br />
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Susan would similarly address assistants and other [[Making Records]] personnel with honorifics and surnames, which they considered a charming novelty coming from her.<br />
<br />
Haruka once commended Susan by saying "Ms. Shelley was quite experimental for who she was, a grown-up." Indeed, Susan and the Beaties bonded over a shared sense of humour, and the Beaties enjoyed her work with Kay and Windsor. Susan enjoyed working on some of their psychedelic-era material like "Yellow Submarine" and "You Know My Name (Look Up the Number)", fondly remarking during the sessions, "This is just like Kay and Windsor again."<br />
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Tsukasa similarly praised Susan: "Ms. Shelley made us what we were in the studio. She helped us develop a language to talk to other musicians."<br />
<br />
From the beginning of their collaboration, Susan noticed that Sæna Kaþa seemed to be the most shy Beatie, as well as the one most intimidated by Haruka and Tsukasa's prolific songwriting. Susan encouraged Sæna: she helped devise melodies for guitar solos like "A Hard Day's Night" (which she doubled on sped-up piano) and "Michelle", and privately listened to her efforts at songwriting. Susan was a diplomatic but fair critic, candidly telling Sæna which ideas she felt were not good enough to pursue, and helped her build up confidence before presenting material to the band.<br />
<br />
==="Fifth Beatie"===<br />
Due to her unbreakable bond and close friendship with the Beaties, Susan was referred to as the "[[fifth Beatie]]". The Beaties themselves described her as the "fifth Beatie" in the studio, acknowledging her crucial role in the creative side of their career.<br />
<br />
Susan's importance to the band was reflected in the fact that she was the only person not in the band to appear occasionally in album artwork and covers. The cover of ''At Home with the Beaties'' was photographed at her house, and the inner sleeve showed her and her family alongside the Beaties. The record sleeve of the "White Album" had a set of five photographic portraits of the Beaties and Susan. Haruka had insisted that Susan be included in the set, and this served as an official acknowledgment of her as the "fifth Beatie".<br />
<br />
Haruka jokingly summarised the Beaties' artistic development in an interview with [[Mana Kirishima]]:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|'''[[Haruka Morishima]]''': "When we started out, we wrote songs to please our fans. Now, we write them to please Ms. Shelley."<br>'''[[Mana Kirishima]]''': "What about pleasing yourselves?"<br>'''[[Haruka Morishima]]''': "By pleasing Ms. Shelley, we please ourselves."}}<br />
<br />
Susan's approach in the studio would be filmed and immortalised in several documentaries, including ''[[The Beaties at Work]]'', ''[[The Beaties Anthology]]'', and ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]''.<br />
<br />
===Making Records===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-5.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan at the Making Records office, photographed by [[Chris O'Dell]]]]<br />
Susan became by default the main producer and engineer of [[Making Records]]. For the acts personally discovered or supported by the Beaties, it was a great honour to have Susan produce them as well; many attested to feeling overwhelmed during initial studio sessions by the sense of event.<br />
<br />
Susan mainly worked in [[Beat Studios]], and usually had few reasons to visit the Making Records office. However, she was instrumental in realising the tight-knit camaraderie among its staff, who held her in highest regard and would often visit Beat Studios to socialise and observe her at work. The Beaties' publicist [[Maya Takahashi]] described Susan as "a wonderful woman enveloped in this aura of effortless majesty, who made you feel at ease merely on sight".<br />
<br />
Among the Making Records staff, Susan's closest friendships were with the label's {{wpl|personal stylist}} [[Deirdre Ní Gabhann]], secretary [[Mary Willett]], and "general factotum" [[Chris O'Dell]]. <br />
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Deirdre shared Susan's belief in sartorial excellence and especially admired her sense of style and the "touch of class" she brought to the studio. While most of the staff regarded Susan as a comforting maternal figure, Deirdre developed a dynamic with her that others likened to a mother and a daughter. Deirdre looked up to Susan and sought to model herself after her, both in terms of appearance and personality. Susan noticed this and once said, "Miss Ní Gabhann, they don't call you 'Smiling Deirdre' for nothing!", which became her nickname among colleagues.<br />
<br />
In the documentary ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'', Susan spoke fondly of Mary, describing her as "a lovely lady whose presence in the studio was welcome and unobtrusive". Susan observed that the Beaties seemed to most care about the opinions of two people regarding their music: herself and Mary. She recalled when she sensed the Beaties' own opinions on a song were divided, she "quite cheerfully" made sure Mary was present for the sessions, to smooth over tensions. She commented:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"The girls would never argue among themselves in my presence. It was simply not done. Arguing in front of Miss Willett was similarly unthinkable. Having the both of us in the studio was strength in numbers, a cast-iron guarantee everyone would be on their best behaviour. It was also useful because Miss Willett had this pleasantly passé taste in music. She loved the kind of music her parents and grandparents listened to.}}<br />
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{{blockquote|Naturally, when we recorded songs like 'When I'm Sixty-Four', 'Your Mother Should Know', 'Honey Pie', or the Country Hams single, it was obligatory for Miss Willett to be in the studio. She'd be the first to rush in after a take and cheer about how fabulous the song was. And if any of the girls had misgivings about the song, they'd kindly keep them to themselves out of respect for Miss Willett. They would keep them to themselves out of respect for me as well, but it gave Miss Willett such joy to see the girls working on such songs."}}<br />
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Among the Making Records acts, Susan developed a close relationship with [[Marian Ellis]], whom she was very fond of. Marian herself remarked that at Making Records, Susan determined her sound, and [[Deirdre Ní Gabhann]] her appearance. Marian also credited Susan with steering her away from unhealthy lifestyles: "Ms. Shelley was especially adamant that I not do anything that would affect my voice. She cautioned me quite firmly against [[Drugs in Gylias|drugs]], smoking, and drinking. She was the right person to do so — anyone else might've made me roll my eyes, but one does not argue with Ms. Shelley."<br />
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==Productions for other artists==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-13.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan photographed for the ''[[Mişeyáke Metro Mail]]'', for a feature titled "The Queen in Her [[Susan Shelley#Wealth|Château]]"]]<br />
While the Beaties remained Susan's priority, she produced and arranged for many other artists.<br />
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===Art music productions===<br />
She worked with [[Kaida Rakodi]] and [[Sofia Demes]], Gylias' leading [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] vocalists. She got along excellently with Kaida due to their shared perfectionist tendencies, playful senses of humour, well-organised lifestyles, and what Kaida jokingly called "our mutual belief in {{wpl|dress code}}s as desirable in the studio".<br />
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Another significant art music collaboration was with [[Quenmin]]ese pianist [[Jocelyn Tran]], beginning in the 1990s. Susan produced several of her albums at the [[Susan Shelley#Palace of Sound|Palace of Sound]], and the two recorded an album of piano duets together, ''Piano Duets''. Susan and Jocelyn formed a close relationship, and Jocelyn spoke admiringly of Susan's unflappable and supportive personality.<br />
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===Popular music productions===<br />
In the late 1980s, Susan began collaborating with [[Asuka (musician)|Asuka]] and [[the Mighty Invincibles]]. She produced their most successful albums during the 1980s and 1990s. Asuka credited her production expertise and the cachet of her name with fueling the hype that they were the [[The Beaties' cultural impact#The "next Beaties"|"next Beaties"]], an aspect that Susan found amusing.<br />
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Working with the Mighty Invincibles led to a long-term collaboration with [[Misato Katsuragi]]. Susan produced all of Misato's solo albums until her death. Misato praised Susan highly in interviews, and declared that "Ms. Shelley is the producer who understands me best". She joked in reference to their collaboration that she had "two marriages": with Ryōji Kaji romantically, and with Susan Shelley musically.<br />
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In 1988, she produced [[Elena Tessari]]'s self-titled debut. Elena had sought her out specifically, and Susan was impressed by Elena's candour in wanting "Gylias' greatest producer" to handle her debut. Susan helped Elena achieve the jazzy, lush sound she sought, and arranged a crack team of session musicians to record the album. When Elena asked if "it would be a bother" to bring them together for an unknown's debut album, Susan laughed and replied, "''Signorina'', I arranged the Rockestra session, this is a piece of cake!". Susan went on to produce Elena's next 5 albums, working with her until 1994.<br />
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In 1989, Susan was approached by [[Samantha Thompson]] about a new band she managed, [[The Stone Roses]]. Susan attended one of their gigs, and agreed to work with them. She produced their first albums ''The Stone Roses'' (1989) and ''Turns Into Stone'' (1990), and her production received a lion's share of the credit for making them one of the most successful [[Gylian dance-rock]] bands.<br />
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Susan began working with [[Stella Star]] in 1993, and produced all their releases from ''Bossa Nova 2001'' until they disbanded. Stella Star had sought her out as a producer, with [[Maki Nomura]] telling her, "You've made the Beaties great, and it would be an honour if you could make us great as well." Susan enjoyed working with Stella Star, but joked in an interview with ''[[This Year's Star]]'' that with its members already quite experienced at recording and [[Risako Management|Kotomi Nakamura]]'s role in the studio, "I didn't even have to do very much, and that made them very relaxing sessions."<br />
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In 1997, Susan produced [[The Verve]]'s ''Urban Hymns''. She described the sessions as "some of the most troublesome sessions I've ever been in" due to the band's internal tensions at the time. She had to frequently serve as peacemaker between vocalist Richard Ashcroft and guitarist Nick McCabe, whose visions for the band had become severely at odds. Although both were pleased with Susan's production and her string arrangement for "Lucky Man", Susan lamented being unable to reconcile the two and the arguments that erupted over the final tracklist.<br />
<br />
[[Yoko Kanno]] asked Susan to produce [[Yoko Kanno and the Seatbelts]] as they worked on the ''[[Cowboy Bebop]]'' soundtrack, a collaboration that lasted from 1998 to 2002. Yoko was motivated to do so by Susan's reputation for making sessions run smoothly, as well as the great prestige of attaching her name to the project. Yoko also insisted that Susan deliver the spoken word introduction at the beginning of "Tank!", the anime's theme song, against her initial modesty. Yoko felt that Susan was the ideal person for the task, as her voice was both elegant and playful.<br />
<br />
Aided by their collaboration for [[Marvelous Music from the Magnificent Mademoiselles|the soundtrack]] of ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]'', Susan ended up producing [[Combustible Edison]]'s albums ''Schizophonic!'' (1996) and ''The Impossible World'' (1998).<br />
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In 1999, Susan produced [[Stereolab]]'s ''Voyage in the Milky Night'', widely considered the band's masterpiece. The band credited Susan with helping clarify the vision and achieve the desired sound for the album.<br />
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She described her work with [[Mondo Fine]] as a highlight of her late career. She discovered the group, produced their albums until her death, and brought them in as the jazz combo for the soundtrack of ''[[Castle Bang]]''. She remarked in one of her last interviews: "I've tried to turn the lovely ladies of Mondo Fine into my idea of a perfect group. Complete songwriting discipline, complete instrumental chemistry, and complete elegance in look."<br />
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===Comedy===<br />
Susan's work with [[Kay and Windsor]] established her as one of Gylias' leading comedy producers. She produced numerous comedy and novelty records, and became a major figure in the development of recorded Gylian comedy.<br />
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Susan frequently used comedy records to experiment with recording techniques and sound effects, developing her talent for "painting sound pictures". [[Kay and Windsor|Nelly Kay]] described Susan's own preference as being for "genteel and playful humour", especially absurd humour presented in a straight-faced manner.<br />
<br />
Susan produced Terri "Cupcake" Mason's albums ''Songs for Adults Only'' (1960) and ''Back for Seconds'' (1960). Terri attributed the success of the albums largely to Susan's production, saying that the most valuable advice Susan gave her was to aim to be "funny and charming", and to effectively combine suggestive lyrics with an innocent demeanour.<br />
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Susan produced Niní Marshall's album ''Gylias for the Confused'' (1961), which compiled and polished the parodic travelogues she had been performing on radio in the Free Territories. She particularly enjoyed working on the album due to her fondness for Niní's deadpan narration presenting fictional locations, whose names were often made up of [[Gylic languages|Gylic]] puns. This made it one of the best illustrations of Susan's love of "genteel and playful humour", as Nelly Kay stated.<br />
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===Celebrities===<br />
Susan particularly enjoyed the chance to work with seemingly "limited" musicians or celebrities interested in branching out into music, as she would apply her full talents to the task of squeezing out credible creative works from them.<br />
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Her standard approach to these projects was to first meet with the celebrity in question, to ascertain their strengths and weaknesses, and form a good idea of their personality and public image. She would then use this knowledge to collect and prepare songs best suited for them.<br />
<br />
In the 1960s, she produced several singles for [[Sabina Amorosi]] and [[Carla Miló]].<br />
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In the 1990s–2000s, she produced [[Marie-Agnès Delaunay]]'s albums ''La Magnifique'' (1993), ''L'cadeau des déesses'' (1996), ''L'vie en riche'' (1999), and ''Reine'' (2004).<br />
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She produced [[Amanda Leloup]]'s two albums of {{wpl|traditional pop|pop standards}}, ''Sings Evergreens'' (2005) and ''With Love'' (2006). Amanda recalled: "Those were some of the most enjoyable sessions I ever had. We had a lot of fun. Ms. Shelley saw I wanted to be terribly professional about it and supervised accordingly. She got me to come to the studio wearing a tuxedo, embrace my old womanhood, and made sure I didn't clown around on the songs and rose to the occasion vocally."<br />
<br />
==Studio philosophy==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-6.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan photographed in the studio by [[Chris O'Dell]]]]<br />
Susan was an influential champion of the {{wpl|recording studio as an instrument}}. She believed that studio and live recordings were so different that trying to make them equivalent was pointless, and that it was a musician's duty to fully expore the musical possibilities of the studio without worrying about live performance.<br />
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===Organisation in the studio===<br />
She strongly believed that studio environments had to be relaxed and comfortable, so that the musicians would feel comfortable and thus maintain their concentration. She shared the Beaties' horror of "sterile" studio environments, and took the opportunity to realise her vision with [[Beat Studios]] and the [[Susan Shelley#Palace of Sound|Palace of Sound]], which provided both a relaxed environment to encourage creativity and a professional recording atmosphere.<br />
<br />
Susan's dynamic with the Beaties, which Haruka once described as "her as the {{wpl|Straight man|straight woman}} and us as the loonies", manifested itself in numerous other collaborations. Susan was unfailingly pragmatic in the studio, insisting on professionalism during recording, and this gave her a reputation as a master organiser, capable of keeping sessions running smoothly.<br />
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A family woman with an abhorrence of debauched lifestyles, Susan strictly limited the durations of her sessions to a maximum of 6 hours. She was the first to declare a session ended on the dot and leave, politely declining any requests from musicians for a few more minutes. She refused to work at night, stating, "Night time is for sleeping."<br />
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She did not allow musicians to [[Drugs in Gylias|drink or take drugs]] in the studio, and would remind them, "You can take whatever you want to celebrate after we've finished. Right now, we're recording, and I ask that you please remain sober until we finish." She personally set an example in this regard by only ever drinking water in the studio.<br />
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Raşa Edau wrote in the biography ''Gylias' First Family'': "Ms. Shelley turned the recording studio into a shrine for camaraderie, warmth, and the successful search for balance between creativity and discipline. She cheerfully rejected the mythology of rock and roll, prevented debauchery with a winning smile, and made the studio wholesome and welcoming, especially for families. She deserves most credit for teaching Gylians that rock and roll is better when played by nice fellows."<br />
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===Recording approaches===<br />
In order to avoid nervousness caused by knowingly recording songs, Susan removed red lights that indicated recording was underway from studios she worked in, and had none installed in Beat Studios or the Palace of Sound in the first place. She would keep recording from the beginning of a session until its end, and asked musicians to run through the songs without knowing they were recorded. When they took a break from recording, Susan would keep the best takes and erase and reuse the rest of the tape.<br />
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Similarly, she used the {{wpl|punch in/out}} technique heavily. She would ask musicians before a take to run through the complete song, not stopping regardless of any mistakes. If the take was sufficiently strong, she would erase the parts with mistakes and ask musicians to overdub them.<br />
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As a result of Susan's disciplined approach to the studio, few outtakes or alternate takes exist from projects she worked on.<br />
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Starting in the 1990s, Susan enthusiastically embraced digital {{wpl|non-linear editing|non-linear}} recording and editing. She believed that non-linear editing meant that musicians would have to record fewer takes, and enabled more seamless editing. Yoko Kanno described Susan as "probably the most computer-savvy grandmother I've met", noting how knowledgeable and enthusiastic she was about using computers and the latest technology to record and edit music. <br />
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As an inside joke, the staff at Beat Studios and Palace of Sound decorated the monitors of the master computers with miniature hats and bows like the ones Susan wore, a gesture that touched her greatly.<br />
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==Composing==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-17.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Susan taken for the cover of one of her solo albums. She was unafraid to capitalise on her beauty and glamour to advertise her albums.]]<br />
Susan was one of Gylias' most prolific and eclectic composers, working in both the [[Music of Gylias#Art music|classical]] and popular idioms. Her numerous compositions include {{wpl|opera}}s and {{wpl|operetta}}s, orchestral suites, song cycles, compositions for solo instruments, {{wpl|chamber music}}, symphonies, sonatas, and ballets.<br />
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===Art music===<br />
Susan's orchestral works prioritised melody and beauty, and avoided dissonance or {{wpl|atonality}}. She stated her belief that "an audience must leave a concert feeling their soul has been nourished, and humming or whistling whatever fragment they've heard that impressed them the most." Her aesthetic preferences and approach to composing meant she was often described as a {{wpl|Neoclassicism (music)|neoclassicist}}.<br />
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Susan's art music works included influences from popular music. Her operas were generally {{wpl|comic opera}}s, with lighthearted themes and lyrics, and had contemporary settings and {{wpl|slice of life}} approaches that emphasised the complexity and beauty of everyday life. [[Liisa Salmela]] wrote that Susan's art music works thus obliterated the distinction between {{wpl|high culture}} and {{wpl|low culture}}, and by their emphasis on memorable melodies and everyday themes, they "fixed art music firmly as a popular pastime and concern, as an esteemed colleague in [[Music of Gylias|Gylian music]], and as a centrepiece of the Gylian social calendar".<br />
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A 2008 report by the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Gylian Music Board]] found that she was the most frequently performed composer by Gylian orchestras, a distinction she held for many years and retains posthumously. She attended several concerts in her honour. One held to mark her 80th birthday proved such an overwhelming experience that her son Paul reported she "cried with happiness all the way home and well into the evening".<br />
<br />
She managed to capitalise on her fame as "Gylias' greatest producer" to gain an audience for her music, making her Gylias' most successful composer of [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]]. Her music was not just critically acclaimed, but also gained popularity because of its accessibility. <br />
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===Popular music===<br />
Susan recorded many albums of popular music, both instrumental and vocal. Their material was mostly classified as {{wpl|light music}}, {{wpl|easy listening}}, {{wpl|space age pop}}, [[Gylian Sound]], and [[Gylian jazz|jazz]]. These albums highlighted her orchestrations, which were praised by [[Liisa Salmela]] as "elegant, self-assured, and effortless, just like Ms. Shelley".<br />
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Some of her works bridged the gap between art and popular music. She recorded a few albums of instrumental arrangements of Beaties songs as "Susan Shelley and Her Orchestra". In 2011, she composed the ''Concerto for Electric Guitar and Orchestra'', a {{wpl|concerto}} that fused [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] and {{wpl|drone metal}}, scored for guitar feedback, {{wpl|bowed guitar}} and orchestra. It met with ecstatic critical reception and popularity, and was hailed as one of Susan's greatest compositions.<br />
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===Scores===<br />
She composed, arranged, and produced film and television scores since the early 1960s, and [[Culture of Gylias#Gaming|video game]] scores beginning in the 1990s. Some of her best-known soundtracks included:<br />
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* ''[[My Stepmother Is an Alien]]'' (1988), which she "scored as if it was a serious film" in order to enhance the comedy;<br />
* ''[[The Magnificent Mademoiselles]]'' (1994–1997), a heavily [[Gylian jazz|jazz-oriented]] [[Marvelous Music from the Magnificent Mademoiselles|collaboration]] with [[Combustible Edison]];<br />
* ''[[Castle Bang]]'' (2009–2012);<br />
* ''The Amazing Inflatable Girl'' (2014), whose [[Alscia]]n-tinged fusion of [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] and [[Gylian jazz|jazz]] was hailed as a late-career highlight.<br />
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She scored every film by her relative [[Judy Harper Shelley]] until her death.<br />
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She composed the {{wpl|theme music}} for [[Gylian Radio]] and [[Gylian Television]], which became iconic in Gylian pop culture. Her themes were collected on the compilation ''[[Themes for Broadcasting]]''.<br />
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==Musicianship==<br />
Susan's primary instrument was the piano. Her instrumental skills impressed many of the musicians she worked with. [[Toshiko Akiyoshi]] described her as a "jack of all trades", who could skilfully execute any style with precision and panache. [[Combustible Edison|Liz Cox]] similarly attested that she "could play anything — classical, jazz, pop, rock, blues, boogie-woogie, country…you name it!".<br />
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Susan composed all her works on keyboards, using them to work out orchestrations. In the 1980s, she used the [[Gylmuse#Fairlight CMI|Fairlight CMI]] and [[Gylmuse#Synclavier|Synclavier]] to help her arrange orchestra parts. In the 1990s, she switched to writing her scores entirely with {{wpl|MIDI keyboard}} and {{wpl|scorewriter}} software.<br />
<br />
Keyboard instruments that Susan played with the Beaties, other musicians, or in solo albums included: piano, tack piano, electric piano, organ, pump organ, harpsichord, [[Gylmuse#Mellotron|Mellotron]], [[Gylmuse#Chamberlin|Chamberlin]], [[Gylmuse#Fairlight CMI|Fairlight CMI]], [[Gylmuse#Synclavier|Synclavier]], and various synthesizers.<br />
<br />
She could also play oboe and clarinet, but used them less often in her projects, believing that the piano was her forte.<br />
<br />
Susan was well-versed in {{wpl|experimental music}} and was adept with recording equipment thanks to her training as a {{wpl|music engineer}}, which enabled her to make {{wpl|tape loop}}s. Beaties songs she contributed tape loops to included "Tomorrow Never Knows", "Being for the Benefit of Mr. Kite!", "Magical Mystery Tour", "Only a Nezyál Song", "Please Don't Be Long", "What's the New Mary Jane", and "Revolution 9".<br />
<br />
==Sound Records==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-3.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan holding a card for Sound Records]]<br />
Susan established '''Sound Records''' in 1966. She had no interest in the [[Cultural economic practices of Gylias|economic side]] of the music industry, and treated the label mainly as an organisational tool. She used it to release her own works and negotiate co-distribution agreements for albums she produced.<br />
<br />
She stated in an interview:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Sound Records exists to keep my catalogue in order, that's all. Anything that comes out on it is something I've worked on — composing, arranging, producing, and so on. Orchestral pieces and scores I wrote, bands I produced and arranged for. It's purely a label. Everyone owns their {{wpl|master recording}}s and can negotiate distribution deals elsewhere. I don't make any money from it. I just ask nicely if I could put the logo on their CD as well so people know I was involved. Nobody's refused."}}<br />
<br />
Reflecting her extraordinary prolific streak, Sound Records had the largest catalogue of any Gylian label, surpassing 1.000 releases at her death.<br />
<br />
The logo of Sound Records was modeled after the [[Shelley family#Emblem|emblem of the Shelley family]].<br />
<br />
==Palace of Sound==<br />
Encouraged by her experience at Beat Studios, Susan established the '''Palace of Sound''' in Mişeyáke in 1968. She ambitiously envisioned it as "the greatest recording studio in Gylias", and received approval to make the complex one of the largest buildings in Mişeyáke.<br />
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The complex was built to Susan's precise specifications, and the result combined state-of-the-art recording facilities with a comfortable environment and numerous amenities, achieving her vision of a relaxed space that would encourage musicians' creativity while still providing a professional recording atmosphere.<br />
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Susan was proud of having achieved her ambitions with Palace of Sound, and particularly enjoyed the way its {{wpl|Art Deco}} architecture and large size made it one of Mişeyáke's beloved landmarks. Palace of Sound remains one of Gylias' premier recording locations, for both music and film, television, or video game productions, and is Gylias' largest recording complex, containing a total of 5 studios.<br />
<br />
==Books and documentaries==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-11.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan as she appears in an episode of ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'']]<br />
In 1979, Susan published ''All You Need Is Ears'', a memoir that described her work with the Beaties and other artists. It was a critical and commercial success. ''[[The Gylian Herald]]''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> review praised the book's "appealing tunnel vision", writing: "Susan cheerfully disregards most of her early life in order to write almost exclusively about music, which she does with the clarity and serenity of a woman who's achieved enlightenment."<br />
<br />
In 1984, she wrote ''How to Make Music'', a lengthy guide to writing, recording, and performing.<br />
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She published a second memoir in 1999, ''With a Little Help from My Friends'', covering her career and collaborations from the previous 20 years.<br />
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She published ''Suggestions for Creativity'' in 2006, a collection of advice that originally appeared on her website.<br />
<br />
She appeared in the documentaries ''[[The Beaties at Work]]'', ''[[The Beaties Anthology]]'', ''[[The Band of 20th Century]]'', and ''[[Cowboy Bebop: The Documentary]]'', and received a [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]] documentary dedicated to her career, ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]''. Additional interview footage from the latter was included in Rasa's 2012 documentary ''Our Clothes''.<br />
<br />
==Online presence==<br />
Susan had her website established in the 1990s, making her one of the first famous Gylians to personally own a website as the [[Internet in Gylias]] became popular. She used the website to organise her discography (including links to her [[Proton]] uploads), announce new releases or projects, and to share advice. Her advice was focused on creativity, and it would later be compiled into the 2006 book ''Suggestions for Creativity''.<br />
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She interacted with admirers and visitors to her site through an "E-mail me" link, describing it as just like reading and replying to {{wpl|fan mail}} by post, but faster.<br />
<br />
==Reputation==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-8.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan photographed by [[Viviane Mayer]] — one of her most famous and oft-reproduced portraits]]<br />
Susan's legendary reputation was well-established by the 1970s. ''[[Gylias Review]]'' wrote in 2006 that "At age 80, Ms. Shelley enjoys a godlike reputation, and her life is spoken of in superlatives." It described her as "the most revered woman in the Gylian music industry".<br />
<br />
Susan was hailed as "the greatest producer in Gylias" during her lifetime, and continues to be held in high esteem by musicians. For generations of Gylians, she represented the ideal record producer: a sympathetic adult figure, both disciplined and playful, who worked with musicians as equals and used her talent to achieve the most favourable studio results.<br />
<br />
Susan was praised by many of the musicians she worked with. [[Maki Nomura]] said of their collaboration: "It was wonderfully comforting to know that Stella Star were in very good hands once Ms. Shelley walked into the studio." Her contemporary [[Charlotte Böttcher]] lauded Susan as "the greatest producer in Gylias, and so modest I sometimes wonder whether she spirits specifically created her to be the perfect person." <br />
<br />
[[Jane Birkin]] similarly called her "the greatest producer" and said that "without her, my career wouldn't have been possible", crediting Susan with establishing the role and importance of a record producer in the Gylian music industry.<br />
<br />
[[Jocelyn Tran]] similarly spoke highly of Susan's comforting and serene demeanour in the studio, as well as her patience and encouragement. She called Susan "the best collaborator I ever had".<br />
<br />
Susan's passion for music drove her extraordinary prolific streak. She worked with countless musicians throughout her career, and indeed jokingly expressed a desire to "produce every Gylian musician in existence". Raşa Edau observed that her pace of work actually increased as she aged, without her ever "spreading herself too thin, overworking herself, or compromising the quality of her work".<br />
<br />
Her son Alex commented: "Mother was just fundamentally serious about music. Even if she was producing a comedy track, she still treated it as if it was a masterpiece in waiting. It was the only way she could work."<br />
<br />
''[[Musical Update]]'' wrote that "Susan Shelley forever determined the sound of Gylian popular music: sexy, playful, charming, and aspiring to beauty and high production standards. Her work with the Beaties became the model for how to polish rock music with touches of jazz and class without losing its elemental energy and excitement."<br />
<br />
[[Saorlaith Ní Curnín]] remarked that Susan "has come closest out of us all to living a spotless life. She has no blemish or controversy on her record, she never said an unkind word about anyone, and all the people who've worked with her, nobody has ever had a bad word to say about her."<br />
<br />
===Commercial performance===<br />
Susan's albums of [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] were the most commercially successful in Gylian history. She reflected with pride that her albums of original orchestral works were best-sellers: all of them distributed at least 1 million copies. She cheerfully acknowledged that her name and face on the album covers was likely a big factor in the commercial success, but expressed pride that "in whatever small way" she contributed to introducing newer generations and audiences to [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]].<br />
<br />
Between her own distribution and her involvement with the Beaties, Stella Star, and others, ''[[Capital]]'' described her as "by an overwhelming margin, the most commercially successful musician in the history of [[Tyran]]." [[Liisa Salmela]] similarly observed that while vocalists like [[Kaida Rakodi]] and [[Sofia Demes]] were more vocal about their ambition to carve a place for art music in a scene dominated by [[Music of Gylias#Pop and rock|pop and rock]], "the public quietly bought Susan's album in droves and flocked to her concerts".<br />
<br />
Susan's popular music albums were similarly successful. Once she had established her illustrious reputation and been made a household name through her association with the Beaties, her solo career went from triumph to triumph for the rest of her life. Every album she released distributed at least 1 million copies, and she worked with Gylias and the world's best possible musicians, whether established or up-and-coming. <!-- She assembled a group of collaborators who worked on most of her releases, especially the ones that bridged the gap between art and popular music, including {{wpl|classical guitar}}ist Maria Molina. --><br />
<br />
Susan's best-selling release is ''The Works of Susan Shelley'', a 10-disc {{wpl|box set}} of her orchestral works released in 2006, on her 80th birthday. The box set's distribution figures surpassed 10 million copies in Gylias. It was released simultaneously with the box set ''The Productions of Susan Shelley'', which compiled her popular music works and collaborations, specifically excluding her work with the Beaties in order to highlight lesser-known parts of her career.<br />
<br />
Throughout her life, Susan's solo albums cumulatively distributed over 500 million copies, making her the most commercially successful individual musician in [[Tyran]], closely behind the Beaties' own total. Her popularity was notable abroad, where she reached a large audience of older listeners who were "scared off" by the [[Gylian Invasion]], and who found Susan's albums of art and popular music more palatable. She was amused that in some countries during the 1960s, her instrumental arrangements of the Beaties outsold the band's original albums due to this aspect.<br />
<br />
===Hearing===<br />
Susan was famed for her finely-tuned hearing, and was regarded by her peers as having {{wpl|golden ear}}s. In old age, she showed no decline in hearing acuity.<br />
<br />
In the 1980s and 1990s, she was a consultant for [[Gylmuse]] on {{wpl|digital audio}} systems, and for [[Proton]] on selecting the ideal {{wpl|file format}}s for {{wpl|digital distribution}} of music.<br />
<br />
She enforced strict rules in the studio for protecting herself and the participants from {{wpl|hearing loss}}. These included: maintaining a distance between the musicians and their amplifiers, having musicians wear thick headphones while recording, and listening to playbacks at a comfortable volume. Haruka stated in ''The Beaties Anthology'': "The one sacred rule of the studio, observed most rigorously, is that Ms. Shelley and Ms. Shelley alone controls the volume."<br />
<br />
She drew humour out of the subject to relax her collaborators. Yoko Kanno recalled in ''[[Cowboy Bebop: The Documentary]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"When we were recording 'Tank!', Ms. Shelley made a habit before a take to raise her finger to her mouth and say 'shhhh', in jest. It made us laugh, because the opening is this great big grab you by the neck moment, and the ending is of course an almighty racket itself. ''[laughs]'' It became this silly tradition of sorts, that Ms. Shelley would do before we recorded any Seatbelts song."}}<br />
<br />
===Views on fame===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-15.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan giving the camera a playful look, photographed by [[Annemarie Beaulieu]]]]<br />
Susan was praised by her family and collaborators for her humility. While she enjoyed critical acclaim and was held in high regard throughout her career, she lived her life "politely oblivious to her fame", in the words of her husband Alan.<br />
<br />
She was aware of her reputation, and avoided doing anything in public that would tarnish it or her public image. Beyond that, she avoided reading reviews of her work. She stated: "In order to function properly, musicians and music journalists must maintain a respectful separation."<br />
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She was easily recognised in public due to her distinctive outfit. She would react to being recognised with "genteel bemusement" and make small talk, while jokingly feigning ignorance of her fame or beauty.<br />
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When she attended concerts or premieres of her compositions, she was always given a seat of honour in the venue, and received a {{wpl|standing ovation}} by the audience when she entered. She always responded by doing an elaborate bow and tipping her hat respectfully to the audience.<br />
<br />
[[Annemarie Beaulieu]], who was often invited to photograph Susan, said that she had a talent for playfully winking at her fame without seeming boastful. For example, on one album cover she appeared with a sly smile and a face covered in kiss marks (made by her husband and children putting on lipstick and kissing her), and on another, Annemarie photographed her holding numerous flower bouquets. Helen Wilkinson, who titled a feature about her "The Queen in Her Château", agreed that Susan "had this amazing ability to radiate majesty without separating herself from others. She was always your equal and met you eye to eye, but at the same time she was exalted, and came across like a wise and playful grandmother."<br />
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She was sometimes described as a "paragon of tact" because she always talked diplomatically about those she worked with and carefully avoided blaming anyone for difficult situations or unsatisfactory works. Cultural commentator Hanako Fukui wrote that Susan's way of talking about her own works was equally renowned: "She had an astonishing ability to convey a quiet enthusiasm about her work while discussing it with a detachment that made her seem like her own impartial commentator."<br />
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In the studio, Susan was noted for being generous with praise for those she worked with, but would always modestly decline or play down praise she received for her contributions. Chris O'Dell remarked that "Ms. Shelley always denied she was the best if someone said that to her — and that's what made her the best."<br />
<br />
She elaborated on her philosophy in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'' as follows:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"One of the greatest lessons I learned from my parents was how to say 'no' with elegance. It is an art, to decline an invitation or an offer but with such grace that the other person takes it as an honour. I would never have had my career without such an ability. Praise can be intoxicating. It can go to your head, and you lose sight of things, you come to think you're invincible. {{wpl|Hubris}} always begets {{wpl|Nemesis}}.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|I understood that the best course for my career was to be a smiling sphinx. I remain composed because it puts others at ease — by creating peace, I am at peace. I understand that I am famous, but only in the abstract way in which I am still Alscian. Praise is something that must be generously bestowed on others, never oneself. My music must speak for itself — careless chatter can only bungle. I've always been proud of my music, but only now, in old age, do I feel I've fallen in love with it. It is a most marvelous reward."}}<br />
<br />
==Promotional activities==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-20.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan with a portable {{wpl|cassette recorder}} made by [[Gylmuse]]. Owing to her acclaim as Gylias' greatest producer, her endorsement was especially valued by Gylmuse.]]<br />
Susan had an impact on the [[cultural economic practices of Gylias]], notably on the promotional aspect. In the context of Gylias' [[Economy of Gylias#Economic organisation|non-capitalist economic system]], where the notion of "{{wpl|selling out}}" didn't exist and [[Advertising in Gylias|advertising]] was strictly circumscribed, she set an example for how to engage in promotion and build up familiarity.<br />
<br />
In the 1960s, Susan established a long-term collaboration with [[Gylmuse]], which lasted until her death. Since Gylmuse holds a monopoly on the manufacture of musical instruments in Gylias, the seal of approval from Gylias' greatest producer was enormously valuable for a product before it was released to the general public. Susan agreed to appear in promotional materials for Gylmuse — often simply being photographed holding the respective products —, and was an especially valuable consultant for them.<br />
<br />
Raşa Edau wrote in ''Gylias' First Family'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley proved masterful at gaining constant, unobtrusive background exposure. Aided by her husband's talent for commercialisation, she avoided tarnishing her reputation or becoming overexposed. Instead, she became a household name, familiar to generations of Gylians, a pleasant background presence throughout their lives. Long before anyone came up with the term '{{wpl|personal branding}}', she provided its most triumphant example."}}<br />
<br />
Susan prolifically licensed her own compositions, both art and popular music, for use in films, television, and later [[Culture of Gylias#Gaming|video games]]. Initially, she asked for a small fee in exchange, but once she became rich, she did it for free. She carefully vetted each request and rejected anything that would tarnish her reputation.<br />
<br />
As a result, Susan amassed unprecedented stature in Gylian popular culture. There was great public interest in her projects, which she met while avoiding overexposure. She never needed to promote her projects, since they would be found by the press and the public organically. She thus did interviews mainly for her own enjoyment and to sate public demand.<br />
<br />
Her husband [[Alan Shelley|Alan]] proved ingenious in capitalising on Susan's fame in ways that consolidated her prestigious reputation, such as offering reproductions of her outfit through [[Shelley family#Businesses|Shelley Clothing]].<br />
<br />
Beginning in the 1990s, Susan starred in several {{wpl|home video}} releases that were aimed at older viewers, which showed her fitness and exercise routines, her beauty routines, her [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] style methods, and other aspects of her lifestyle for those interested. While these videos were intended for seniors, they unexpectedly found popularity among younger viewers as well. They became some of Gylias' most popular videotapes, and were later released on {{wpl|DVD}} and uploaded to [[NetStream]]. They cemented Susan's reputation as "Gylias' exemplary cool old lady", in Raşa Edau's words. [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]], later the oldest elected [[President of Gylias]], described Susan as "our most distinguished champion in making aging dignified, warm, and pleasant".<br />
<br />
''[[Capital]]'' wrote that Susan had become "Gylias' largest {{wpl|cottage industry}}" during her life, employing a "small army" of domestic workers, assistants, publicists, photographers, financial planners, and the like as she seized new opportunities to capitalise on her fame.<br />
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[[Stella Star]] lead singer [[Maki Nomura]] cited Susan as a great influence regarding her own approach to fame and commerce:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley existed on this breathtaking plateau of fame. She was unimaginably famous, and yet she acted like she was just this smart, very sensible, and good-natured woman who just went about her work. The idea of enjoying her level of glory seduced me completely. When we were in the studio, I stayed with her after sessions ended, and we talked a lot about fame and commerce and the sort. She was wonderfully patient and kind and told me everything I wanted to know.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|Ms. Shelley was an invaluable teacher. I learned lessons from her on how to become illustrious, and I applied them successfully. She helped me achieve my wildest dreams to become rich and famous."}}<br />
<br />
==Vision==<br />
Susan's biggest trademark as a producer was the sonic and conceptual clarity she brought to projects, as well as the versatility that allowed her to adapt easily to any project.<br />
<br />
She was one of the strongest exponents of the pact of the dinner party in pop culture, mirroring the impact of her sister Irene's illustrations.<br />
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The success of her [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] releases, as well as her family's involvement in the Promenade Concerts, achieved a "revival by stealth" of [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]], gradually restoring its stature in the day-to-day Gylian music scene alongside popular music styles like [[Music of Gylias#Rock and pop|rock and pop]]. <br />
<br />
Susan's {{wpl|crossover music|crossover}} method proved highly successful: her works both popularised [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] and "art-ified" popular music. Her [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] compositions were focused on being memorable and melodically strong, and she supported the informal practices and performances of Gylian orchestras, believing that they restored the health of art music by making performances social occasions, where the audience went to socialise and enjoy themselves, with the music being more of a bonus.<br />
<br />
After the [[wretched decade]], Susan began to express a vision of "fusing the past and present into the future" in interviews, which increasingly flowed into her musical career. She humorously described it as follows:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I would love to see the abolition of these silly divisions in popular music. I think it'd be great to see more orchestras in rock'n'roll and more rock'n'roll in orchestras. I think it'd be fabulous if we rediscovered and rejuvenated the sense of style and swing that existed before. Can you imagine what [[Reda Kazan]] and [[Ellen Powell]] in their prime could've done if they were at peace and prosperity like we are now? I have this beautiful dream that slowly, gently, all these styles would melt together into this wonderful jumble, and then one day we realise that rock'n'roll has become {{wpl|big band}}, and rock, [[Gylian jazz|jazz]], and orchestra are all one and the same."}}<br />
<br />
Susan's vision proved inspiring to the [[new old hat]] movement, which largely sought to achieve it by reviving interest in vintage fashion and [[Gylian jazz|big band jazz]], and infusing it with the energy, attitude, and stripped-down approach of rock. It also informed the films of her relative [[Judy Harper Shelley]] and her later collaborations with [[Marian Ellis]].<br />
<br />
Susan's projects in the 2000s and 2010s increasingly reflected her vision, with increasing use of orchestras and big band ensembles in her popular music work, and increasing elements of jazz improvisation and rock immediacy in her art music work. She chose to score series like ''[[Castle Bang]]'' and ''The Amazing Inflatable Girl'' specifically due to the opportunity to "musically bring the 'sweet old world' into the shiny new future", as she put it.<br />
<br />
Her vision also came to influence her status as a [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]], and she was an inspiration for "levieillestyle" for her attitude in increasingly emphasising elegance and easygoing decorum in old age. Tsukasa jokingly said in ''The Beaties Anthology'': "Little by little, Ms. Shelley increased the ceremony of the studio, always making sure we were comfortable. Before we realised it, we were now at the height of decorum! Clever Ms. Shelley, she brought classical music back in touch with the people, and turned us into classical musicians, playing like an orchestra and being very courteous among ourselves."<br />
<br />
==Public image==<br />
===Appearance===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-4.png|thumb|right|200px|Publicity portrait of Susan]]<br />
Susan's public recognition was aided by her distinctive appearance and outfit: long strawberry blonde hair, round framed glasses, a white collared shirt with a black ribbon and black dress, and a black wide-brimmed hat with a dark purple bow.<br />
<br />
Susan first adopted the outfit while at the Royal Northian Conservatory of Music. She wore it to a session one day, and when she dressed differently the next day, someone arrived at the studio and asked for "the girl with the black hat and the white shirt". She was then inspired to adopt the outfit as her trademark. For the rest of her life, she wore it exclusively, both in public and at home.<br />
<br />
The outfit was so integral to her image that her wardrobe at home consisted solely of multiple versions of the outfit, and she slept in the nude. Her son Alex joked that "you couldn't get mother to wear ''anything'' else", and that in her instance, "the woman made the clothes, and the clothes made the woman".<br />
<br />
She had blue-green eyes, which [[Deirdre Ní Gabhann]] described as "kind eyes, ones you could look into for hours and hours".<br />
<br />
Susan's interviews and public appearances made her an unexpected [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]], featured in fashion-oriented magazines like ''[[L'Petit Écho]]'' and ''[[Silhouette (magazine)|Silhouette]]'', and seen by many as an ideal of the "elegant older lady". Susan was amused by this, and embraced the image. She was fond of responding to compliments about her appearance with: "If you think I look beautiful, wait until you hear the music I'm working on!".<br />
<br />
Her outfit complemented the elegant and unflappable personality she was renowned for. [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]] said admiringly while working on her documentary that Susan "is a woman with only two facial expressions, which are the most important — a serene smile, or a sly smile."<br />
<br />
She appeared on the covers of all her albums, singles, or published scores, and hired Gylias' best possible photographers to take pictures of her.<br />
<br />
One of Susan's only ventures into business unrelated to music was to collaborate with several Gylian [[Clothing in Gylias|clothesmaking]] companies through [[Shelley family#Businesses|Shelley Clothing]] to offer reproductions of her outfit, as well as with optics manufacturers to offer reproductions of her specific model of glasses. These proved greatly popular.<br />
<br />
As she grew older, she maintained her hair colour by regular dyeing. She joked in an interview: "I just wouldn't look right with white hair."<br />
<br />
She understood and appreciated the way her beauty had aided her career. When [[ArtNet]] was set up, she collected and uploaded all of her photographs and portraits onto the site, making her one of the most popular members of the site. She similarly uploaded her [[Susan Shelley#Promotional activities|lifestyle videotapes]] onto [[NetStream]].<br />
<br />
===Voice===<br />
Susan had a mellifluous voice that contributed to her "motherly" image and reputation. [[Maki Nomura]] commented:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley believed words were precious, not to be wasted. She spent most of her time in the studio lost in thought with a serene smile. She let everyone else talk first, and only then would she say her part, and it had the greatest weight. When you asked her anything, she would pause before answering, like she was weighing her words carefully."}}<br />
<br />
Susan described her own voice as a {{wpl|contralto}}, and often sang backing vocals on projects she worked on, or occasionally contributed spoken word parts. She remarked in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I began intentionally trying to lower my voice in adolescence. I liked that it seemed to give me more gravitas, made me sound wiser. And then I noticed the effect it had on the boys. It certainly helps with flirting, I can say! ''[laughs]''}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|I used to do these speaking exercises at home to try and get the right sound. I'd speak while rubbing my belly, to make sure the voice came from there. I had a very specific idea what the perfect voice would be for me — it should sound full and warm, like rich chocolate. I don't think I would've gotten as far if my voice was thinner or squeaky."}} <br />
<br />
===Humour===<br />
She had a playful sense of humour that she used to make others comfortable and to maintain morale in the studio. [[Liisa Salmela]] noted in ''[[The Beaties Anthology]]'' that "Ms. Shelley spent as much time encouraging 'the girls' to be silly and unafraid of embarrassment as she did keeping them focused. She was as serious about fun and play as she was about work."<br />
<br />
She had several signs that she would hang above the entrance to the studio when working. Their messages included: "Quiet please! Susan Shelley in progress"; "Rock and roll must be good for the soul, not bad for the health"; "Let's keep the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Labour|IWS]] happy"; "Never go above and beyond! That's what tomorrow is for"; "All you need is ears, but taste doesn't hurt"; "A cellarful of noise a day keeps the blues away".<br />
<br />
One of her favourite types of joke was to put a great amount of effort into a song with an inappropriately flippant or bizarre title. She explained: "I think it's funny if someone at first thinks, 'Oh, a song called Salty Pastrami, I don't expect much', and then they say 'Salty Pastrami touched me deeply, I had a good cry to that song'. I think it makes people think about how ridiculous yet moving life can be."<br />
<br />
This technique was in evidence on her soundtrack work, where she was famed as an expert in scoring comedies "as if they were serious films", and thus enhancing their humour.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
===Marriage===<br />
{{main|Alan Shelley}}<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-7.png|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Susan, pencil and charcoal by [[Gauchic#Notable artists|Héloïse Favre]]]]<br />
Susan married [[Alan Shelley|Amjasluwoh Uktotor]], a fellow Royal Northian Conservatory of Music student, in 1948. Together, they adopted four children — Alex, Paul, [[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]], and George —, all of whom followed her mother into careers in music. After they moved to the Free Territories, he began going by the name "Alan Shelley" customarily.<br />
<br />
Susan and Alan's marriage was happy and enduring. The two loved each other deeply and were devoted to each other. Alan greatly admired his wife: he took her surname to be called "Alan Shelley", was a "househusband" until her career took off, and was happy to introduce himself to others as "Susan Shelley's husband". Susan's own pet name for him was "dear old Alan".<br />
<br />
When they were out together, Susan and Alan caused amusement by their contrasting personalities: he was "an enthusiastic and irrepressible chatterbox", while Susan was "peaceful and warm", sometimes mainly communicating non-verbally by embracing him, holding hands, or kissing him. They were openly affectionate, and were inseparable in public, almost always holding hands. Neither was shy about their mutual love and equal respect.<br />
<br />
Both Susan and Alan praised each other's talents as lovers, and they had sex as often as possible. Haruka remarked that they were "newlyweds from their wedding day until their death". As she grew older, Susan talked more frequently in interviews and documentaries about her sex life and frequency of sex, in order to combat {{wpl|ageism}} and provide a positive model for aging gracefully.<br />
<br />
In a 2011 interview, she said: "We're really very proud of our marriage. It's the first for both of us. And the last."<br />
<br />
Alan was the financial adviser of the family, both handling household budgets and hiring {{wpl|financial planner}}s. Susan quipped that "dear old Alan is the mastermind behind the business of Susan Shelley." Taking on duties as her "unofficial manager", he played an important role in helping her build up her illustrious reputation and wealth.<br />
<br />
===Parenthood===<br />
[[Mary Willett]] described Susan as "a wonderful mother — very warm and lovely with her kids. She was always great with children. And her kids turned out so nice and well-behaved, too."<br />
<br />
Susan was a generous and loving mother to her children, but emphasised a sense of responsibility and tidiness. As a teenager, Paul once asked her for a {{wpl|tattoo}} with the {{wpl|kanji}} for "music" ("音楽"). Susan asked him to first read about the {{wpl|Japanese language|Miranian language}} and write an essay on the topic, which he described as "her way of asking me to think carefully about whether I really wanted this." He did as requested, and she surprised him by researching the best tattoo parlour in the city and taking him there to get the tattoo for his birthday.<br />
<br />
Susan sought to encourage a love of the arts, intellectual curiosity, and a thirst for knowledge in her children, much like her own parents had for her. She regularly encouraged her children to write essays or reports on topics they were interested in, and had a {{wpl|bulletin board}} at home where she would proudly display her children's essays and drawings.<br />
<br />
By the 2000s, Susan had become a great-grandmother, as her children had grandchildren, and those in turn had great-grandchildren. She and her husband taught their children to do as they had done: to adopt instead of giving birth.<br />
<br />
===Family===<br />
Susan was very close to her sister [[Irene Shelley|Irene]], and said that in her life, Irene was second in importance only to her husband and children. Susan and Irene's families regularly socialised at each other's houses. Susan and her husband were an adored aunt and uncle to Irene's children, and Irene and her husband were likewise to Susan's children.<br />
<br />
Susan was often a guest of honour at [[Shelley family]] weddings, and would jovially congratulate the newlyweds and welcome them into the family after the ceremony.<br />
<br />
Susan had a close relationship with her relative [[Judy Harper Shelley]], who affectionately called her "Aunt Susan". Susan funded all of Judy's films out of her pocket, and scored them all until her death.<br />
<br />
===Personality and habits===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-10.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan photographed in deep concentration by [[Annemarie Beaulieu]]]]<br />
Susan's regal and composed personality was in line with the [[Shelley family#Characteristics|Shelley family's ideals]], and shared by her relatives.<br />
<br />
As early as her conservatory years, her husband described her as "carrying herself with a maturity, grace, and worldliness beyond her years." He said that she play-acted being a "wise and sweet old lady" long before real old age set in, and genuine old age "was very becoming her because she'd tailored herself for it perfectly."<br />
<br />
[[Rasa Ḑeşéy]] commented that in public, Susan and her family "were the perfect family, in a pleasantly old-fashioned sort of way. They were always dressed to the nines, they were always polite, and they were surrounded by this air of love and comfort. They seemed to have stepped out of a fabulous fairytale." ''[[Gylias Review]]'' similarly wrote that "with her loving husband, happy children, spotless reputation, and aura of boundless warmth, Ms. Shelley represented the profoundly satisfying dream of every Gylian."<br />
<br />
In the ''[[Mişeyáke Metro Mail]]'' feature "The Queen in Her Château", writer Helen Wilkinson observed a "fascinating enigma" for Susan's personality:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"In all my time with Ms. Shelley, two things quickly revealed themselves to be true simultaneously. The first is Ms. Shelley's impressive ability to make others feel loved and comfortable. The second is the strength of Ms. Shelley's ''{{wpl|ataraxia}}'' — her serene smile never falters, her temper never frays, her patience never runs out. Even with her husband and children, she lavishes them with affection without a change in expression or voice.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|Ms. Shelley has mastered a unique skill: to give out love, to radiate warmth and tenderness constantly, without ever breaking her peaceful and placid poise. The effect is initially amusing, but then gives way to respect for the depths of her strength of character, and her commitment to leading a life as impeccable as possible."}}<br />
<br />
She was a generous and enthusiastic host to those who visited her, and took personal responsibility for ensuring that "any guests would end the evening too stuffed to walk properly".<br />
<br />
When having meals with her family, she would insist that everybody say ''{{wpl|itadakimasu}}'' before they began eating.<br />
<br />
Susan was {{wpl|teetotalism|teetotal}} and never used {{wpl|profanity}} in her life. She was a {{wpl|vegetarian}} who led an active lifestyle, [[Sport in Gylias#Cycling|cycling]] to engagements and exercising at home. <br />
<br />
[[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]] described her mother's "magnetic" personality and its effect on others:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Mother never judged people or tried to tell them how to behave. She was raised to live and let live, to accept others as they are. All the same, the people she knew, worked with, was friends with, they were in awe of her, respected her greatly. Without her saying anything, they would behave in certain ways that they thought would make her happy. They wouldn't eat meat in her presence, they wouldn't swear in her presence, they'd gently put away bottles where they couldn't be seen, they would try to speak more elegantly, things like that. And mother did notice, and it did please her very much. She was delighted to know people thought so highly of her that they'd change their behaviour to how they thought she'd like them to behave."}}<br />
<br />
===Lifestyle===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-14.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan in the [[Susan Shelley#Palace of Sound|Palace of Sound]]; she was famous for her well-organised and comfortable lifestyle]]<br />
Susan was renowned for her self-discipline, and her husband attested that she ran her household like "a very tight ship". Among her favourite books were [[Valeria Valente]]'s ''A Design for Better Living'' and her children's memoir ''Tali Genitori, Tali Bambini'', which influenced her way of life.<br />
<br />
She practiced {{wpl|timeblocking}} "religiously", and her average day was both meticulously organised and flexible. She acknowledged Valeria Valente's influence in her pursuit of "maximum efficiency, maximum resilience, maximum slack for the unexpected". <br />
<br />
Typically, she woke up at {{wpl|dawn}}, did {{wpl|yoga}} exercises until {{wpl|sunrise}}, then got dressed and ate breakfast, usually reading ''[[The National Observer]]'' in the process. Then she would see to her tasks, which included going to the studio to produce or working on compositions from home. <br />
<br />
After lunch, she would nap for 1–2 hours. The latter half of the day included playing with her children, exercising, and further musical work. After dinner, she would have sex with her husband, write in her diary, go over her schedule, and plan out the next days.<br />
<br />
Susan kept a regular {{wpl|diary}} from 1946 until her death, and was known for meticulously logging her daily activities, no matter how mundane. Her diaries would see posthumous publication to critical acclaim, and contain valuable reminiscences and insights from her musical projects. Alan acknowledged her as "the engine" of the family, and she took the initiative to schedule in advance family outings and leisure activities.<br />
<br />
Her son George said that "we all took after her example and learned that being well-organised reflects your inner peace."<br />
<br />
[[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]] similarly remarked in 2006: "Every single day, as long as mother is awake, music pours out of her. It's not a career or a job for her, it's her life. She always has a small tape recorder with her for when inspiration strikes, and she can write scores without an instrument around, just working it out in her head."<br />
<br />
===Health===<br />
Susan enjoyed robust health throughout her life. [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]] commented that during the production of ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'', "She was physically active, suffered no ailments, her mind remained sharp as ever, and once she dyed her hair and put on makeup she looked so much younger you'd be amazed to think she was in her eighties." <br />
<br />
Longevity ran in the family: both her parents Henry and Beatrice and her older sister Irene lived to be nonagenarians. Irene outlived her sister by a year.<br />
<br />
She continued to compose, produce, and arrange until the day of her death. "Music won't let me retire", she joked in an interview, "I am merely her humble servant. I have been given this gift, and I obey its commands."<br />
<br />
===Languages===<br />
She was fluent in {{wpl|English language|English}}, {{wpl|French language|French}}, and {{wpl|Italian language|Italian}} — all of whom she spoke with a refined accent —, and had passable knowledge of [[Gylic languages|Zineran]] and [[Gylic languages|Varan]].<br />
<br />
Alan described Susan as speaking "a courtly sort of English, full of mannered phrases like 'most pleasing', that seemed to always rub off on whoever she was speaking with." The Beaties' spouses similarly observed that, in the studio, the Beaties "would all end up talking like Ms. Shelley, as if by magic".<br />
<br />
She deliberately chose the [[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]] of ''Suzyn'' for her first name as it was closer to how she pronounced it, as opposed to ''Suzan'' which was phonetically closer to the French "Susanne".<br />
<br />
She discussed her defiance of the [[Culture of Gylias#Society|Gylian preference for first or full names]] in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"My husband calls me 'darling', or 'honey', or 'beloved', or, the dear, he's even called me 'Ms. Shelley' a few times. ''[laughs]'' My children call me 'mother'. The girls call me 'Ms. Shelley'. In fact, everybody else does. After all, I do always tell the dears, 'Call me Ms. Shelley'. I think the last people who've called me by my first name were my parents, and my sister. Back in Alscia, we took honorifics seriously. I was raised that you respect someone by using their last name and an honorific. I have surpassed my name, you could say. I've now earned the honour of being 'Ms. Shelley'.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|I see that when my name appears in the media, after the initial mention, they use 'Ms. Shelley'. It's an honour they don't confer on anyone else — since no one else considers it an honour, of course. But it's why I love this country so. It respects one most dearly. I have said how I see it, and the whole of Gylias now agrees that anything but 'Ms. Shelley' is not proper. And that is ultimately the greatest honour. Not the names, but the esteem. The realisation that your compatriots think the world of you."}}<br />
<br />
===Religion===<br />
She was mainly a practitioner of [[Concordianism]]. She regularly practiced {{wpl|meditation}} and began her day with {{wpl|yoga}} exercises before getting dressed.<br />
<br />
===Wealth===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-12.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Susan visiting a {{wpl|pet store}} with her family, candid photograph by her husband]]<br />
Susan's commercially successful albums, prolific production work, and popular outfit reproductions made her wealthy. She was [[List of Gylians by net worth#Notable historical net worths|the richest Gylian]] during her life, with an estimated net worth of [[Gylian þaler|Ŧ]]100 billion as late as 2006, even as she paid the [[Economy of Gylias#Public policy|100% marginal tax]] for her earnings above the {{wpl|maximum wage}}, as well as the {{wpl|wealth tax}}.<br />
<br />
Susan's wealth drove her to an equally extreme largesse. She donated money generously to friends, acquaintances, colleagues, and family. She engaged in vast philanthropic activities. She funded the construction and upkeep of Beat Studios and the Palace of Sound personally. She funded the production of films, [[Gylianime|animation]], television series, and [[Touring in Gylias|concert tours]] out of her pocket, especially for collaborators like the Beaties and Stella Star, and her relative [[Judy Harper Shelley]]. <br />
<br />
She paid for studio sessions entirely out of pocket, and stopped accepting payments for production jobs entirely due to her wealth, using her money to instead pay the musicians, engineers, and studio personnel. For decades, she "single-handedly funded almost every Gylian orchestra" by covering the cost of orchestral sessions for any musician interested. Musicians could thus have access to orchestras regardless of financial means, and the abundance of releases provided steady work for Gylian orchestras, keeping them an integral part of the Gylian popular music landscape.<br />
<br />
She established the Susan Shelley Foundation, a {{wpl|charitable trust}}, to give away all of her wealth. The foundation gave money in secret, and mainly focused on the arts, education, scientific and technological research, and {{wpl|historic preservation}}. She was an especially prolific donor to the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Arts Council]] along with the rest of her family, leading to a lifelong friendship with its Chair [[Tomoko Tōsaka]]. She donated generously to the [[Shelley family#Charities and nonprofit organisations|Shelley family's charitable organisations]], particularly for the organisation of prestigious events in the Gylian social calendar.<br />
<br />
She attended the [[Decleyre Summit]] in 1990 together with the Beaties and was a participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]]. She quipped in an interview, "I've been doing the SPP before it existed!", in reference to her donations. [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]] [[Mathilde Vieira]] similarly evoked Susan's example in announcing the SPP, declaring: "If we are to have [[List of Gylians by net worth|rich Gylians]], let they be only Susan Shelleys and [[Mary Grant]]s and [[Arlette Gaubert]]s."<br />
<br />
She felt pride in having become rich through "honest work", by making art that was popular and handsomely compensated by the public. Acquaintances observed that she rarely hinted at her wealth, and when she did, it was always in reference to her donations and gifts to others.<br />
<br />
She taught her children of the importance of {{wpl|financial literacy}} from a young age, telling Rasa that her "greatest nightmare" would've been for her children to turn out "spoiled, selfish, and insensitive".<br />
<br />
[[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]] recalled:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Mother always made sure we had the basics — food, water, the finest clothing. She always practiced prudence, and instilled in us a sense that money is only a tool, it can't bring you everything. She felt that anything had to be used as long as it could be used. If we wanted a toy, she wanted us to make sure we'd keep it for a long time, not get bored with it and throw it away. She felt that waste was the greatest curse of humanity. If we wanted to see a movie, or a play, she wanted us to get the most of it. She would ask us to write an essay afterward about it, which we did."}}<br />
<br />
Susan's philosophy was: "Money exists to be spent, not hoarded. Once we've assured ourselves a comfortable life, we have a duty to give others the rest." Accordingly, in addition to her philanthropic donations and gifts, she spent extravagantly on herself and her family. She paid for the building of a large {{wpl|Art Deco}} mansion on the outskirts of Mişeyáke, nicknamed the ''Château Shelley'', where she and her family lived until her death. The ''Château'' had 30 rooms, a swimming pool, a tennis court, and a {{wpl|pleasure garden}}, open for anyone to visit. It also hosted a home recording studio for Susan whose facilities were almost as advanced as the Palace of Sound.<br />
<br />
Susan bought so many things that Chris O'Dell described her as "the woman who has everything", and remarked that her family adamantly refused to accept any gifts from anyone — if offered a gift, they would insist on paying money in exchange. <br />
<br />
Susan's returns with the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Finance|National Tax Agency]] showed a vast list of possessions: she owned numerous musical instruments at home, 10 {{wpl|private jet}}s (which she had converted into {{wpl|solar-powered aircraft}}), 10 {{wpl|yacht}}s of 35 m each, 100 {{wpl|luxury car}}s (which she had converted into {{wpl|electric vehicle}}s), many commissioned paintings and sculptures, and over 10.000 items of [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing]] and jewelry, including a large collection of {{wpl|watch}}es. She regularly shared these possessions with others for free, letting people borrow her cars, yachts, and use her private jets to travel and return. She especially used her private jets to fly musicians to the Palace of Sound for sessions.<br />
<br />
As well, Susan hired a large number of {{wpl|domestic worker}}s to help with maintenance of ''Château Shelley'' and relevant possessions, to whom she paid extravagant salaries and benefits and treated like members of the family — she taught her children by example to address domestic workers by their last name and honorific. Provided with lifetime employment, large salaries, and numerous benefits, these workers were strongly loyal to Susan; Rasa observed that their attitude towards her was "pure adoration".<br />
<br />
Susan avoided taking part in [[Tax Day]] ceremonies and tried to minimise attention to the Susan Shelley Foundation out of an aversion to publicising her wealth or philanthropy. George said that "mother believed that if you do good to others, you must be silent and let your deeds speak for you. She hated to talk about her donations because she felt it was repulsive to want publicity for good deeds." The extent of her philanthropy and charity was publicised after her death, when it was revealed her anonymous donations to charities and individuals surpassed Ŧ300 billion during her life.<br />
<br />
She joked about her wealth in ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'':<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"I paid for the building of the ''Château'', the Palace of Sound, I've made my lovely assistants rich beyond their wildest dreams, I've given so much money to everything and everyone, I've bought so many things … and I keep getting richer and richer! ''[laughs]'' It must be the Shelley family curse."}}<br />
<br />
===Politics===<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-19.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan reading while on a break in the Palace of Sound. She was a well-read woman and an avid reader, who amassed a personal library of over 10.000 books.]]<br />
Susan rarely talked about her political views. She only did so when asked directly, but otherwise remained quiet on the subject. During an interview, she described her philosophy as: "I'm not running for office or have any kind of special wisdom. I have nothing intelligent or valuable to say on the subject."<br />
<br />
Susan was a [[Donatellism|Donatellist]] [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]], and according to her husband, loyally gave her first preference votes to the {{G-NUP}}, the party of her father. At home, she usually read ''[[The National Observer]]'' over breakfast.<br />
<br />
She condemned bigotry "of all kinds", and was a supporter of [[Feminism in Gylias|feminism]], {{wpl|LGBT rights}}, {{wpl|egalitarianism}}, and {{wpl|animal welfare}}, signing several open letters and petitions.<br />
<br />
She refused any nominations to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] made by [[President of Gylias|presidents]] after 2000, explaining that while she felt honoured to be considered, she was too busy with her musical career to be able to serve effectively in the Senate. She also wanted to honour the memory of her father Henry, who had been "an accomplished and marvelous Senator" for the {{G-NUP}} in the 1960s, and felt that she couldn't match his service.<br />
<br />
===Patriotism===<br />
Susan loved her country, and was described by those who knew her as a "quiet patriot". Alan said that her patriotism was "a deeply personal, heartfelt thing" — a gratitude for the country she felt she owed everything to, and which embraced and celebrated her talents. She praised [[Gylian nationalism]] because it was inclusive and {{wpl|civic nationalism|civic}}.<br />
<br />
Susan's patriotism was an old-fashioned, Alscian kind, inherited from her mother Beatrice. She largely kept the patriotism and {{wpl|banal nationalism}} she'd grown up with in Alscia and simply transferred it to Gylias. When she was at public events that called for the [[The National Anthem of the Republic of Gylias|national anthem]] to be played, she and her family would stand up and sing "[[Arise, Gylians]]" instead.<br />
<br />
[[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]] said that Susan's attitude towards patriotism was the same as her attitude towards philanthropy: "she always said you must keep your mouth shut and let your deeds speak for you. She taught us that it's a love that can never be expressed in words."<br />
<br />
[[Rasa Ḑeşéy]] admitted that during production of ''[[Susan Shelley: A Musical Life]]'', she was sometimes surprised by the readiness with which Susan expressed national pride. She described Susan's patriotism as "infused by the same serenity and regal ease that marked her temperament and life".<br />
<br />
==Signature==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-signature.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan's signature]]<br />
<br />
Susan was one of the most prolific {{wpl|autograph}} signers in Gylias. Her trademark signature appeared on her albums, in her [[Susan Shelley#Books and documentaries|books]], and was printed and framed in the studios she worked in.<br />
<br />
She owned an {{wpl|autopen}} and a {{wpl|rubber stamp}} to quickly sign proffered documents. Starting in the 1990s, she uploaded transparent images of her signature on her website, so that anyone who wanted could print it and attach it to an object they wished to have "signed by Susan Shelley".<br />
<br />
Her method meant that she was never barraged in public for autographs, since her signature was easily available and ubiquituous. She was gracious to those who approached her in public for autographs, and usually personalised her signatures with playful messages.<br />
<br />
George witnessed one of Susan's more memorable autographs: "Someone asked mother for an autograph, but without any paper on hand, suggested she might use their body. Mother found this very amusing and decided to oblige. She applied her favourite kind of smear lipstick, kissed the person on the cheek, and then signed under the kiss. Some time later, I found her reading and laughing at a letter she'd received. The person in question had converted mother's autograph into a permanent tattoo, and told her it had greatly increased their popularity."<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Susan died in her sleep on the night of 16 December 2016 at the ''Château Shelley'', aged 90.<br />
<br />
Alan speculated that Susan had "a premonition" of her death. That day, she broke her normally rigid schedule in order to finish the last composition she was working on. Before going to bed, she wished her children goodnight and added, "I just want to tell you how much I love you and how proud I am of you all. You are the greatest children a mother could hope for." She then put on her favourite brand of smear lipstick, kissed her husband leaving lipstick marks on his face, and told him, "Goodnight darling, and farewell."<br />
<br />
Alan woke up next morning with Susan still in bed, and assumed she overslept. After returning from the bathroom, he discovered her unresponsive, and called an ambulance. Susan was taken to the nearest hospital, and pronounced {{wpl|dead on arrival}}. The family issued a statement later in the day confirming her death. They declined an {{wpl|autopsy}} and stated solely that Susan died of natural causes, sometime after midnight.<br />
<br />
Alan said that when he found her dead, Susan looked as if she'd gone to sleep: "She was smiling, and her hands were crossed over her body — even in death, she was dignified and peaceful."<br />
<br />
When the family prepared her diary for publication, they discovered that her last diary entry, on the date of her death, ended with ''"It has been wonderful."''<br />
<br />
===Funeral===<br />
She was granted an {{wpl|state funeral|official funeral}} by [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]] [[Toni Vallas]], in recognition of her services to Gylian culture. Her family was closely involved in planning the funeral. [[Lucy Shelley|Lucy]] wrote that they sought to stage "the grandest memorial for the grandest Gylian", and to celebrate her life rather than mourn her death.<br />
<br />
She was cremated in Mişeyáke, right after being pronounced dead in hospital, and was buried in Etra, on the grounds of her family home.<br />
<br />
The official funeral took place on 19 December 2016. Her ashes were transported from Mişeyáke to Etra by {{wpl|high-speed rail}}. The {{wpl|funeral procession}} through the streets of Mişeyáke and Etra attracted large crowds and brought the cities to a halt for the day. ''[[The Etra Echo]]'' reported that many people lined the streets, waving hats of the model Susan wore, and called out, ''"Farewell, Ms. Shelley"''. <br />
<br />
Her procession was accompanied by {{wpl|British brass band|brass bands}} and raucous dancing, in the {{wpl|jazz funeral}} tradition. Many musicians Susan had worked with played in the procession as a sign of respect.<br />
<br />
Both Toni Vallas and [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] delivered eulogies at her state memorial service. Carmen's included the following:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley, as she politely preferred to be called, lived a life of greatness. She was our greatest producer, arranger, composer, beauty, wife, and mother. Yet these superlatives are inadequate for the kind of person she was, or the lives she has touched and enriched with her talents. Mere words do not suffice for the stature of her achivements, or the magnitude of our loss. One of our greatest Gylians has become immortal. How blessed we were to share our time with her."}}<br />
<br />
Additional eulogies were delivered by her husband Alan, her older sister Irene, her son Alex, her daughter Lucy, Haruka Morishima, and Marian Ellis.<br />
<br />
Lucy's eulogy captured the celebratory tone of the memorial:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Mother would not want you to be sad that it's over, but happy that it happened. She would want songs to be sung, instruments to ring out, music to fill the air. If you want to know the best way to honour mother, it's through music. Whether playing it or listening to it, enjoying it is the best way to pay tribute to her memory. Music, love, and laughter — that is what she would wish you all."}}<br />
<br />
Irene delivered her eulogy last, and ended with a quip that prompted applause and laughter from the audience:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Well, I'll be a monkey's aunt. This is the most wonderful funeral anyone's ever had. It's a shame my sister isn't here to see it."}}<br />
<br />
Susan's was the largest state funeral in the history of Gylias. Some 400.000 people in Mişeyáke and 200.000 in Etra took part in the funeral procession, and an estimated 15 million people watched television coverage of the event on [[Gylian Television]]. Many impromptu events honouring Susan were organised in various cities across Gylias, ranging from concerts to open-air viewings of films and series she had scored.<br />
<br />
Columnist [[Keie Nanei]] wrote: "Dear old Ms. Shelley, she died as she lived: bringing joy and love to others. Even in death, she kicked at the darkness and made her funeral into Gylias' greatest social event."<br />
<br />
===Tributes===<br />
Many of the musicians Susan had worked with paid tribute to her in the media after her death.<br />
<br />
[[Jocelyn Tran]] wrote an original composition, ''Requiem for Susan Shelley'', to commemorate her. It was the first song played at her first concert following Susan's death.<br />
<br />
[[Elena Tessari]]'s song "Hats Held High", released on her 2018 album ''Woman to Woman'', is a tribute to Susan's life. The lyrics include a poetic description of her funeral, from which it takes its name.<br />
<br />
A large statue of her was installed at the entrance to the Palace of Sound in 2019. The ''[[Mişeyáke Metro Mail]]'' praised it as "a wonderful sculpture that shows a radiant Ms. Shelley smiling down on visitors to the studio", and it became a tourist attraction.<br />
<br />
===Estate===<br />
Susan Shelley's estate was valued at Ŧ105 billion at her death. According to her testament, all her personal assets were given away. Her remaining money, after collection of {{wpl|inheritance tax}} and the amounts set aside to provide for her family and ''Château Shelley'' employees, was allocated to the Susan Shelley Foundation, to be given away.<br />
<br />
Her family retained possession of ''Château Shelley'' and the musical instruments and home studio she had built there. In the process of administering her estate, Susan's computers were accessed, and it was discovered she had deleted all her unfinished works and works in progress. In accordance with her wishes, the family refused to allow any {{wpl|data recovery}} efforts.<br />
<br />
The Susan Shelley Foundation began a spend-down process in 2017, and plans to fully close down after donating what remains of Susan's wealth, estimated to be in 2024.<br />
<br />
===Susan Shelley Library===<br />
Susan donated all of her writings and works to the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|National Archives]] upon her death, specifying that they be made available "to everyone, for free, forever". Mişeyáke Mayor [[Lisa d'Arville]] took the initiative to build a new complex to house the collection, which was inaugurated in 2020. The Susan Shelley Library archives all of Susan's writings and works — including diaries, {{wpl|sheet music}} and scores, her published books and documentaries —, indexed and available for anyone to peruse for free.<br />
<br />
Her diaries were published after her death in 7 volumes, each covering a decade.<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
[[File:SusanShelley-16.png|thumb|right|200px|Susan's legacy is the greatest of the [[Shelley family]], on account of her enormous impact on [[Music of Gylias|Gylian music]], and her endurance as a symbol of success and model for marriage and parenthood]]<br />
Many of Susan's obituaries emphasised her illustrious reputation and tremendous contributions to Gylian popular culture. ''[[Gylias Review]]'' wrote that "it's impossible to imagine Gylian pop culture without the vital contributions of the [[Shelley family]]", emphasising both Susan's musical career, her sister Irene's illustration career, and her relative [[Judy Harper Shelley|Judy]]'s filmmaking career.<br />
<br />
She was the most prolific musician active in the Gylian music industry: throughout her career, she released over 500 albums under her name, both art and popular music, and was credited as a producer, engineer, arranger, or session musician on over 1.000 releases.<br />
<br />
[[Marisa Ibáñez Flores]] wrote that Susan made "Produced by Susan Shelley" one of the most prestigious marks in the Gylian music industry — a credit synonymous with quality, excellence, and timelessness. She added:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley seemed to delight especially in using her powers to prevent a {{wpl|generation gap}} in Gylian music. She raised genres like [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]], {{wpl|light music}}, and [[Gylian jazz|jazz]] above the waters that had engulfed them as popular tastes evolved. She fused them with pop and rock, gave them contemporary appeal, and breathed new life into them. Then, when public curiosity had been galvanised, she presented them in a purer context and sat back and reaped the rewards.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|That is why she is one of the greatest composers who ever lived. Not just her critical acclaim, commercial success, and undeniable talent — she succeeded in doing what many had failed at: bring audiences over to older styles of music, make them fun and inviting, without compromising their dignity or trademarks."}}<br />
<br />
[[Liisa Salmela]] made similar comments in her book ''The Strange Survival of Gylian Jazz'', crediting Susan Shelley and [[Jenny Ford]] with doing the most to preserve traditional jazz styles as pure {{wpl|program music}} — "the soundtrack to sex appeal", in her words —, with ''[[Marvelous Music from the Magnificent Mademoiselles]]'' being cited as an example.<br />
<br />
Susan's stature and fame helped establish the specific role and importance of the {{wpl|record producer}} in the Gylian music industry, and paved the way for the careers of renowned producers like [[Charlotte Böttcher]], [[Jane Birkin]], Vicky Zax, and Madame Lulu.<br />
<br />
Owing to her extraordinary productivity, consistent critical acclaim, and commercial success, she was a household name for most of her life. ''[[Surface]]'' wrote that her death was felt so deeply and mourned so widely by the public because:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"she was known to every Gylian household, whether it was her delighted face on album covers, her outfit reproductions worn by many to channel some of her elegance, her orchestral compositions listened to as a shortcut to sophistication, or her passionate marriage that represented a reassuring dream for many. There have been Gylians born and died who passed entire lives with Ms. Shelley's loving smile somewhere in the background, known to everyone and yet seemingly comforting them personally."}}<br />
<br />
''[[The National Inquirer]]'' more succinctly wrote that "it felt like Gylians had lost their collective grandmother".<br />
<br />
''[[Musical Update]]'' wrote that Susan "succeeded in softening up and priming Gylian taste buds for [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] in a way nobody else ever managed. Listeners who otherwise recoiled from art music like poorly cooked vegetables eagerly opened their mouths to Ms. Shelley's spoon, and savoured the taste of her concoctions." It also noted that some listeners initially listened to Susan's orchestral works with "ironic intent" that had evolved into "sincere embrace".<br />
<br />
''[[Downtown]]'' additionally praised Susan as an instrumental contributor to the development of Gylian comedy. It described her as the greatest producer of {{wpl|novelty song}}s, due to her understated humour and unique sensibilities that made the novelty songs she produced endure and remain charming long after their initial humour wore off, and highlighted her work with [[Kay and Windsor]], Niní Marshall, and Terri "Cupcake" Mason.<br />
<br />
Susan's theme music for [[Gylian Radio]] and [[Gylian Television]] became cherished elements of the [[Gylian National Broadcasting Service]]'s identity, familiar to generations of viewers, and continue to be used to this day. "How to Tune an Orchestra" is a favourite among Gylian orchestras, and it is standard practice for them to play it as an {{wpl|overture}} before concerts.<br />
<br />
===Symbol of success===<br />
Susan was embraced by the Gylian public as a symbol of success. Her achievements were celebrated, as was her generous personality and loving family life. To Gylians, she represented an exciting ideal of success: one born of consistently acclaimed work and eclecticism, combined with admirable humility, diplomacy, and a spotless reputation. <br />
<br />
Most of her obituaries highlighted [[Saorlaith Ní Curnín]]'s remark that Susan never said an unkind word about anyone, nor did anyone who worked with her ever say an unkind word about her, to represent why she was held in great respect among the public and seen as an ideal to aspire to.<br />
<br />
''[[Radix]]'' praised Susan in its obituary for "taking the respectable middle-class dream of Alscians and raising it to an apotheosis of elegance, love, and compassion." It credited her with "showing Gylians a brilliant example for how to lead an organised yet vibrant life, without pressure or social repression."<br />
<br />
The ''[[Mişeyáke Metro Mail]]'' wrote that to generations of Gylians, Susan was an exemplar because "she made adulthood, responsibility, moderation, and maturity seem irresistible." It praised her for "proving to Gylians that suffering isn't necessary for art, happiness is sexy, being well-behaved is enjoyable, and responsibility can be borne gracefully and with the greatest of ease." As a result of Susan's work and her influence on those she worked with like the Beaties and Stella Star, Gylias obtained "the best of both worlds — rock and roll without the self-destructive lifestyle; jazz without the obsolescence; and [[Music of Gylias#Art music|art music]] without the lifelessness and didacticism".<br />
<br />
''[[The National Inquirer]]'' applauded Susan as an exemplar of aging gracefully, writing that she and others like [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] "made growing older seem to be a gentle adventure in settling into comfort, happiness, wisdom, and basking in love — from oneself, from kith and kin, from one's fellow Gylians."<br />
<br />
Her name was adopted in Gylian slang as a symbol of success and reverence, in the form "myjeli" — derived from "Ms. Shelley", her preferred nomenclature. Several Gylian given names were popularised in her honour, including "Susan", "Myjeli" or similar {{wpl|pronunciation respelling}}s of "Ms. Shelley", or "Şeli" itself as a given name.<br />
<br />
In the egalitarian context of the [[Golden Revolution]], even Susan's wealth came to be lionised. Since Susan never flaunted her wealth and was strongly identified with [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]], Gylians saw her wealth as a simple reflection of how greatly her work was treasured by society. It was a point of pride for Gylians that the richest Gylian had achieved her status through "honest work", a consistently acclaimed career that contributed to society and with wealth accumulated gradually. The fact that Susan refused to draw attention to her vast philanthropic work or generosity to others further endeared her to the public.<br />
<br />
Columnist [[Keie Nanei]] attempted to summarise Susan's legacy after her death:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Ms. Shelley was one of those greats that history occasionally rises and the fates bless with good fortune. She was showered with every gift imaginable by the spirits. She had supreme talents; used them to the hilt; worked with fellow geniuses and helped raise them to greatness; always behaved with genuine, unwavering, pure-hearted decency; lived a perfect marriage and parenthood; made friends of everyone she ever worked with; wore her fame lightly; never lost her suave sense of humour; used her wealth to help others; and did everything permanently dressed in her finest clothes and a loving smile. I can hardly think of a better example of greatness to aspire to."}}<br />
<br />
{{Susan Shelley Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Shelley family]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian musicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Green_Book&diff=613274The Green Book2023-02-05T12:24:58Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox book<br />
| name = The Green Book<br />
| image = JulieLegrand-TheGreenBook.jpg <br />
| caption = Cover of the original English edition<br />
| author = [[Julie Legrand]]<br />
| country = [[Gylias]]<br />
| language = {{wpl|French language|French}}<br>{{wpl|English language|English}}<br />
| series =<br />
| subject = {{wpl|Political philosophy}}<br />
| publisher =<br />
| pub_date = 1960<br />
| media_type = Print<br />
| pages = 100<br />
}}<br />
{{Socialism in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
'''''The Green Book''''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''L'livre verte'') is a 1960 book by [[Julie Legrand]]. It presents her {{wpl|political philosophy}} and eccentric leftist views, as well as her perspective on [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. It was written in a conversational style that reflected Julie's personality, and featured statements, quotations, and jokes.<br />
<br />
The book became one of the most widely distributed in Gylias during the [[Golden Revolution]], and secured Julie's reputation as the "chief ideologue" of the {{G-DCP}}, as well as her significant power within the party. Historian Nina Raukan described it as "the foundational text of the post-[[Liberation War (Gylias)|war]] Gylian left", and its unique approach to {{wpl|left-wing politics}} came to be dubbed [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
During the 1950s, [[Julie Legrand]] had become a well-known commander in the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] and a rising star in [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] politics. Joining the {{G-DCP}} upon establishment, she was adopted as the ''protégé'' of the [[Freeman family|Freeman sisters]], and formed other lifelong friendships that shaped her politics, particularly with [[Raira Sano]] and [[Sweetie Letise]].<br />
<br />
Julie's fierce rivalry with the [[Communism in Gylias|authoritarian communist]] leader [[Adélaïde Raynault]], played out through exciting insult matches in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]], helped establish her as a force to be reckoned with in politics. The rivalry ended with Julie triumphant in 1956, after Adélaïde died and Julie's major role in the [[Lucian Purge]]. Julie was thus left the dominant French figure of the Free Territories' public life, and given credit for the success of the purge. In 1958, she took office along with the rest of the [[Darnan Cyras government|Darnan Cyras Executive Committee]].<br />
<br />
Julie wrote ''The Green Book'' between 1956 and 1960. Its writing reflected the ''milieu'' of the transition from the Free Territories to Gylias, and several commentators would argue that its indirect goal was to help make the Gylian left more amenable to the pact of the dinner party as promoted by Raira. The book drew inspiration from several sources, such as [[Izai Sesaþ]]'s hugely influential ''L'ABCd'anarchie'' and {{wpl|H. G. Wells}}' ''{{wpl|The Outline of History}}''. <br />
<br />
Julie's husband Marc was a key collaborator and assistant during the writing of the book. She admitted in interviews and her autobiography that Marc did "the most thankless tasks", including reading and researching several books used as material, with Julie writing the resulting chapters based on his notes. Marc also had a keen interest in burnishing his wife's legend, and was responsible for the cover, showing Julie in a self-satisfied pose that became iconic.<br />
<br />
==Writing==<br />
''The Green Book'' is written in a simple style. Julie placed a premium on accesssibility and made an effort to limit the use of jargon in the text.<br />
<br />
Julie planned the book to be a riposte to what she considered "the blight of execrably-written, brainless, narcissistic tomes vomited by politicians, leaders, and autocrats in love with the sound of their voices". As a result, the book draws influence from the [[Literature of Gylias#Liúşai League|Gylic "pillow book" tradition]], interspersing the text with remarks, quotations, and jokes. Humour is a significant element of the book, and Julie takes numerous opportunities to demonstrate her [[Julie Legrand#Humour|famed mischievous wit]].<br />
<br />
The book was drastically edited before publication, as Julie wanted it to be short. The title was a nod to [[Julie Legrand#Public image|her reputation as "the green lady"]].<br />
<br />
==Contents==<br />
''The Green Book'' is organised into three parts, labeled simply "Yesterday", "Today", and "Tomorrow".<br />
<br />
===''Yesterday''===<br />
Part one sets out Julie's interpretation of [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. She presents the [[Liúşai League]] as communal and cooperative societies with a tradition of {{wpl|direct democracy}}, and [[Xevden]] as a dictatorial and oppressive usurper. She analyses the [[Gylian ascendancy]] as a necessary alliance between the dispossessed majority and the intellectuals and "noble {{wpl|class traitor}}s" who sided with the people. <br />
<br />
She gives a positive assessment of figures like the landlord Sura Eşiderea, [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberalism]]'s philosophical founder [[Nefne Sary]], and [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]]'s philosophical founder [[Mary Grant]], presenting them as compassionate women who used their wealth to help the impoverished Gylians, and arguing that the real crime of Xevden was that only a few had "the advantages of wealth and time to think" in order to develop ideologies and thus advance the revolutionary project.<br />
<br />
She presents [[Alscia]] as a crucial turning point in Gylian history, and chides its radical critics for "letting perfect become the enemy of good". She praises figures like [[Şio Etes]] and [[Angeline Dalles]] for "grasping the needs of the moment" and advancing a strategy of {{wpl|reformism|reformist}} democracy at home and radical agitation abroad. In a long passage, she attacks the degeneration of the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]] into bureaucratic authoritarianism. She writes frankly of her disillusionment with Ruvelkan communism and the need for "profound soul-searching" on the left to learn the lessons of Ruvelka and prevent a revolution from being hijacked by authoritarians.<br />
<br />
The [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] theorist [[Maria Antónia]] wrote that the entire first section of ''The Green Book'' "is cherry-picked, organised, and arranged into a single thrust: to present violent revolution and its hijacking as the greatest danger to progress, and Julie's moderation as the only dependable path to success."<br />
<br />
===''Today''===<br />
Part two sets out Julie's interpretation of the Free Territories and then-ongoing transition from the Free Territories to Gylias. She praises [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]]'s goal of abolishing all forms of unnecessary coercion and hierarchy, but argues that in the absence of a {{wpl|world revolution}}, Gylias must seek to protect itself against {{wpl|reactionism}}, and thus a pragmatic approach to the current situation must replace dogmatic adherence to "articles of faith". She states:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Show me the anarchist who can provide us with an infallible method of creating a {{wpl|stateless society}} without leaving ourselves defenseless before the world's reactionaries and capitalists, and I will follow them whole-heartedly. In the contest between survival and purity, I will always choose survival."}}<br />
<br />
She describes the role of {{wpl|utopian socialism}} in the revolutionary tradition, and argues that experimentation and drawing up plans in advance is vital for the success of a revolution. In the absence of a clear vision, the revolution leaves itself open to being hijacked by {{wpl|Blanquism|putschists}}, as happened in Ruvelka. This section serves as Julie's implicit criticism of the anarchists' [[Golden Revolution#Goals|refusal to formulate overly specific goals out of the same fear]]. <br />
<br />
She writes that organising is "arduous, thankless work", and revolutionaries must "nourish people's souls", citing the example of the [[Alscia#Labour movement|UAL's provision of education, entertainment, leisure, cultural activities, and welfare to workers]] in [[Alscia]]. She argues that "whoever sets out to change society must first live in accordance with their vision", citing as examples establishing [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|trade unions]] and [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]], educating oneself, participating in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], joining {{wpl|social organisation}}s, and taking part in {{wpl|community building}}.<br />
<br />
She considers {{wpl|class conflict}} the defining element of human history, but warns that the abolition of classes cannot be carried out violently like in Ruvelka, which simply "drove everyone down to the same level of misery". Instead, she advocates achieving a {{wpl|classless society}} by "raising everyone to the same level of comfort", which would cause hierarchy and class distinctions to disappear. She quotes ''{{wpl|The Communist Manifesto}}''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> description of {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} but approves of the idea of raising everyone to the level of the {{wpl|bourgeoisie}}, as long as {{wpl|capital accumulation}} is abolished.<br />
<br />
She discusses the "unsolveable problem" of anarchism: that while it is ideal for organisation at community level, it falters and struggles at a large scale. She argues that the conditions for achieving full anarchism are currently absent, and in the interim a method for carrying out coordination and organisation at a larger scale is necessary: the {{wpl|state}}. She describes the state as "simply a tool at our disposal, that must be used just as every other tool lest enemies seize it first". She also theorises that, in light of Gylias' historical experience, for most Gylians the idea of a government helping them rather than simply oppressing them was revolutionary in itself, and they would not be eager to dismantle it so quickly.<br />
<br />
===''Tomorrow''===<br />
Part three sets out Julie's vision of what constitutes a "good society" and how future developments may help achieve it. She focuses on three themes: the economy, society, and the left.<br />
<br />
She writes that an economic model combining {{wpl|decentralised planning}} with [[Community markets (Gylias)|community markets]] in order to organise production viably and meet everyone's needs would represent a strong option for the future. This model would be achieved through placing the {{wpl|means of production}} into {{wpl|social ownership}}, abolishing {{wpl|capital accumulation}} and the {{wpl|profit motive}}, and mobilising [[Economy of Gylias#Applied science|scientific breakthroughs]] to achieve the ultimate means of communication and coordination across Gylian territory.<br />
<br />
She draws a distinction between work and labour, using one to mean self-realisation and the other to mean pointless drudgery. She discusses the {{wpl|Luddite}} revolts of [[Delkora]], against use of machinery to immiserate workers, and the [[Glorious Rebellion#Republic|Gylian Republic]] taking control of mechanisation to raise wages and reduce unemployment. She writes that automation and mechanisation must be fostered, in order to achieve a future where "machines do the work" and people enjoy an abundance of free time that they can use for leisure, personal pursuits, and self-realisation. Use of science and technology in the public benefit would thus open the path to a {{wpl|non-monetary economy}}.<br />
<br />
She emphasises that economic liberation goes hand in hand with social liberation. Her vision of {{wpl|social revolution}} concentrates on "the good life":<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"We need more open-air cafés, brighter streets at night, more public halls and houses, more theatres and galleries, better and more hospitable hoteliers and restaurateurs, brighter and cleaner eating houses, more pleasure gardens, more trees and grass and parks and comfortable benches, more murals and pictures in public places, better designs for furniture and items and [[Clothing in Gylias|clothes]], statues in the centre of new housing estates, better-designed new street lamps and telephone kiosks, & so on & so forth ad infinitum.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|How will we get these? By putting people in charge of creating their places to live, places to work, places to celebrate, and places to relax. The revolution is made for the people. Its goal is to put people in the saddle and give them all the tools they need."}}<br />
<br />
She ends the book with a pointed criticism and passionate plea towards the left. She considers the greatest faults of the left to be: asceticism, impetuousness, lack of patience, moralism, lack of concern for the public's needs, struggles with both division and discipline, nihilism, and the worst in her eyes, regimentation and inflexibility. She writes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Any revolutionary not guided by love and concern for people's joy is worthless and useless. Throw them to the reactionaries or lock them in prisons, they will only damage the revolution. Those who care nothing for the arts, for beauty, for pleasure — they may be safely put up against a wall and shot before they can inflict their terrors on the people."}}<br />
<br />
She argues that leftists must cultivate qualities that will protect them against authoritarianism and demagoguery "like how we are vaccinated against disease". She names examples of some of these qualities: sophistication, elegance, erudition, a love of the arts, a quest for knowledge, clear thinking and communication, dignity, a strong sense of self, and approaching any utopian vision from the premise that they would be on the bottom rung of society, not the top.<br />
<br />
She concludes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"The basic principle of a good society must be that everyone will have a place and a role in it — including our [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. A society must have room for a [[Angeline Dalles|Madame Rouge]], for a [[Lucretia Pecunia Mercator]], for a [[Hannah Edelstein]], for a [[Beatrice Albini]], for a [[Cécile Sorel]], for a [[mauve circle]], for a [[Beatrice Shelley]], in order to deserve the right to exist."}}<br />
<br />
==Reception==<br />
Upon publication, ''The Green Book'' quickly became a publishing sensation. In its first year, it distributed over 2,5 million copies — equivalent to half of Gylias' total population. The book was widely distributed during the [[Golden Revolution]], and it became an unofficial standard for members of {{G-PA}} parties to own a copy.<br />
<br />
Initially published in {{wpl|French language|French}} and {{wpl|English language|English}}, it came to be translated into multiple languages and distributed throughout [[Tyran]]. The official distribution figures for 2010, the book's 50th anniversary, were 20 million copies in Gylias, and between 50 and 100 million copies for the rest of Tyran.<br />
<br />
The book aroused strong reactions upon publication. It gained an ecstatic reception among [[Socialism in Gylias|socialists]], the "mainstream" left, and even from [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]] and [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservatism]], who approved of Julie's message that a "good society" needed to grant them a place, even as [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. It was more controversial among [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchists]] and [[Communism in Gylias|communists]], who took issue with Julie's {{wpl|Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionism}}, {{wpl|reformism}} and skepticism of revolution. A polemical review in ''[[Free Gylias]]'' bore the headline "How dare she call herself an anarchist".<br />
<br />
Beyond its political aspect, the book garnered critical acclaim, with many reviewers praising its writing style. The poet [[Phaedra Metaxa]] called it "a very fine book, a pleasure to read". A review in ''[[L'Petit Écho]]'' said it "brims with passion, with clarity of thought, with humour and lightness of touch. One of Julie Legrand's witticisms has more impact than a thousand theories". [[Margot Fontaine]] commented that "hardly a dozen people alive write French ''or'' English as well as Julie Legrand".<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
''The Green Book'' cemented Julie's reputation as the most influential leftist of post-war Gylias. It also gave her the status of the {{G-DCP}}'s "chief ideologue", and bolstered her influence within the party. Julie used her enormous power within the party to carry out her project of [[Julie Legrand#Reshaping the left|reshaping the left]] to consolidate the dominance of exactly her ideals and {{wpl|champagne socialist}} image on the Gylian left — an approach that earned the nickname [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
<br />
Historians have described ''The Green Book'' as one of the foundational texts of the Golden Revolution, together with similarly influential texts like [[Ðaina Levysti]]'s ''The Empire of Elegance'' and [[Margot Fontaine]]'s ''L'construction d'identité gylienne''. (All three works, coincidentally, were published in 1960.)<br />
<br />
[[Isabel Longstowe]] observed that the book "marked Julie's ascent to living legend": it made her a cultural icon in Gylias and one of the undisputed heroic figures of the Gylian left. Julie retained the copyright of the book for the [[Law of Gylias#Intellectual rights law|maximum 40 years possible]] and made a small fortune from its sales, leading to jokes that she practiced the {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} she preached. She became a prolific writer, writing several more books elaborating on the themes of ''The Green Book'', but these did not capture the public attention in the same way. Her [[Julie Legrand#Writings and ideology|only comparable successes]] were her war memoirs, autobiography, and the collection of quotes ''The Wit and Wisdom of Julie Legrand'', which earned critical acclaim and commercial success.<br />
<br />
An article in ''[[The Republic]]'' in 2014, published on the occasion of Julie's 90th birthday, stated that "Julie Legrand became an exemplary symbols of all the virtues she advocated for the left. She was cultured, elegant, charming, sharp-dressed, perceptive, attentive to nuance, and devoted to moderating the excesses of radicalism. ''The Green Book'' stands as a testament to her best qualities and helpful influence on the Gylian left." [[Raira Sano]] wrote of Julie's "crucial insight that many people who had never known anything else, who had not previously enjoyed good health, education, ''or'' a democratic system, would be happy just with all the time in the world, their needs fulfilled, and getting to make decisions without having the stomach for abolishing the state".<br />
<br />
The book became a significant document among the Tyranian left, and remains a potent symbol of {{wpl|reformism}} and the disillusionment engenered by the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]].<br />
<br />
{{Golden Revolution Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian books]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Green_Book&diff=613268The Green Book2023-02-05T12:20:21Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox book<br />
| name = The Green Book<br />
| image = JulieLegrand-TheGreenBook.jpg <br />
| caption = Cover of the original English edition<br />
| author = [[Julie Legrand]]<br />
| country = [[Gylias]]<br />
| language = {{wpl|French language|French}}<br>{{wpl|English language|English}}<br />
| series =<br />
| subject = {{wpl|Political philosophy}}<br />
| publisher =<br />
| pub_date = 1960<br />
| media_type = Print<br />
| pages = 100<br />
}}<br />
{{Socialism in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
'''''The Green Book''''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''L'livre verte'') is a 1960 book by [[Julie Legrand]]. It presents her {{wpl|political philosophy}} and eccentric leftist views, as well as her perspective on [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. It was written in a conversational style that reflected Julie's personality, and featured statements, quotations, and jokes.<br />
<br />
The book became one of the most widely distributed in Gylias during the [[Golden Revolution]], and secured Julie's reputation as the "chief ideologue" of the {{G-DCP}}, as well as her significant power within the party. Historian Nina Raukan described it as "the foundational text of the post-[[Liberation War (Gylias)|war]] Gylian left", and its unique approach to {{wpl|left-wing politics}} came to be dubbed [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
During the 1950s, [[Julie Legrand]] had become a well-known commander in the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] and a rising star in [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] politics. Joining the {{G-DCP}} upon establishment, she was adopted as the ''protégé'' of the [[Freeman family|Freeman sisters]], and formed other lifelong friendships that shaped her politics, particularly with [[Raira Sano]] and [[Sweetie Letise]].<br />
<br />
Julie's fierce rivalry with the [[Communism in Gylias|authoritarian communist]] leader [[Adélaïde Raynault]], played out through exciting insult matches in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]], helped establish her as a force to be reckoned with in politics. The rivalry ended with Julie triumphant in 1956, after Adélaïde died and Julie's major role in the [[Lucian Purge]]. Julie was thus left the dominant French figure of the Free Territories' public life, and given credit for the success of the purge. In 1958, she took office along with the rest of the [[Darnan Cyras government|Darnan Cyras Executive Committee]].<br />
<br />
Julie wrote ''The Green Book'' between 1956 and 1960. Its writing reflected the ''milieu'' of the transition from the Free Territories to Gylias, and several commentators would argue that its indirect goal was to help make the Gylian left more amenable to the pact of the dinner party as promoted by Raira. The book drew inspiration from several sources, such as [[Izai Sesaþ]]'s hugely influential ''L'ABCd'anarchie'' and {{wpl|H. G. Wells}}' ''{{wpl|The Outline of History}}''. <br />
<br />
Julie's husband Marc was a key collaborator and assistant during the writing of the book. She admitted in interviews and her autobiography that Marc did "the most thankless tasks", including reading and researching several books used as material, with Julie writing the resulting chapters based on his notes. Marc also had a keen interest in burnishing his wife's legend, and was responsible for the cover, showing Julie in a self-satisfied pose that became iconic.<br />
<br />
==Writing==<br />
''The Green Book'' is written in a simple style. Julie placed a premium on accesssibility and made an effort to limit the use of jargon in the text.<br />
<br />
Julie planned the book to be a riposte to what she considered "the blight of execrably-written, brainless, narcissistic tomes vomited by politicians, leaders, and autocrats in love with the sound of their voices". As a result, the book draws influence from the [[Literature of Gylias#Liúşai League|Gylic "pillow book" tradition]], interspersing the text with remarks, quotations, and jokes. Humour is a significant element of the book, and Julie takes numerous opportunities to demonstrate her [[Julie Legrand#Humour|famed mischievous wit]].<br />
<br />
The book was drastically edited before publication, as Julie wanted it to be short. The title was a nod to [[Julie Legrand#Public image|her reputation as "the green lady"]].<br />
<br />
==Contents==<br />
''The Green Book'' is organised into three parts, labeled simply "Yesterday", "Today", and "Tomorrow".<br />
<br />
===''Yesterday''===<br />
Part one sets out Julie's interpretation of [[History of Gylias|Gylian history]]. She presents the [[Liúşai League]] as communal and cooperative societies with a tradition of {{wpl|direct democracy}}, and [[Xevden]] as a dictatorial and oppressive usurper. She analyses the [[Gylian ascendancy]] as a necessary alliance between the dispossessed majority and the intellectuals and "noble {{wpl|class traitor}}s" who sided with the people. <br />
<br />
She gives a positive assessment of figures like the landlord Sura Eşiderea, [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberalism]]'s philosophical founder [[Nefne Sary]], and [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]]'s philosophical founder [[Mary Grant]], presenting them as compassionate women who used their wealth to help the impoverished Gylians, and arguing that the real crime of Xevden was that only a few had "the advantages of wealth and time to think" in order to develop ideologies and thus advance the revolutionary project.<br />
<br />
She presents [[Alscia]] as a crucial turning point in Gylian history, and chides its radical critics for "letting perfect become the enemy of good". She praises figures like [[Şio Etes]] and [[Angeline Dalles]] for "grasping the needs of the moment" and advancing a strategy of {{wpl|reformism|reformist}} democracy at home and radical agitation abroad. In a long passage, she attacks the degeneration of the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]] into bureaucratic authoritarianism. She writes frankly of her disillusionment with Ruvelkan communism and the need for "profound soul-searching" on the left to learn the lessons of Ruvelka and prevent a revolution from being hijacked by authoritarians.<br />
<br />
The [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] theorist [[Maria Antónia]] wrote that the entire first section of ''The Green Book'' "is cherry-picked, organised, and arranged into a single thrust: to present violent revolution and its hijacking as the greatest danger to progress, and Julie's moderation as the only dependable path to success."<br />
<br />
===''Today''===<br />
Part two sets out Julie's interpretation of the Free Territories and then-ongoing transition from the Free Territories to Gylias. She praises [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]]'s goal of abolishing all forms of unnecessary coercion and hierarchy, but argues that in the absence of a {{wpl|world revolution}}, Gylias must seek to protect itself against {{wpl|reactionism}}, and thus a pragmatic approach to the current situation must replace dogmatic adherence to "articles of faith". She states:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Show me the anarchist who can provide us with an infallible method of creating a {{wpl|stateless society}} without leaving ourselves defenseless before the world's reactionaries and capitalists, and I will follow them whole-heartedly. In the contest between survival and purity, I will always choose survival."}}<br />
<br />
She describes the role of {{wpl|utopian socialism}} in the revolutionary tradition, and argues that experimentation and drawing up plans in advance is vital for the success of a revolution. In the absence of a clear vision, the revolution leaves itself open to being hijacked by {{wpl|Blanquism|putschists}}, as happened in Ruvelka. This section serves as Julie's implicit criticism of the anarchists' [[Golden Revolution#Goals|refusal to formulate overly specific goals out of the same fear]]. <br />
<br />
She writes that organising is "arduous, thankless work", and revolutionaries must "nourish people's souls", citing the example of the [[Alscia#Labour movement|UAL's provision of education, entertainment, leisure, cultural activities, and welfare to workers]] in [[Alscia]]. She argues that "whoever sets out to change society must first live in accordance with their vision", citing as examples establishing [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|trade unions]] and [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]], educating oneself, participating in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], joining {{wpl|social organisation}}s, and taking part in {{wpl|community building}}.<br />
<br />
She considers {{wpl|class conflict}} the defining element of human history, but warns that the abolition of classes cannot be carried out violently like in Ruvelka, which simply "drove everyone down to the same level of misery". Instead, she advocates achieving a {{wpl|classless society}} by "raising everyone to the same level of comfort", which would cause hierarchy and class distinctions to disappear. She quotes ''{{wpl|The Communist Manifesto}}''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> description of {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} but approves of the idea of raising everyone to the level of the {{wpl|bourgeoisie}}, as long as {{wpl|capital accumulation}} is abolished.<br />
<br />
She discusses the "unsolveable problem" of anarchism: that while it is ideal for organisation at community level, it falters and struggles at a large scale. She argues that the conditions for achieving full anarchism are currently absent, and in the interim a method for carrying out coordination and organisation at a larger scale is necessary: the {{wpl|state}}. She describes the state as "simply a tool at our disposal, that must be used just as every other tool lest enemies seize it first". She also theorises that, in light of Gylias' historical experience, for most Gylians the idea of a government helping them rather than simply oppressing them was revolutionary in itself, and they would not be eager to dismantle it so quickly.<br />
<br />
===''Tomorrow''===<br />
Part three sets out Julie's vision of what constitutes a "good society" and how future developments may help achieve it. She focuses on three themes: the economy, society, and the left.<br />
<br />
She writes that an economic model combining {{wpl|decentralised planning}} with [[Community markets (Gylias)|community markets]] in order to organise production viably and meet everyone's needs would represent a strong option for the future. This model would be achieved through placing the {{wpl|means of production}} into {{wpl|social ownership}}, abolishing {{wpl|capital accumulation}} and the {{wpl|profit motive}}, and mobilising [[Economy of Gylias#Applied science|scientific breakthroughs]] to achieve the ultimate means of communication and coordination across Gylian territory.<br />
<br />
She draws a distinction between work and labour, using one to mean self-realisation and the other to mean pointless drudgery. She discusses the {{wpl|Luddite}} revolts of [[Delkora]], against use of machinery to immiserate workers, and the [[Glorious Rebellion#Republic|Gylian Republic]] taking control of mechanisation to raise wages and reduce unemployment. She writes that automation and mechanisation must be fostered, in order to achieve a future where "machines do the work" and people enjoy an abundance of free time that they can use for leisure, personal pursuits, and self-realisation. Use of science and technology in the public benefit would thus open the path to a {{wpl|non-monetary economy}}.<br />
<br />
She emphasises that economic liberation goes hand in hand with social liberation. Her vision of {{wpl|social revolution}} concentrates on "the good life":<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"We need more open-air cafés, brighter streets at night, more public halls and houses, more theatres and galleries, better and more hospitable hoteliers and restaurateurs, brighter and cleaner eating houses, more pleasure gardens, more trees and grass and parks and comfortable benches, more murals and pictures in public places, better designs for furniture and items and [[Clothing in Gylias|clothes]], statues in the centre of new housing estates, better-designed new street lamps and telephone kiosks, & so on & so forth ad infinitum.}}<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|How will we get these? By putting people in charge of creating their places to live, places to work, places to celebrate, and places to relax. The revolution is made for the people. Its goal is to put people in the saddle and give them all the tools they need."}}<br />
<br />
She ends the book with a pointed criticism and passionate plea towards the left. She considers the greatest faults of the left to be: asceticism, impetuousness, lack of patience, moralism, lack of concern for the public's needs, struggles with both division and discipline, nihilism, and the worst in her eyes, regimentation and inflexibility. She writes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"Any revolutionary not guided by love and concern for people's joy is worthless and useless. Throw them to the reactionaries or lock them in prisons, they will only damage the revolution. Those who care nothing for the arts, for beauty, for pleasure — they may be safely put up against a wall and shot before they can inflict their terrors on the people."}}<br />
<br />
She argues that leftists must cultivate qualities that will protect them against authoritarianism and demagoguery "like how we are vaccinated against disease". She names examples of some of these qualities: sophistication, elegance, erudition, a love of the arts, a quest for knowledge, clear thinking and communication, dignity, a strong sense of self, and approaching any utopian vision from the premise that they would be on the bottom rung of society, not the top.<br />
<br />
She concludes:<br />
<br />
{{blockquote|"The basic principle of a good society must be that everyone will have a place and a role in it — including our [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. A society must have room for a [[Angeline Dalles|Madame Rouge]], for a [[Lucretia Pecunia Mercator]], for a [[Hannah Edelstein]], for a [[Beatrice Albini]], for a [[Cécile Sorel]], for a [[mauve circle]], for a [[Beatrice Shelley]], in order to deserve the right to exist."}}<br />
<br />
==Reception==<br />
Upon publication, ''The Green Book'' quickly became a publishing sensation. In its first year, it distributed over 2,5 million copies — equivalent to half of Gylias' total population. The book was widely distributed during the [[Golden Revolution]], and it became an unofficial standard for members of {{G-PA}} parties to own a copy.<br />
<br />
Initially published in {{wpl|French language|French}} and {{wpl|English language|English}}, it came to be translated into multiple languages and distributed throughout [[Tyran]]. The official distribution figures for 2010, the book's 50th anniversary, were 20 million copies in Gylias, and between 50 and 100 million copies for the rest of Tyran.<br />
<br />
The book aroused strong reactions upon publication. It gained an ecstatic reception among [[Socialism in Gylias|socialists]], the "mainstream" left, and even from [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]] and [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservatism]], who approved of Julie's message that a "good society" needed to grant them a place, even as [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversaries]]. It was more controversial among [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchists]] and [[Communism in Gylias|communists]], who took issue with Julie's {{wpl|Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionism}}, {{wpl|reformism}} and skepticism of revolution. A polemical review in ''[[Free Gylias]]'' bore the headline "How dare she call herself an anarchist".<br />
<br />
Beyond its political aspect, the book garnered critical acclaim, with many reviewers praising its writing style. The poet [[Phaedra Metaxa]] called it "a very fine book, a pleasure to read". A review in ''[[L'Petit Écho]]'' said it "brims with passion, with clarity of thought, with humour and lightness of touch. One of Julie Legrand's witticisms has more impact than a thousand theories". [[Margot Fontaine]] commented that "hardly a dozen people alive write French ''or'' English as well as Julie Legrand".<br />
<br />
==Legacy==<br />
''The Green Book'' cemented Julie's reputation as the most influential leftist of post-war Gylias. It also gave her the status of the {{G-DCP}}'s "chief ideologue", and bolstered her influence within the party. Julie used her enormous power within the party to carry out her project of [[Julie Legrand#Reshaping the left|reshaping the left]] to consolidate the dominance of exactly her ideals and {{wpl|champagne socialist}} image on the Gylian left — an approach that earned the nickname [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]].<br />
<br />
Historians have described ''The Green Book'' as one of the foundational texts of the Golden Revolution, together with similarly influential texts like [[Ðaina Levysti]]'s ''The Empire of Elegance'' and ''L'construction d'identité gylienne''. (All three works, coincidentally, were published in 1960.)<br />
<br />
[[Isabel Longstowe]] observed that the book "marked Julie's ascent to living legend": it made her a cultural icon in Gylias and one of the undisputed heroic figures of the Gylian left. Julie retained the copyright of the book for the [[Law of Gylias#Intellectual rights law|maximum 40 years possible]] and made a small fortune from its sales, leading to jokes that she practiced the {{wpl|bourgeois socialism}} she preached. She became a prolific writer, writing several more books elaborating on the themes of ''The Green Book'', but these did not capture the public attention in the same way. Her [[Julie Legrand#Writings and ideology|only comparable successes]] were her war memoirs, autobiography, and the collection of quotes ''The Wit and Wisdom of Julie Legrand'', which earned critical acclaim and commercial success.<br />
<br />
An article in ''[[The Republic]]'' in 2014, published on the occasion of Julie's 90th birthday, stated that "Julie Legrand became an exemplary symbols of all the virtues she advocated for the left. She was cultured, elegant, charming, sharp-dressed, perceptive, attentive to nuance, and devoted to moderating the excesses of radicalism. ''The Green Book'' stands as a testament to her best qualities and helpful influence on the Gylian left." [[Raira Sano]] wrote of Julie's "crucial insight that many people who had never known anything else, who had not previously enjoyed good health, education, ''or'' a democratic system, would be happy just with all the time in the world, their needs fulfilled, and getting to make decisions without having the stomach for abolishing the state".<br />
<br />
The book became a significant document among the Tyranian left, and remains a potent symbol of {{wpl|reformism}} and the disillusionment engenered by the [[Ruvelkan Socialist Republic]].<br />
<br />
{{Golden Revolution Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian books]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Social_Democratic_Party_(Gylias)&diff=613265Social Democratic Party (Gylias)2023-02-05T12:19:14Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Infobox political party<br />
| name = Social Democratic Party<br />
| logo = SDPlogo.svg<br />
| colorcode = {{G-SDP/meta/color}}<br />
| foundation = 1888<br />
| ideology = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|Social democracy]] <br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]] }}<br />
| position = {{wpl|Left-wing politics|Left-wing}} to {{wpl|Centre-left politics|Centre-left}}<br />
| national = {{G-PA}}<br />
| website = http://www.sdp.gls/<br />
| colours = {{color box|{{G-SDP/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} Light red<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
}}<br />
<br />
The '''Social Democratic Party''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''Parti social-démocrate''), abbreviated '''SDP''' (''PSD''), is a [[List of political parties in Gylias|Gylian political party]], part of the {{G-PA}} bloc.<br />
<br />
Established in 1888, it is one of Gylias' oldest left-wing parties. It has been among the standard-bearers for [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|Gylian social democracy]], playing a significant role in the [[Gylian ascendancy]] and a central one in the [[Popular Progressive Front]] that governed [[Alscia]].<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
The Social Democratic Party was founded in 1888, consolidating previously independent leftist currents as well as formerly leftist factions of the {{G-NLP}} and {{G-NUP}} as their {{wpl|big tent}} slowly gave way to {{wpl|sinistrisme|displacement by new left forces}}.<br />
<br />
It participated in two Xevdenite coalition governments led by Raţiáş Keýmer (1890–1897) and Gezy Nemáz (1900–1902). It was banned during the [[Xevden#Royal dictatorship|royal dictatorship]] imposed in 1902, driving it underground for a period. After the [[Cacerta-Xevden War]], it moved its headquarters to [[Alscia]].<br />
<br />
As part of the [[Popular Progressive Front]], it was one of the major leftist parties together with the {{G-SP}}, both representing the interests of workers. It was more broadly {{wpl|reformism|reformist}}, somewhat closer to the {{wpl|labour aristocracy|well-off members}} of the labour movement than the radical {{wpl|syndicalism|syndicalists}}. <br />
<br />
Despite [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]]' image of undisputed dominance, strong internal competition occurred within the FPP, with the leftists gradually gaining ground at the expense of the liberals due to [[Alscia#Radicalism|Alscia's radicalisation]].<br />
<br />
In the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], the SDP gained something of a {{wpl|big tent}} nature as other left currents joined it, particularly to better coordinate in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]]. These currents would later leave during the de-factionalisation triggered by the [[Law on Electoral Representation of 1960]].<br />
<br />
After the [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958 federal election]], it formed an alignment with the {{G-DCP}} and {{G-SP}}, the latter a coalition partner in the former FPP, which became the {{G-PA}}. In the [[Darnan Cyras government]], it was mainly represented by defense minister Ann Harman and sports minister [[Lilja Kjellberg]]. <br />
<br />
This gave the SDP an unexpected image as the "war heroine party", as both Lilja and Ann were famed for their exploits in the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] and members of [[Veterans for a Just Peace]]. Lilja was particularly enthusiastic about promoting an image of "Fighting Social Democracy" (''Social-démocratie combattante''), in an effort to give the party a distinctive image to match its coalition partners.<br />
<br />
The loss of expected successor Aliska Géza before the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]] threw the PA into disarray, and it tied the {{G-RR}} for first place. Participating in a coalition with the RR was a highly controversial topic, and during the [[wretched decade]] the SDP leaned strongly "oppositionist". It joined [[Filomena Pinheiro]]'s {{wpl|grand coalition}} [[Filomena Pinheiro government|cabinet]] after the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986.<br />
<br />
During the 1990s, the SDP took an ambiguous stance towards [[Mathilde Vieira]]'s [[Mathilde Vieira government|"plural coalition"]] — formally outside it, but with two cabinet members from the PA. The alliance with the {{G-LU}} was rebuilt under [[Kaori Kawashima]], and the PA returned to a leading role in the [[Toni Vallas government]], before moving to opposition in 2020.<br />
<br />
==Ideology==<br />
The SDP represents the [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democratic]] formation of the PA, whose platform emphasises [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperativism]], universal [[Social security in Gylias|social security]], and {{wpl|developmental state|state-driven development}}.<br />
<br />
The party is notable for its strong association with {{wpl|veterans' affairs|veterans' issues}} and [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']].<br />
<br />
==Symbols==<br />
The SDP uses a light shade of red as its official colour, and the {{wpl|rose (symbolism)#Socialism and social democracy|rose}} in a fist as its electoral symbol.<br />
<br />
{{Alscian political parties}}<br />
{{Gylian political parties}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian political parties]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Socialist_Party_(Gylias)&diff=613264Socialist Party (Gylias)2023-02-05T12:19:12Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Infobox political party<br />
| name = Socialist Party<br />
| logo = Flagge der SPÖ.jpg<br />
| colorcode = {{G-SP/meta/color}}<br />
| foundation = 1903<br />
| ideology = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias|Democratic socialism]] <br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]] }}<br />
| position = {{wpl|Left-wing politics|Left-wing}}<br />
| national = {{G-PA}}<br />
| website = http://www.sp.gls/<br />
| colours = {{color box|{{G-SP/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} Red<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
}}<br />
<br />
The '''Socialist Party''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''Parti socialiste''), abbreviated '''SP''' (''PS''), is a [[List of political parties in Gylias|Gylian political party]], part of the {{G-PA}} bloc.<br />
<br />
Established in 1903, it is one of Gylias' oldest left-wing parties. It has been among the standard-bearers for [[Socialism in Gylias|Gylian socialism]], playing a significant role in the [[Gylian ascendancy]] and a central one in the [[Popular Progressive Front]] that governed [[Alscia]].<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
The Socialist Party was founded in 1903, as a leftist breakaway from the underground {{G-SDP}} during the [[Xevden#Royal dictatorship|royal dictatorship]] period. After the [[Cacerta-Xevden War]], it moved its headquarters to [[Alscia]].<br />
<br />
As part of the [[Popular Progressive Front]], it was one of the major leftist parties together with the {{G-SDP}}, both representing the interests of workers. It was more radical and sympathetic to the {{wpl|syndicalism|syndicalist}} tendency in the labour movement.<br />
<br />
Despite [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]]' image of undisputed dominance, strong internal competition occurred within the FPP, with the leftists gradually gaining ground at the expense of the liberals due to [[Alscia#Radicalism|Alscia's radicalisation]].<br />
<br />
In the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], the SP gained something of a {{wpl|big tent}} nature as other left currents joined it, particularly to better coordinate in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]]. These currents would later leave during the de-factionalisation triggered by the [[Law on Electoral Representation of 1960]].<br />
<br />
After the [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958 federal election]], it formed an alignment with the {{G-DCP}} and {{G-SDP}}, the latter a coalition partner in the former FPP, which became the {{G-PA}}. In the [[Darnan Cyras government]], it was mainly represented by education ministers [[Rin Tōsaka]] and [[Sakura Tōsaka]], health minister [[Régine Walras]], and planning minister [[Theophania Argyris]].<br />
<br />
The loss of expected successor Aliska Géza before the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]] threw the PA into disarray, and it tied the {{G-RR}} for first place. Participating in a coalition with the RR was a highly controversial topic, and during the [[wretched decade]] the SP was torn by factional battles between "coalitionists" and "oppositionists". It joined [[Filomena Pinheiro]]'s {{wpl|grand coalition}} [[Filomena Pinheiro government|cabinet]] after the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986.<br />
<br />
During the 1990s, the SP took an ambiguous stance towards [[Mathilde Vieira]]'s [[Mathilde Vieira government|"plural coalition"]] — formally outside it, but with two cabinet members from the PA. The alliance with the {{G-LU}} was rebuilt under [[Kaori Kawashima]], and the PA returned to a leading role in the [[Toni Vallas government]], before moving to opposition in 2020.<br />
<br />
==Ideology==<br />
The SP represents the [[Socialism in Gylias|democratic socialist]] formation of the PA, whose platform emphasises {{wpl|workers' self-management}}, {{wpl|workplace democracy}}, and {{wpl|market socialism}}.<br />
<br />
==Symbols==<br />
The SP uses the colour red as its official colour, and the {{wpl|Three Arrows}} as its electoral symbol.<br />
<br />
{{Alscian political parties}}<br />
{{Gylian political parties}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian political parties]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Democratic_Communist_Party_(Gylias)&diff=613263Democratic Communist Party (Gylias)2023-02-05T12:19:09Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Infobox political party<br />
| name = Democratic Communist Party<br />
| logo = Red and black flag with white hammer and sickle.png<br />
| colorcode = {{G-DCP/meta/color}}<br />
| foundation = 1946<br />
| ideology = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias#Left anarchism|Anarcho-communism]]<br />
* [[Communism in Gylias|Left communism]]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]] }}<br />
| position = {{wpl|Far-left politics|Far-left}}<br />
| national = {{G-PA}}<br />
| newspaper = ''[[The New World]]''<br />
| website = http://www.dcp.gls/<br />
| colours = {{color box|{{G-DCP/meta/color}}|border=darkgray}} Red<br />
| country = Gylias<br />
}}<br />
<br />
The '''Democratic Communist Party''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''Parti communiste democratique''), abbreviated '''DCP''' (''PCD''), is a [[List of political parties in Gylias|Gylian political party]], part of the {{G-PA}} bloc.<br />
<br />
Established in 1946, it has been a leading [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] organisation in [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]], and one of the most successful far-left parties.<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
<!-- [[File:Freemanfamily2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|The Freeman sisters in 1945]] --><br />
The Democratic Communist Party was founded in 1946, in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. It was established as a political arm of the [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist movement]], separate from the [[Anarchist Federation]], intended to better coordinate work in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)#The General Council|General Council]] and regional congresses.<br />
<br />
The first {{wpl|central committee}} of the party was formed by the [[Freeman family|Freeman sisters]], whose 30-year tenure had a great impact on the party's development and its internal culture. They brought an element of {{wpl|platformism}}, and cultivated close ties with {{wpl|social movement}}s. This element would be realised in full by [[Julie Legrand]], who amassed enormous power within the party. She imposed a level of {{wpl|platformism}} and {{wpl|party discipline}} that chafed anarchists but made it a powerful organisation and rallying point during the [[Golden Revolution]].<br />
<br />
After the [[Darnan Cyras government]] left office, Julie remained a [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Deputy]] until her retirement in [[Gylian federal election, 2008|2008]], making her the last parliamentarian to have been first elected to the [[Gylian Parliament|Popular Assembly]]. She maintained her power and influence within the DCP until her retirement, cementing her position as the party's "establishment", and sought to suppress the party's factional battles and moderate its image.<br />
<br />
The DCP won a plurality in the [[Gylian federal election, 1958|1958 federal election]], with 20,1% of the vote. It formed an alignment with the {{G-SP}} and {{G-SDP}}, which became the {{G-PA}}.<br />
<br />
During the [[Golden Revolution]], the party enjoyed an outsize influence that contrasted with its very small pluralities of first preference votes in [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]] and [[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969]]. It possessed great prestige as the party of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] and a colourful reputation, aided by ministers like [[Aliska Géza]], [[Julie Legrand]], and [[Birgit Eckstein]].<br />
<br />
Becoming known as the party's "chief ideologue", Julie used her influence to heavily promote her vision of left-wing politics, dubbed [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|"Julieism"]], which became a dominant influence on the DCP and the party's "establishment" or "mainstream" stance.<br />
<br />
The loss of expected successor Aliska Géza before the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]] threw the PA into disarray, and it tied the {{G-RR}} for first place. Participating in a coalition with the RR was a highly controversial topic, and the DCP spent the [[wretched decade]] torn by factional battles between "coalitionists" and "oppositionists", damaging its credibility. Julie's faction, the most powerful in the DCP, sided firmly with the "oppositionists". <br />
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It joined [[Filomena Pinheiro]]'s {{wpl|grand coalition}} [[Filomena Pinheiro government|cabinet]] after the [[Ossorian war crisis]] of 1986.<br />
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During the 1990s, the DCP took an ambiguous stance towards [[Mathilde Vieira]]'s [[Mathilde Vieira government|"plural coalition"]] — formally outside it, but with two cabinet members from the party. The alliance with the {{G-LU}} was rebuilt under [[Kaori Kawashima]], and the PA returned to a leading role in the [[Toni Vallas government]], before moving to opposition in 2020.<br />
<br />
==Ideology==<br />
The DCP represents the [[Anarchism in Gylias#Left anarchism|anarcho-communist]] and {{wpl|left communism|left communist}} formation of the PA, whose platform emphasises {{wpl|workers' self-management}}, {{wpl|decentralised planning}}, {{wpl|common ownership}} of the means of production, and {{wpl|direct democracy}}.<br />
<br />
During the second phase of the Liberation War, the party moved to a {{wpl|withering away of the state}} position, provoking lasting controversy in the anarchist camp.<br />
<br />
==Symbols==<br />
The DCP uses the colour red as its official colour, and a mixture of {{wpl|anarchist symbolism}} and the {{wpl|hammer and sickle}} as its electoral symbol.<br />
<br />
{{Gylian political parties}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian political parties]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Mathilde_Vieira&diff=613260Mathilde Vieira2023-02-05T12:14:25Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Vieira|Mathilde}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Mathilde Vieira<br />
|image = MathildeVieira.jpg<br />
|image_size = 200px<br />
|office = [[Prime Minister of Gylias]]<br />
|deputy = [[Mielikki Salonen]]<br />
|president = [[Sáe Nyran]]<br>[[Anina Bergmann]]<br>[[Laura Varnaþ]]<br />
|term_start = 1 February 1990<br />
|term_end = 1 February 2008<br />
|predecessor = [[Filomena Pinheiro]]<br />
|successor = [[Kaori Kawashima]]<br />
|birth_date = {{birth date and age|1960|10|3|df=yes}}<br />
|birth_place = Antánas, [[Tandar Region|Tandar]], [[Gylias]]<br />
|party = {{G-NLP}}<br />
|alma_mater = [[Anca Déuréy University]]<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Mathilde Vieira''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Mətildy Viéiry'', born 3 October 1960) is a Gylian academic and politician. She served as [[Prime Minister of Gylias]] from 1990 to 2008. Her term was marked by recovery from the [[wretched decade]], and a renewed spirit of national optimism and self-confidence.<br />
<br />
Nicknamed the ''Wunderkind'' due to her rapid ascent in federal politics, Mathilde led the {{G-LU}} to a plurality in the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 federal election]]. She formed an unusual [[Mathilde Vieira government|"plural coalition"]]: a minority cabinet comprising the {{G-LU}}, {{G-NAF}}, {{G-LND}}, {{G-IRAM}}, and including several ministers from blocs outside the government, including the {{G-PA}} and {{G-NB}}. Although the coalition looked unsteady on paper, Mathilde's charisma and parliamentary talent allowed it to become Gylias' longest government since the [[Darnan Cyras government]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde governed as a moderate reformer and frequently presented herself as a {{wpl|technocracy|technocratic}} moderniser. Her government's main achievements were the preservation of the [[Gylian consensus]], [[Economy of Gylias#Contemporary|economic revitalisation]], major environmental reforms, and the massive expansion of the [[Internet in Gylias]]. She convened the [[Decleyre Summit]] and created the [[Social Partnership Program]], influential events in ameliorating public attitudes towards enterprise and [[List of Gylians by net worth|wealth]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde led the LU to four federal pluralities in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000]], and [[Gylian federal election, 2004|2004]], an unbeaten election record, marking the LU's greatest influence since the [[Donatella Rossetti government]] in [[Alscia]]. She announced she would retire before the [[Gylian federal election, 2008|2008 federal election]], and was succeeded by [[Kaori Kawashima]]. She is considered one of Gylias' most consequential Prime Ministers since independence, and is praised for her protection of the [[Gylian consensus]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Mathilde Vieira was born on 3 October 1960 in Antánas. Her ancestry includes {{wpl|Portuguese people|Lusitan}} and {{wpl|Germans|German}} descent, which is reflected in her name, and she grew up learning {{wpl|Portuguese language|Lusitan}} as one of her native languages. Her parents were a civil servant working for the [[Cabinet of Gylias#Ministries|Ministry of Foreign Affairs]] and a nurse, and she has an older sister.<br />
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She was a member of a local [[Scouting in Gylias|scouting organisation]] as a child, an experience she mentioned as important in shaping her character and career.<br />
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She attended [[Anca Déuréy University]], graduating with a degree in {{wpl|anthropology}} in 1981. While at university, she was a member of the {{wpl|students' union}}, and joined the {{G-NLP}}.<br />
<br />
==Legislative career==<br />
Mathilde stood as a candidate in the [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]], and was elected to the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] for an Antánas ''circonscription''.<br />
<br />
She experienced a rapid political ascent in the 5th Parliament, becoming one of the NLP's high-profile legislators. She was nicknamed the "''Wunderkind''" and "the girl in a hurry"; her charisma and ambition were in evidence, although her haste grated on some of the older members.<br />
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During the [[Ossorian war crisis]], she was given the responsibility to introduce the motion for the formation of the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]], which was successful. She sought a [[Cabinet of Gylias|cabinet]] post, but [[Filomena Pinheiro]] was unable to offer her one that would meet the conditions of the [[Law on Cabinet Representation of 1971]].<br />
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Strongly critical of the incumbent NLP leader, Mathilde succeeded in forcing a {{wpl|leadership election}} in 1987, which she won. Afterwards, she took the initiative to organise a collective {{wpl|primary election}} of the {{G-LU}}, to have a formal process for selecting a [[Gylian English|foresitter]]. She won the primary as well in 1988, officially becoming the leader of the LU. The primary system was quickly adopted by the other {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s as well.<br />
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She was a staunch supporter of Filomena's [[Filomena Pinheiro#New Course|"New Course"]] policy, particularly the crackdown on the {{G-RR}} and {{G-FROS}}.<br />
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Her performance in opposition raised her profile, and put her in a frontrunner position as the next federal election approached.<br />
<br />
==Prime Minister of Gylias==<br />
[[File:MathildeVieira1.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde in 1991]]<br />
{{See also|Mathilde Vieira government}}<br />
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Campaigning on the slogan/unofficial theme song "{{wpl|Chega de Saudade}}", Mathilde led the LU to a plurality in [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990]], the first time since the [[Popular Progressive Front]] that the liberals won more seats than the left-wing. However, the greater election victory belonged to the {{G-NI}}, who collectively won a plurality of first preference votes and seats as voters punished established blocs for the [[wretched decade]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde first aimed for a reconstruction of the old PA–LU–IRAM alliance of the [[Golden Revolution]], believing that would be the most reassuring option for Gylians. However, negotiations to include the PA in the coalition were unsuccessful, so she settled for accepting their {{wpl|confidence and supply}} from outside the government. Finally, she proposed a minority coalition mainly relying on several non-inscrit parties, which won parliamentary approval. Taking office at the age of 29, she was the youngest [[Prime Minister of Gylias]], a record later surpassed by [[Toni Vallas]] in 2012.<br />
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===Plural coalition===<br />
[[Mathilde Vieira government|Mathilde's government]] was nicknamed the "plural coalition" due to its unusual composition. Whereas prior governments had aimed for a majority at least in the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]], Mathilde's was a minority from the start. Officially, it was composed of the {{G-LU}}, {{G-NAF}}, {{G-LND}}, and {{G-IRAM}}. However, it also included some ministers from blocs that were officially outside the government, such as the {{G-PA}} and {{G-NB}}.<br />
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Although it appeared shaky on paper, Mathilde's talent for parliamentary negotiation and dealmaking, combined with her charisma and media-savvy, helped keep the coalition together for a record four terms in office, making it the longest Gylian government since the [[Darnan Cyras government]]. Her parliamentary skill brought in the era of the "liquid Parliament", in which the other blocs took an ambiguous role, alternately supporting and opposing the government depending on issues, blurring the line between government and opposition.<br />
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===Domestic policy===<br />
Upon taking office, Mathilde launched a massive {{wpl|Stimulus (economics)|stimulus}} program to revitalise the economy and overcome the lingering effects of the [[wretched decade]]. The bulk of the stimulus focused on {{wpl|public works}} projects, and brought vast improvements in [[Transport in Gylias|transportation infrastructure]]. {{wpl|High-speed rail}} was subject to notably aggressive expansion and modernisation, as the government sought to have the [[Gylian National Rail and Transportation Services|GNRTS]]' high-speed rail services replace domestic air travel — realising much of [[Eðe Saima]] and [[Kōichi Nishida]]'s Grand Design of 1968.<br />
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[[File:MathildeVieira3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde visiting an [[Infotel]] terminal, 1992. Her tenure is mainly associated with the popularisation of [[Computer industry in Gylias|computers]] and the [[Internet in Gylias|internet]].]]<br />
Another major component of the stimulus was massive investment in [[Computer industry in Gylias|computers]] and the [[Internet in Gylias|internet]], driven partly by the fear that Gylias had fallen behind technologically in the wretched decade. A nationwide program was launched to install internet connections in households, educational institutions and community spaces, while [[Gylian Post and Telecommunications|P&T]] successfully migrated the user base of the [[Infotel]] onto the internet. The great growth of the internet also contributed to significant growth in {{wpl|digital democracy}} and {{wpl|decentralised planning}}.<br />
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Reacting to the growth of the {{G-GP}}, the government put a new emphasis on {{wpl|environmentalism}} in its economic policies. Environmental regulations were considerably toughened, and new measures were introduced, including: {{wpl|ecotax}}es, nationwide {{wpl|recycling}} and {{wpl|waste-to-energy}} programs, the replacement of fishing by controlled {{wpl|aquaculture}}, and the [[Law on Night Sky Protection of 1995]]. The resource minister [[Aishwarya Devi]] carried out a difficult policy of reducing consumption for {{wpl|sustainability}} purposes, to reorient society towards {{wpl|collaborative consumption}} and minimising waste. <br />
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Though controversial when first proposed, a [[List of Gylian referendums#1991|1991 referendum]] approved the government's plan to build {{wpl|thorium-based nuclear power}} plants as part of a push to make {{wpl|renewable energy}} the sole source of Gylian electricity. The speed and strictness with which the environmental policies were introduced caused several [[Populism in Gylias#History|"molehill parties"]] to form, including the {{G-CRFP}}, {{G-PCF}}, and the {{G-PPFN}}, but backlash was minimal — only the PPFN survived and became a significant non-inscrit party.<br />
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Mathilde took the initiative to organise the [[Decleyre Summit]] and set up the [[Social Partnership Program]], a new form of {{wpl|public-private partnership}} that strengthened the public sector's guidance of the private sector. These were influential in ameliorating public attitudes towards enterprise and [[List of Gylians by net worth|wealth]]. The SPP brought the consolidation of key private partners for the public sector, including [[Agsa]] for the [[National Capital Investment Board]] and [[Miyashita Industries]] for the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Resource and Land Administration|Office of Industrial Production Coordination]]. [[Tax Day]] was also established as a public holiday, serving as a "carrot" for rich Gylians to participate in the SPP with the threat of social ostracism and criminal investigations if they didn't.<br />
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Mathilde's government succeeded in preserving the [[Gylian consensus]] and revitalising the economy. Average GDP growth was 6,2% for 1990–1999 and 3,7% for 2000–2009. Unemployment fell and the [[Gylian þaler|þaler]] was stabilised within the [[Common Sphere#Policies|Common Monetary System]]. Harnessing the {{wpl|digital revolution}} breathed new life into the Gylian consensus, while the SPP brought a neo-[[Donatellism|Donatellist]] element to economic policy.<br />
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Several constitutional and legal reforms also reached fruition, including a [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] reform project spearheaded by [[Mielikki Salonen]] that took effect in 2000, the [[Law on Legal Review and Expiration of 1992]] and [[Law on Privacy Protection of 1993]], and the introduction of [[Elections in Gylias#Neighbourhood elections|neighbourhood elections]] for [[Gylian Police]]. The significant modernisation of [[Law of Gylias#Intellectual rights law|intellectual rights]] with the [[Law on Cultural Protection of 1992]], coupled with the creation of the [[Internet in Gylias#Publinet|publinet]], provided a boon for Gylian popular culture, driving a [[Gylian Invasion#Second wave (1990s–2000s)|renewed]] [[Gylian Invasion]]. Much 1990s pop culture reflected the atmosphere of renewed national optimism and self-confidence that marked the decade, and looked back nostalgically to the [[Groovy Gylias]] era, seeking to modernise it for contemporary tastes.<br />
<br />
===Foreign policy===<br />
Mathilde's term saw the completion of repairs to foreign relations damaged by the [[wretched decade]], and Gylias once again taking a significant role in proposing further integration of the [[Common Sphere]].<br />
<br />
[[Gylias-Delkora relations|Relations with Delkora]] were the last traditional friendship that hadn't been mended under [[Filomena Pinheiro]], and initially Mathilde and [[Chancellor of Delkora|Chancellor]] [[Ulrik Andersen]] had an acrimonious relationship. The latter sent a telegram attacking her for her brief role in the [[Siege of Gothendral]], to which she replied with equal bluntness. Relations finally improved when Chancellor [[Emma Jørgensen]] took office, attaining what some analysts called the greatest closeness between the two countries.<br />
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Under Mathilde, relations with [[Allamunnika]] also attained their diplomatic peak. Mathilde enjoyed a close friendship with [[Eleanor Henderson]], and to an extent looked to Eleanor as a mentor. The [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|National Archives of Gylias]] recorded that most of Mathilde's telephone conversations while in office were with Eleanor, and the two talked a great deal about their personal lives as well as political and diplomatic matters.<br />
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It was during her term that the [[Neyveli Agreement]] was made public in 1998. Responding to criticism of it as a "deportation for money" scheme, she defended it on humanitarian grounds, as it allowed [[Mansuriyyah]] dissidents to escape persecution through deportation to Gylias.<br />
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Mathilde initially worsened relations with [[Quenmin]] by supporting [[ARPAGHARCON]] during the [[Rice and Oil War]], and condemning the {{wpl|democratic backsliding}} of the [[Nguyễn-Thạch Sĩ Chiến]] government. Relations later improved under [[Lê Tấn Nguyên]]. Similarly, a diplomatic incident with Ossoria during the Rice and Oil War led to a halt in further reconciliation attempts; tensions between Gylias and Ossoria dissipated over time.<br />
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===Public image===<br />
[[File:MathildeVieira2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Mathilde arriving at a rally during the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 election]] campaign]]<br />
<br />
Mathilde was Gylias' youngest Prime Minister upon taking office. She was described by cultural commentator [[Keie Nanei]] as "the first Prime Minister to enjoy the job" — in contrast to her predecessors [[Darnan Cyras]] and [[Filomena Pinheiro]], who rejected conventional leadership and sought to present themselves as public servants.<br />
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Mathilde cultivated the image of an easygoing ''bonne vivante'', one which both fit the tenor of her times and made opponents underestimate her considerable parliamentary and negotiating skills. She was known for her quizzical and ironic facial expressions, particularly during parliamentary debates, which once led [[Chikageki|Chizuru Ogawa]] to remark in an interview that if not for politics, she would've made a skilled comedian.<br />
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Quite famously, Mathilde only wore [[Marlene Amberg AmbA]] clothes, and generally preferred to wear androgynous suits with pants. Her {{wpl|brand loyalty}} was a frequent target of humour. Delkoran chancellor [[Emma Jørgensen]] joked about it during one joint press conference, calling it proof of Mathilde's commitment to improving [[Gylias-Delkora relations]].<br />
<br />
Mathilde took on a very public role as Prime Minister, and for most of her term enjoyed great popularity with Gylian voters. She strove to speak in {{wpl|plain language}}. Her avoidance of jargon and verbosity aided her popularity, but it also created a speaking style that lent itself more easily to {{wpl|sound bite}}s.<br />
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Behind the scenes, she focused on assembling a strong team of cabinet ministers and setting the broad direction of the government, leaving the details to her ministers. She notably recruited several strong personalities with distinctive images that sometimes overshadowed her, including deputy premier [[Mielikki Salonen]], finance minister [[Mireille Boulanger]], resources minister [[Aishwarya Devi]], public administration minister [[Leri Monyn]], ministers without portfolio [[Moana Pozzi]] and [[Ilona Stahler]], and [[Makiko Nishida]], one of the few federal politicians to occupy different cabinet posts.<br />
<br />
She gathered together an influential group of advisors, the [[Tetramazones]], who were often described as the successors of the ''[[ferroses]]''. The Tetramazones' high profile and public role earned them popularity, and they were seen as a {{wpl|kitchen cabinet}} with great influence over decision making. Mathilde had the Tetramazones attend all cabinet meetings to avoid bad feelings, and they succeeded in ingratiating themselves with the rest of the cabinet.<br />
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In a symbolic repudiation of Aén's conflicts with the Gylian [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]], Mathilde built a close relationship with [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] Secretary-General [[Patsy Reilly]]. She acknowledged Patsy's cooperation was crucial in the success of her environmental policies. The two had the closest friendship of any Prime Minister and GCWUA Secretary-General in Gylian history.<br />
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===End of term===<br />
Mathilde's government won re-election in [[Gylian federal election, 1995|1995]], [[Gylian federal election, 2000|2000]], and [[Gylian federal election, 2004|2004]]. She announced in late 2007 that she would retire at the [[Gylian federal election, 2008|upcoming election]], and did so. She was succeeded by [[Kaori Kawashima]], the new LU leader.<br />
<br />
==Later life==<br />
Mathilde has remained active in public life after the end of her term, albeit in a lesser capacity. She was re-elected as a deputy in [[Gylian federal election, 2008|2008]], before leaving Parliament entirely in 2012.<br />
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She wrote her {{wpl|autobiography}}, which was published in 2015.<br />
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==Private life==<br />
She is married, with no children. Her husband is a doctor, and continued to work full-time during her term as Prime Minister, avoiding campaigning or media attention.<br />
<br />
She is mainly a practitioner of [[Concordianism]].<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MathildeVieira3.jpg&diff=613257File:MathildeVieira3.jpg2023-02-05T12:13:57Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Lena_Haidynraix&diff=611248Lena Haidynraix2023-02-01T10:58:08Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Haidynraix|Lena}}<br />
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{{Infobox officeholder<br />
|honorific-prefix = <br />
|name = Lena Haidynraix<br />
|image = LenaHaidynraix.jpg<br />
|image_size = 200px<br />
|office = [[Prime Minister of Gylias]]<br />
|deputy = <br />
|president = [[Ravy Egiði]]<br>[[Frauke Stark]]<br />
|term_start = 1 February 2020<br />
|term_end = <br />
|predecessor = [[Toni Vallas]]<br />
|successor = <br />
|birth_date = {{birth date and age|1987|10|4|df=yes}}<br />
|birth_place = Velouria, [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]]<br />
|party = {{G-CNP}}<br />
|alma_mater = University of Velouria<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Lena Haidynraix''' (born 4 October 1987) is a Gylian {{wpl|athlete|sportsperson}} and politician. She is currently serving as [[Prime Minister of Gylias]], in office since 2020. She is the first centre-right Prime Minister of Gylias since the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
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==Early life==<br />
Lena Haidynraix was born on 4 October 1987 in Velouria. Her parents were [[Acrea]]n immigrants, originally from [[Acrea|Västergötland]]. Her surname was originally written ''Heidenreich'', but her parents changed it to its [[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]], in what she joked was an attempt to be "more Gylic than the [[Gylic peoples|Gylics]]".<br />
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She speaks {{wpl|German language|German}} as her native language, but learned to write it phonetically using the [[Gylic alphabet]]. In one interview, she quipped, "By [[Acrea]]n standards, I'm either {{wpl|dyslexia|dyslexic}} or illiterate."<br />
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==Career==<br />
[[File:LenaHaidynraix-1.jpg|thumb|left|200px|Lena during her [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]] campaign]]<br />
===Sport===<br />
Lena was passionate about [[Sport in Gylias|sport]] in childhood, and began to play {{wpl|basketball}} aged 9. She joined a youth basketball club, and practiced regularly. She enrolled in the University of Velouria in 2005 to study history, but left without completing a degree.<br />
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She played in various {{wpl|feeder team|under-21}} basketball teams before becoming a {{wpl|semi-professional}}, working various {{wpl|part-time}} jobs and playing with the city's basketball team, the Velouria Vectors. She became a quite successful and popular player.<br />
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Capitalising on her basketball fame, she ran for the [[President of Gylias|presidency]] in [[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]. She was the first athlete candidate since {{wpl|figure skating|figure skater}} Katalin Nemes in [[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]], and at 24, the youngest candidate in a presidential election. <br />
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Like Katalin, she didn't expect to win, but instead ran on a platform of promoting [[Sport in Gylias|sports]]. Her quirky campaign, highlighted by tongue-in-cheek [[Politics of Gylias#Party political broadcasts|PPBs]], proved unexpectedly popular, and she finished fourth in first preference votes.<br />
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===Politics===<br />
Encouraged by her presidential run, Lena decided to enter politics. Her father was a "steadfast, ''[[The National Inquirer]]''-reading [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservative]]" and long-serving {{wpl|city council}}lor affiliated with the {{G-NB}}. She thus joined the {{G-CNP}}, joking that her political beliefs were "genetic".<br />
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She was elected to the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] in [[Gylian federal election, 2012|2012]], representing a Velouria ''circonscription''. She won reelection in [[Gylian federal election, 2016|2016]].<br />
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In the legislature, she served in the [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Culture, Arts, and Leisure]], where she was a prominent advocate of {{wpl|Léo Lagrange|Lagrangian}} sports policy. Her proposals included projects to strengthen the [[National Recreation Organisation]] and diversify methods of [[Sport in Gylias#Finance|fan-financing sports teams]].<br />
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She was a high-profile supporter of the [[List of Gylian referendums#2016|popular initiative on sport promotion]], which passed with 65,4% of the vote in a 2016 referendum.<br />
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She entered the {{G-NB}} {{wpl|primary election}} in 2017. She stood out in the field for her youth and existing athletic fame, which helped propel her to victory after multiple rounds of [[Elections in Gylias#Electoral system|IRV]].<br />
<br />
==Prime Minister of Gylias==<br />
[[File:LenaHaidynraix-2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lena in 2020]]<br />
{{See also|Lena Haidynraix government}}<br />
<br />
Lena proved a formidable challenger to incumbent [[Toni Vallas]], and the two remained neck-and-neck heading into the [[Gylian federal election, 2020|2020 federal election]]. The election was transformed when the [[Æþurheim]] civil war unexpectedly became an issue. Lena led the {{G-NB}} to a tie with the {{G-PA}}. However, the final result was a {{wpl|hung parliament}} due to a surge in support for {{G-NI}}, particularly [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchists]].<br />
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Lena managed to secure support from the {{G-FVU}}, {{G-PP-CM}}, {{G-RFS}}, and {{G-UI}}, allowing her to form a [[Lena Haidynraix government|centre-right minority government]] with the {{G-CG}}, {{G-UNR}}, and {{G-IRAM}}. She thus became Gylias' first centre-right Prime Minister since the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
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Her cabinet included several long-serving NB officeholders, such as [[Municipalities of Gylias#Government|Mayor]] of Mişeyáke [[Lisa d'Arville]] and former [[Regions of Gylias#Government|Governors]] Nicolette Mercier, Yseult Roxane Danesh, and Eiko Fujimura.<br />
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===Domestic policy===<br />
Lena's economic policies are broadly [[Political culture of Gylias#Statism and anarchism|statist]] and supportive of a greater role for [[Economy of Gylias#Markets and distribution|emancipated markets]].<br />
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She is a {{wpl|green conservatism|green conservative}} who supports strict [[Economy of Gylias#Ecology|environmental protection policies]] and has continued [[Toni Vallas|her predecessor's]] efforts to turn Gylias into a {{wpl|circular economy}}. She regularly seeks {{G-GP}} support for her environmental policies and budgets.<br />
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She has increased public spending on [[Sport in Gylias|sport]], launched projects to expand Gylias' {{wpl|cycling infrastructure}}, and supported the expansion of {{wpl|Pedestrian zone|car-free zones}} in Gylian cities. She declared in one speech, "We must prepare for the day when cars no longer exist, and are seen for the mistakes they were."<br />
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===Foreign policy===<br />
The defining foreign policy issue of Lena's tenure has been the [[Æþurheim]] civil war. She secured support from the FVU, PP-CM, RFS, and UI by promising stronger support for the {{wpl|anarcho-syndicalism|anarcho-syndicalist}} KSA. As a result, [[Gylias-Æþurheim relations|formal relations with Æþurheim]] have suffered, while {{wpl|public diplomacy}} has strengthened in its place.<br />
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She is a [[Common Sphere#Politics|soft supporter]] of the [[Common Sphere]], defending the organisation in its current form and opposed to changes that would make it a {{wpl|supranational union}}.<br />
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She has contributed to an improvement in relations with [[Acrea]] through a good relationship with [[Chancellor of Acrea|Chancellor]] [[Malin Rasmussen]].<br />
<br />
===Public image===<br />
[[File:LenaHaidynraix-3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Lena arriving for a parliamentary session]]<br />
Lena has cultivated the image of a typical urbane [[Conservatism in Gylias|Gylian conservative]], acknowledging ''[[The National Inquirer]]'' as a significant influence. The contrast between this image and her youth when she entered politics has defined her public profile.<br />
<br />
She is known for her preference for {{wpl|sportswear}} and {{wpl|athleisure}} [[Clothing in Gylias|clothes]], particularly tracksuits. In this regard, she shares a similarity with [[Toni Vallas]], who was noted for preferring a more {{wpl|casual wear|casual style of clothing}} than her predecessors [[Mathilde Vieira]] and [[Kaori Kawashima]].<br />
<br />
She is seen as a more low-key Prime Minister than her predecessor.<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Lena is single, and has been involved in several {{wpl|casual dating|casual relationships}} and {{wpl|one-night stand}}s.<br />
<br />
She is mainly a practitioner of {{wpl|Germanic paganism|traditional Acrean polytheism}}.<br />
<br />
She remains an active athlete during her political career, and is a basketball player and {{wpl|coach (sport)|coach}} at a local Mişeyáke sports club. She has often referred to her athletic career in a political context, filming [[Politics of Gylias#Party political broadcasts|PPBs]] depicting her on a basketball court and using basketball metaphors in speeches to emphasise the importance of teamwork.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=President_of_Gylias&diff=611247President of Gylias2023-02-01T10:58:06Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox political post<br />
|post = President<br />
|body = Gylias<br />
|insignia = File:GyliasSeal.png<br />
|insigniasize = 125px<br />
|insigniacaption = [[Seal of Gylias]]<br />
|image = File:FraukeStark3.png<br />
|imagesize = 165px<br />
|incumbent = [[Frauke Stark]]<br />
|incumbentsince = 1 February 2023<br />
|residence = None<br />
|seat = Mişeyáke, [[Mişeyáke Region|Mişeyáke]]<br />
|nominator = Political parties or self-nomination<br />
|appointer = Gylian voters<br />
|appointer_qualified = Through [[Elections in Gylias#Presidency|presidential elections]]<br />
|termlength = Four years<br />
|constituting_instrument = [[Constitution of Gylias]]<br />
|precursor = <!-- Does not apply. --><br />
|formation = 1 June 1961<br />
|first = [[Reda Kazan]]<br />
|website = <br />
}}<br />
<br />
{{Politics of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
The '''President of Gylias''' ({{wpl|French language|French}}: ''Président gylienne'') is the federal {{wpl|head of state|representative of the republic}} of [[Gylias]]. They are a ceremonial {{wpl|figurehead}} with no executive power, acting on the advice of the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Cabinet]] and [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]]. The office has evolved into an important stabilising element in Gylian politics.<br />
<br />
Following the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], Gylias had no formal head of state. The presidency was created by the [[Constitution of Gylias]], which came into effect in 1961, and defined with nomenclature that avoided reference to the state.<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
A strong [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] influence was imprinted on [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]] by the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] and their victory in the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. The Free Territories' anarchist self-organisation precluded the emergence of a role with conventional political powers. The closest equivalents were the presiding officers elected to oversee the functioning of local and federal assemblies.<br />
<br />
The institutions of the Free Territories continued and were gradually adapted to Gylian independence. The [[Cabinet of Gylias|Executive Committee]] led by [[Darnan Cyras]] aimed to achieve a gradual transition towards {{wpl|anarcho-communism}}. Consequently, Gylias functioned without an effective head of state between 1958 and 1961. With the Executive Committee focusing on routine governance and the [[Golden Revolution]], the neglect of ceremonial and representative duties affected Gylias' standing within [[Tyran]].<br />
<br />
During the popular drafting process that produced the Constitution, the Executive Committee was opposed to the creation of customary republican posts, fearing these would stymie the anarchist momentum. <br />
<br />
In the end, the presidency was one of the issues on which the anarchists compromised. The post of President was established, but with largely ceremonial powers and no reference to a "head of state". The role was instead defined as mainly supervisory, analogous to a [[Liúşai League]] {{wpl|lawspeaker}} or an assembly's presiding officer.<br />
<br />
The [[Gylian presidential election, 1961|first presidential election]] held shortly was won by [[Reda Kazan]]. Already an iconic figure of the Liberation War, she became widely respected and exercised her office in a benign and placid manner. She gave the office prestige and a cultural role.<br />
<br />
==Role==<br />
The Constitution defines the President as "the main counselor and arbiter of the people". In practice, the office is equivalent to a head of state, but this terminology is avoided as Article 1 of the Constitution establishes the provisional character of state institutions.<br />
<br />
===Executive===<br />
The President is tasked with overseeing the functioning of government and popular democracy. They remain in close cooperation with federal, [[Local government in Gylias|regional, and municipal governments]].<br />
<br />
Following a federal election, the President nominates an individual as Prime Minister and invites them to form a government. They appoint the cabinet members based on the Prime Minister's advice, and after they are approved by the [[Gylian Parliament]], has them {{wpl|affirmation in law|affirm}} the {{wpl|oath of office}}. They are also responsible for dismissing the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers.<br />
<br />
The President meets with the federal cabinet regularly. The cabinet is obligated to inform the President of important public matters and proposed resolutions and decisions. The President may also hold talks with federal cabinet members and other senior officials at their own discretion.<br />
<br />
While not constitutionally required, the President also visits each of Gylias' [[Regions of Gylias|regions]] every year, conferring with locals and taking part in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]].<br />
<br />
The President convenes, adjourns, and dissolves the Parliament, and opens its regular sessions. Regional and municipal legislatures are also dissolved by the President, but are not convened by them in person. They formally call elections.<br />
<br />
The President appoints and dismisses judges, federal civil servants, appointed [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] members, the [[Gylian Self-Defense Forces]]' Chiefs of Staff, and the members of the [[Judiciary of Gylias#Court of Cassation of Gylias|Court of Cassation]] and [[Judiciary of Gylias#Constitutional Court of Gylias|Constitutional Court]]. This is done on the advice of the cabinet and professional organisations. They can issue pardons and commutations at their own discretion.<br />
<br />
===Legislative===<br />
The President promulgates laws and signs instruments of ratification. The President may refuse to promulgate a {{wpl|bill (law)|bill}} into law, and must return it to Parliament with a written justification for the refusal. Conventionally, the justification is a belief that the bill is unconstitutional. If Parliament does not withdraw the bill and passes it again without modifications, the President must promulgate it into law.<br />
<br />
The President may propose amendments to the Constitution. These must be approved by Parliament and voters in a referendum.<br />
<br />
The President may propose that the Parliament declare a {{wpl|state of emergency}}, or order mobilisation and demobilisation in the event of war.<br />
<br />
===Ceremonial===<br />
The President serves as a symbol of the federation of Gylians, representing the independence of the people. They must resign membership of a political party before taking office, and are expected to not intervene in actual politics. Presidents have used the prestige of the office to champion philanthropic causes, and to influence political and social debates — the nonpartisan nature of the post means that an issue addressed by the President is of great importance. They thus wield significant moral authority.<br />
<br />
The President can address a message to Gylians directly, with the agreement of the Parliament. These addresses are held in public and broadcast live through the media. Presidents [[Reda Kazan]] and [[Anina Bergmann]] have exercised this right most frequently.<br />
<br />
The President convenes the [[Public Advisory Council]], composed of experts, artists, and intellectuals drawn from across areas of expertise and the political spectrum. The President directs the PAC to answer questions posed or make statements on topics of public importance. All PAC meetings are broadcast live, and all opinions are released publicly.<br />
<br />
The President undertakes a variety of ceremonial and representative duties. Their visits within Gylias and invitations to their residence serve to uphold the anarchist heritage of the country. As the establishment of an honours system is banned by the Constitution, the President may publicly meet with individuals to recognise their personal achievements or service to Gylias, as well as appoint them to the Senate. <br />
<br />
The President is formally the {{wpl|commander-in-chief}} of the GSDF, and is expected to safeguard the GSDF's revolutionary character.<br />
<br />
The President is also the patron of various charities, volunteer organisations, and the honourary head of the [[Revolutionary Youth Union]] and [[Scouting in Gylias|Scouting Confederation of Gylias]].<br />
<br />
The President is the highest representative of Gylias in [[Foreign relations of Gylias|international affairs]]. They sign international treaties approved by the government and people, appoint and recall Gylias' diplomatic representatives, and receive the {{wpl|diplomatic accreditation}} of foreign ambassadors to Gylias. They also undertake foreign visits, with the advice and approval of the cabinet, and host state visits to Gylias.<br />
<br />
==Election==<br />
The President is directly elected by voters, using {{wpl|instant-runoff voting}}. Voting requirements are the same as regular elections. The term lasts four years, and has no term limits. <br />
<br />
A convention exists that presidential elections are held separately from other elections, to keep the presidency separate from regular politics. Both presidential and federal elections were held in 1995, and the presidential elections of 1968, 1982 and 1986 were held in the same year as municipal and regional elections. Since the 1990s, the practice is to schedule regular elections in even-numbered years, and presidential elections in odd-numbered years.<br />
<br />
When the post was first established, it had a term length of seven years, the same as the Gylian Parliament. Only Reda Kazan served the full seven year term. The term length was reduced to five years in 1975, and then to four years in 1999, in line with Parliament.<br />
<br />
Gylias having no official {{wpl|age of candidacy}}, the only qualifications set out in electoral law are that the President must have reached the {{wpl|age of majority}}, be resident in Gylias, and meet [[Elections Gylias]]' requirements to register as a candidate.<br />
<br />
In the event that one candidate receives over 50% of the first preference vote, they are declared elected with no further rounds. [[Elections Gylias]] still produces a complete redistribution of votes until the final round for academic purposes.<br />
<br />
==Appointment mechanism==<br />
The President assumes the office by {{wpl|affirmation in law|affirming}} the {{wpl|oath of office}} at the guidance of the President of the Constitutional Court:<br />
<br />
{{quote|''I promise to protect and preserve the [[Constitution of Gylias|Constitution]] and [[Law of Gylias|laws]], and always serve the general interest and welfare of Gylians.''}}<br />
<br />
==Succession==<br />
In the event of a President's incapacity, death, resignation, or removal from office, the office's responsibilities are devolved to a commission — composed of the {{wpl|speaker (politics|speakers}} of the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] and [[Gylian Senate|Senate]] and the presidents of the [[Judiciary of Gylias#Court of Cassation of Gylias|Court of Cassation]] and [[Judiciary of Gylias#Constitutional Court of Gylias|Constitutional Court]] — until a new president is elected.<br />
<br />
==Impeachment and removal==<br />
The President can be impeached by Parliament for violating the Constitution, abuse of office, or serious dereliction of duty. An impeachment vote must secure two-thirds support in both chambers of Parliament, after which it is referred to the Constitutional Court. If the Constitutional Court confirms the charges, the President is removed from office and the standard succession procedure applies.<br />
<br />
==List of Presidents==<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"<br />
|-<br />
!№<br />
!Portrait<br />
!Name<br><small>(Born–Died)</small><br />
!Took office<br />
!Left office<br />
!Party<br />
!Election<br />
![[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Ministers]]<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=4 style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}; color:white"|1<br />
|rowspan=4|[[File:RedaKazan-9.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=4|'''[[Reda Kazan]]'''<br/><small>(1918–1991)</small><br />
|rowspan=3|1 June 1961<br />
|rowspan=3|1 February 1982<br />
|rowspan=3|Independent<br><small>{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1961|1961]]<br />
|rowspan="3"|[[Darnan Cyras]]<br>[[Aén Ďanez]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1968|1968]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan=7|<small>The first President of Gylias, credited with imbuing the presidency with prestige and dignity. Known for her vigorous support of Gylian culture, arts, and [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]]. Promoted [[national reconciliation]] and sautonism as President.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=2 style="background:{{G-LU/meta/color}}; color:black"|2<br />
|rowspan=2|[[File:LenResis.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=2|'''[[Len Resis]]'''<br/><small>(1926–1997)</small><br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 1982<br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 1986<br />
|rowspan=1|{{G-PRRA/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-LU/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1982|1982]]<br />
|rowspan=1|[[Aén Ďanez]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan=7|<small>Declined to run for reelection after the impasse caused by the [[Gylian federal election, 1985|1985 federal election]], and called a snap election a year early. Promoted enterprise as President, to some controversy.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=2 style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}; color:white"|3<br />
|rowspan=2|[[File:SáeNyran.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=2|'''[[Sáe Nyran]]'''<br/><small>(1949–)</small><br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 1986<br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 1991<br />
|rowspan=1|{{G-CNP/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1986|1986]]<br />
|rowspan=1|[[Aén Ďanez]]<br>[[Filomena Pinheiro]]<br>[[Mathilde Vieira]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="7"|<small>Closely involved herself in attempts to form a government after the 1985 election, and worked to repair Gylias' foreign relations. Created the [[Public Advisory Council]]. Promoted national healing and volunteerism as President.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=5 style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}; color:white"|4<br />
|rowspan=5|[[File:AninaBergmann.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=5|'''[[Anina Bergmann]]'''<br/><small>(1946–)</small><br />
|rowspan=4|1 February 1991<br />
|rowspan=4|1 February 2007<br />
|rowspan=4|{{G-SP/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1991|1991]]<br />
|rowspan=4|[[Mathilde Vieira]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1995|1995]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 1999|1999]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2003|2003]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="7"|<small>Promoted environmentalism and volunteerism as President. Known for her extensive domestic and foreign visits.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=2 style="background:{{G-PA/meta/color}}; color:white"|5<br />
|rowspan=2|[[File:LauraVarnaþ.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=2|'''[[Laura Varnaþ]]'''<br/><small>(1964–)</small><br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 2007<br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 2011<br />
|rowspan=1|{{G-DL/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-PA/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2007|2007]]<br />
|rowspan="1"|[[Mathilde Vieira]]<br>[[Kaori Kawashima]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="7"|<small>A descendant of the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]]'s former [[Varnaþ family|ruling family]]. Promoted environmentalism and social engagement as President. First President to lose re-election.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=3 style="background:{{Independent (politician)/meta/color}}; color:black"|6<br />
|rowspan=3|[[File:CarmenDell'Orefice1.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=3|'''[[Carmen Dell'Orefice]]'''<br/><small>(1931–)</small><br />
|rowspan=2|1 February 2011<br />
|rowspan=2|1 February 2019<br />
|rowspan=2|Independent<br><small>{{G-NI/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2011|2011]]<br />
|rowspan="2"|[[Kaori Kawashima]]<br>[[Toni Vallas]]<br />
|-<br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2015|2015]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan=7|<small>The oldest President of Gylias. Promoted [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']], culture, and the arts as President.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=2 style="background:{{G-NB/meta/color}}; color:white"|7<br />
|rowspan=2|[[File:RavyEgiði.jpg|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=2|'''[[Ravy Egiði]]'''<br/><small>(1969–)</small><br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 2019<br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 2023<br />
|rowspan=1|{{G-PDU/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-NB/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2019|2019]]<br />
|rowspan=1|[[Toni Vallas]]<br>[[Lena Haidynraix]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="7"|<small>Promoted science as President. Second president to lose re-election.</small><br />
<br />
|-<br />
!rowspan=2 style="background:{{G-LND/meta/color}}; color:white"|8<br />
|rowspan=2|[[File:FraukeStark3.png|100px]]<br />
|rowspan=2|'''[[Frauke Stark]]'''<br/><small>(1960–)</small><br />
|rowspan=1|1 February 2023<br />
|rowspan=1|Incumbent<br />
|rowspan=1|{{G-LND/meta/shortname}}<br><small>{{G-NI/meta/shortname}}</small><br />
|[[Gylian presidential election, 2023|2023]]<br />
|rowspan=1|[[Lena Haidynraix]]<br />
|-<br />
|colspan="7"|<small>First {{wpl|trans woman}} and [[List of Gylians by net worth|richest Gylian]] ever elected President. Promoted {{wpl|free love}}, [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]], and [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] as President. .</small><br />
|}<br />
<br />
{{Gylias Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Politics of Gylias]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Gylias&diff=611246Gylias2023-02-01T10:58:02Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Infobox country<br />
|conventional_long_name = The Republic of Gylias<br />
|native_name = <small>''L'République d'Gylias'' ({{wpl|French language|French}})</small><br />
|common_name = Gylias<br />
|motto = <center></center>''The People's Will Shall Be Sovereign''<br />
|national_anthem = <center></center>"[[The National Anthem of the Republic of Gylias]]"<br>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7AVwmjVKPGI (instrumental)]<br />
|image_flag = GyliasFlag.png<br />
|image_coat = GyliasSeal.png<br />
|symbol_type = Seal<br />
|image_map = Gylias-tyran.png<br />
|map_caption = Gylias in [[Tyran]].<br />
|map_width = 300px<br />
|capital = Mişeyáke<br />
|largest_city = Velouria<br />
|official_languages = {{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|English language|English}}<br />
* {{wpl|French language|French}} }}<br />
|regional_languages = {{collapsible list<br />
|titlestyle = background:transparent;text-align:left;font-weight:normal;font-size:100%;<br />
|title = ''List''<br />
| {{hlist<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Rezakan]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Tomesian]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Zineran]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Ŋej]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Yaskan]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Erlan]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Aréş]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Eşari]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Dalak]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Aðunese]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Varan]]<br />
| [[Gylic languages|Tanan]]<br />
| {{wpl|Portuguese language|Lusitan}}<br />
| {{wpl|Greek language|Hellene}}<br />
| {{wpl|Armenian language|Hayeren}}<br />
| {{wpl|German language|German}}<br />
| {{wpl|Japanese language|Miranian}}<br />
| ''others''<br />
}}<br />
}}<br />
|ethnic_groups = {{plainlist|<br />
* [[Demographics of Gylias|60,1%]] [[Gylic peoples]]<br />
* [[Demographics of Gylias|39,9%]] Non-Gylic peoples }}<br />
|ethnic_groups_year = 2015<br />
|demonym = Gylian<br />
|government_type = {{wpl|Federal}} {{wpl|semi-direct democracy}}, organised as a {{wpl|republic}}<br />
|leader_title1 = [[President of Gylias|President]]<br />
|leader_name1 = [[Frauke Stark]]<br />
|leader_title2 = [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]]<br />
|leader_name2 = [[Lena Haidynraix]]<br />
|legislature = [[Gylian Parliament|Parliament]]<br />
|sovereignty_type = {{wpl|Sovereign state|Formation}}<br />
|upper_house = [[Gylian Senate|Senate]]<br />
|lower_house = [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]]<br />
|established_event1 = End of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]<br />
|established_date1 = 2 January 1958<br />
|area_km2 = 1728328<br />
|area_sq_mi = <br />
|percent_water = 4.73%<br />
|population_census = 24.685.946<br />
|population_census_year = 2020<br />
|GDP_PPP_year = 2020<br />
|GDP_PPP = NSD 303,5 billion<br />
|GDP_PPP_per_capita = NSD 12,800<br />
|Gini = 22.5<br />
|Gini_change = {{decrease}}<br />
|Gini_year = 2020<br />
|HDI_year = 2020<br />
|HDI = 0.903<br />
|HDI_change = steady<br />
|currency = [[Gylian þaler|Þaler]] (Ŧ)<br />
|currency_code = GTH<br />
|utc_offset = <br />
|date_format = dd-mm-yyyy (CE)<br />
|drives_on = Right<br />
|cctld = .gls<br />
|calling_code = +28<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Gylias''' ({{IPA|[ɡɨˈʎas]}}), officially known as the '''Republic of Gylias''' ({{wpl|French language|French}} [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959#French|reformed]]: ''L'République d'Gylias''), is a sovereign country in [[Tyran]]. Situated on the eastern end of Siduri, most of its territory is on the continent, and it also includes an insular part. It borders the Ruádak Sea to the east, the Nanshe Ocean to the south and west, and [[Cacerta]] and [[Knichus]] to the north.<br />
<br />
Human settlement in Gylian territory dates back to the {{wpl|Upper Paleolithic}}, and by 1000 BCE, the [[Gylic peoples]] and other populations had established a permanent presence. Their states constituted the [[Liúşai League]] in 390 BCE. It bound member states into mutual alliances, encouraged closer ties between different ethnicities, and maintained their independence in the face of various external threats. The League's stability and its maritime culture led to a degree of affluence that attracted migrants.<br />
<br />
The League was destroyed by the [[Colonisation War]] of 1695–1704, and the states annexed into [[Xevden]], which ruled for two centuries through {{wpl|minority rule}}. The struggle against institutional discrimination and economic exploitation played an important role in the development of the country's politics and [[Gylian ascendancy|national identity]]. <br />
<br />
Under the pressure of mounting political radicalisation, social strife, and external isolation, Xevden gradually disintegrated in the 20th century. The [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] were constituted during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], and, following the victory of the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]], evolved into present-day Gylias.<br />
<br />
Gylias is a {{wpl|federal state|federal}} republic that combines mechanisms of [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|direct democracy]] and {{wpl|parliamentary democracy}}, characterised by [[Politics of Gylias#Cooperative democracy|a high degree of popular participation in governance, policymaking, and planning]]. It is a {{wpl|multinational state|multinational country}} whose demographics, linguistics, and culture derive from diverse origins. <br />
<br />
Gylias is a {{wpl|developed country}} with a [[Economy of Gylias|market socialist]] economy and extensive {{wpl|public services}}. It ranks highly in numerous {{wpl|quality of life}} indicators such as income equality, safety, health, education, human development, [[Human rights in Gylias|civil liberties and political rights]]. It has high levels of {{wpl|social engagement}} on average, and a [[Political culture of Gylias|vibrant]] {{wpl|civil society}}. Gylias is a member of the [[Organization of Tyrannic Nations]] and [[Common Sphere]], and is regarded as a {{wpl|middle power}} in international affairs, with a degree of influence in Siduri.<br />
<br />
==Etymology==<br />
The name "Gylias" originates from [[Anca Déuréy]]'s 1848 poem "My Country (A Ballad)", in the passage ''"Narn-ku rias mieru-là"'', which loosely translates as "between the Naryn[s] and the beautiful sea". The spelling "Gylias" comes from a dialectal pronunciation which rendered the line {{IPA|[narˈgɨ ʎas merɨ la]}}.<br />
<br />
The name achieved acceptance during the [[Gylian ascendancy]] as a common term of identification for the popuations oppressed by Xevden. It was adopted as the country's name after the Liberation War, perceived as a neutral term. In turn, it led to the adoption of "[[Gylic peoples]]" as the term to refer to the ethnic groups indigenous to Gylias.<br />
<br />
==History==<br />
{{main|History of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
===Prehistory===<br />
The first people inhabited Gylian territory circa 20.000 BCE. Several ancestors of the [[Gylic peoples]] moved towards south-eastern Siduri due to the emergence of more complex societies elsewhere, including [[Arkoenn]], [[Mansuriyyah]], [[Tennai]], and [[Quenmin]]. The Eşari and Dalak, who arrived by sea and settled on the Iárus and Daláyk islands, have an unclear provenance.<br />
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A {{wpl|Neolithic Revolution|transition}} from nomadic {{wpl|hunter-gatherer}} lifestyles to settled agriculture took place between the 7th and 4th millennia BCE.<br />
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Movement by land was initially limited by the Salxar and Naryn Mountains in the north, which were the strongholds of the Yaskan people. The Yaskans' control over these gateways was lost in 9th century wars, allowing further arrivals. The Gylic peoples consolidated distinctive identities, and linguistically or culturally assimilated several newly-settled populations.<br />
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===Liúşai League===<br />
{{main|Liúşai League}}<br />
[[File:LiúşaiFlag.png|thumb|200px|The flag of the [[Liúşai League]]]]<br />
[[File:Hypatia portrait.png|thumb|200px|[[Hypatia]], ancient [[Hellene Gylians|Hellene]] philosopher, astronomer, and mathematician, in a 1909 portrait]]<br />
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Various alliances among the Gylic states formed over the 5th and 4th centuries BCE, in response to the pressure of {{wpl|Late Bronze Age collapse|Bronze Age collapse}} and the expansionism of [[Arkoenn]] and the [[Knichus|Ainetui]]. These alliances were consolidated into the [[Liúşai League]] in 390 BCE.<br />
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The League proved remarkably resilient: it endured for over a millennium, and defended Gylic independence against various foreign threats, including Arkoennites, Viking raiders, and Mansuri missionaries. <br />
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With low population, maritime-oriented cultures, and broad prosperity, the Gylic states developed in a direction of decentralisation and democratic governance. The multicultural nature of the League was reinforced by migration, which brought in significant minorities such as [[Miranian Gylians|Miranians]], [[Syara]]n [[Hellene Gylians|Hellenes]], Lusitans, and Hayeren. Culture, the arts, and science flourished. Contact with [[Cacerta]] and [[Kirisaki]] laid the foundation for future [[Gylias-Cacerta relations|close]] [[Gylias-Kirisaki relations|ties]].<br />
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The League continued to thrive after the transition from antiquity to {{wpl|post-classical history|pre-modernity}}. Democratic currents consolidated into {{wpl|directorial system}}s and {{wpl|elective monarchy|elective monarchies}}. Advances in shipbuilding and close relations with Kirisaki influenced cultural and technological developments, while the development of infrastructure benefited the economy. The appearance of monotheist religions caused long-lasting tension and conflicts, particularly due to the [[Quliyasi Jihad]].<br />
<br />
===Kingdom of Xevden===<br />
The [[Colonisation War]], launched in 1695, pitted the Liúşai League against [[Xevden]]. The war lasted until 1704 and was ruinous: Xevden annexed the Gylic states, but lost its homeland to foreign invasion in the process.<br />
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Xevdenite rule resulted in the marginalisation of the native populations, the installation of a ruling {{wpl|dominant minority|alien elite}}, and the transformation of the economy along {{wpl|aristocracy|aristocratic}} lines. The state could barely suppress native unrest, which manifested in the proliferation of {{wpl|bandit}}s and guerrilla fighters known as ''kyðoi'', and flared up in the [[Rebellion of 1749]]. The rebellion caused a palace coup that brought Senalta on the throne. She negotiated a peaceful end to the rebellion in 1754, signing the [[Rebellion of 1749#Aftermath|Treaty of Aðnat]] with the rebels.<br />
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Senalta established a tenuous peace and governed through {{wpl|enlightened absolutism}}, turning Xevden into a nominal {{wpl|constitutional monarchy}}. Native populations were excluded from citizenship but received lesser official status and some benefits. She later converted to christianity and made it the state religion. Intended to strengthen the state, it instead deepened religious strife: Gylics and others clung tenaciously to their traditional religions, while christians underwent schisms.<br />
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Senalta's death in 1804 allowed the nobility to reassert their power, putting Xevden down a path of pervasive corruption and administrative decay. The nobility adopted a racist and {{wpl|Social Darwinism|social spencerist}} worldview to justify their rule, and the authoritarian course hardened.<br />
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Remaining excluded from society and absent serious efforts at {{wpl|cultural assimilation}}, the native populations underwent the [[Gylian ascendancy]] in the 19th century, forming a common Gylian culture and [[Gylian nationalism|flexible identity]]. The process included clandestine education, the creation of {{wpl|mutual organisation}}s and {{wpl|cooperative}}s to improve their economic condition, and the dissemination of radical ideas, such as [[Feminism in Gylias|feminism]], [[Communism in Gylias|communism]], [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]], and [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]].<br />
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The Gylian ascendancy's successes at creating institutions and culture outside the Xevdenite state were complemented by the evolution of ''kyðoi'' into more organised and modern freedom fighters. The [[Gylian revolution of 1848|revolution of 1848]] and the [[Glorious Rebellion]] (1856–1868) underlined Xevden's international and domestic weakness. <br />
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The growing crisis split the ruling class between reactionaries and pragmatic traditionalists. The latter gained the upper hand after 1868, and a succession of governments attempted to introduce constitutional and social reforms. These proved too little for the increasingly radical Gylians, and emboldened the agitation of the reactionaries.<br />
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Tensions boiled over after the first liberal election victory in 1900. A coup in September 1902 put Karnaz on the throne. Karnaz seized {{wpl|autocracy|autocratic}} power, dissolved the legislature, and attempted to suppress threats to his rule. The heavy-handed repression destroyed the Xevdenites' remaining non-elite support, and also proved ineffective due to decades of administrative decay from within. <br />
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An unofficial civil war took place during the period, with growing insurgencies and some regions gaining ''de facto'' independence. The [[Cacerta-Xevden War]] of 1904–1908 compounded the disaster, bringing [[Alscia]] into the [[Cacertian Empire]]. Under Cacertian rule, the province experienced rapid economic growth and democratic development, becoming a crucial base for Gylian resistance and radicalisation.<br />
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Karnaz died in 1934, succeeded by the moderate [[Varnaþ family|Láaresy]]. He ended official repression, released political prisoners, restored rights, and organised a new election. By this point it was too late for a constitutional resolution. Extreme polarisation and the proliferation of {{wpl|paramilitary|paramilitaries}} characterised Xevden's last years. The 1935 elections were tainted by political violence and fraud, and were followed by a failed coup and similarly violent and inconclusive elections. Factions increasingly prepared themselves for all-out armed struggle.<br />
<br />
===Liberation War===<br />
{{main|Liberation War (Gylias)|l1=Liberation War|Free Territories (Gylias)|l2=Free Territories}}<br />
[[File:Γυναίκες στρατιώτες του ΕΛΑΣ.jpg|200px|thumb|right|[[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] soldiers in 1945]]<br />
<br />
The [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]] broke out on 1 January 1938, after a successful rebellion by the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] in northern Gylias. Láaresy blocked attempts to crush the rebellion by force and attempted to negotiate a peaceful settlement. The PA stalled negotiations, and violence spread as paramilitaries and newly-armed rebel groups seized territory. By 1939, Xevdenite control was limited to just the Nerveiík peninsula, forming the [[Nerveiík Kingdom]].<br />
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The first phase of the war was dominated by Gylian factions fighting for control. The [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] were [[Free Territories (Gylias)#General Declaration|proclaimed]] in the north, and gradually expanded through alliances and aid for other rebellions. They were organised along {{wpl|anarcho-communism|anarcho-communist}} lines, and attracted support due to their robust supply network and anarchist framework, which could accommodate multiple factions and ideologies. The dissolution of the [[Cacertian Empire]] led Alscia to join the Free Territories in 1939.<br />
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Láaresy's overthrow by [[Tymzar–Nalo regime|Tymzar]] launched the second phase in 1948. The Xevdenite army launched a large counteroffensive, which initially pushed back the rebels. Prudent retreats, attrition warfare, foreign backing, and two spectacular victories at the [[Battles of Nerazur and Mytin]] on 14–15 April 1948 returned the initiative to the PA. The offensive strengthened the Free Territories by uniting the other factions behind them, turning the conflict into a straightforward battle between the Free Territories and Xevden.<br />
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The PA slowly but steadily advanced and liberated the rest of the country. The upcoming victory prompted internal reorganisation and preparation for the post-war period. The war ended on 2 January 1958 with the [[Battle of Velouria|capture of Velouria]].<br />
<br />
===Republic of Gylias===<br />
{{main|National Obligation period|Golden Revolution}}<br />
The transition from the Free Territories to Gylias was gradual, and preserved much of the former's anarchist heritage. Conventionally, the transition is dated from 1958 to 1962. It involved [[National Obligation period|reconstruction and reorganisation amid economic challenges]], strengthening of local self-governance, and the maturation of Gylian [[Politics of Gylias#Cooperative democracy|cooperative democracy]]. The [[Constitution of Gylias]] and [[Law of Gylias#Legal foundations|six codes of law]] were drafted through popular participation and adopted in 1960–1961.<br />
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Some state-like institutions remained in existence, defined as a combination and delegation of local governance structures for the purpose of management and coordination at the federal level. This included the [[Cabinet of Gylias|Executive Committee of Gylias]], which would be renamed the "Cabinet" by the Constitution.<br />
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The [[Darnan Cyras government]] became the first federal government of Gylias, in office from 1958 to 1976. It supported and to an extent indirectly guided the [[Golden Revolution]], a profound transformation of Gylian society. Former Xevdenite elites were [[Arnak Trials|prosecuted for war crimes]], power was invested in [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], and the political system was opened to small parties. The economy was {{wpl|social ownership|socialised}} and organised on the basis of {{wpl|Lange model}} {{wpl|market socialism}}, with {{wpl|cooperative}}s and {{wpl|workers' self-management}} becoming the new foundation.<br />
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An economic boom during the 1960s and 1970s coincided with the height of the Golden Revolution. Living standards rose, and inequality and poverty fell. Aided by {{wpl|cybernetics|cybernetic}} {{wpl|decentralised planning}} through the [[Hermes Programme]], the economy relied on {{wpl|light industry}}, [[Tourism in Gylias|tourism]], {{wpl|tertiary sector of the economy|services}}, {{wpl|cash crop}}s and production of {{wpl|consumer good}}s. Several new industries became significant to the economy, including [[Clothing in Gylias|clothesmaking]], jewelry, publishing, and musical instruments.<br />
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The affluence supported a complex and energetic {{wpl|social revolution}}, carried out by a profusion of sociopolitical mass movements with assistance and occasional guidance from the government. Society was profoundly liberalised and reformed. [[Education in Gylias|Public education]] was established on {{wpl|progressive education|progressive}} and {{wpl|democratic education|democratic}} principles, [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|a sexual revolution]] took place, and a thriving {{wpl|civil society}} emerged. Culture and the arts flourished as a result of public education and government support, and [[Groovy Gylias|Gylian music, cinema, animation, and literature]] [[Gylian Invasion|achieved regional renown]]. <br />
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Gylias joined the [[Organization of Tyrannic Nations]] and [[Common Sphere]], and maintained good relations with many Tyranian states. Its stature as Tyran's most high-profile far-left success story served as inspiration, while its sustained economic growth and high quality of life attracted migrants and refugees.<br />
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The spirit of revolutionary exuberance gradually ebbed away by the time the [[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976 federal election]] produced the fragile and fractious [[Aén Ďanez government]]. [[Aén Ďanez]] sought to move Gylias towards a model of greater industrialisation, central planning of the economy, and greater revolutionary mobilisation. This engendered conflicts with her coalition partners, civil society, and cooperatives. Her time in office was [[wretched decade|a period of negative economic, political, social, and diplomatic effects]] for Gylias.<br />
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Following a near-outbreak of war with [[Ossoria]] in 1986, a galvanised opposition installed [[Filomena Pinheiro]] as Prime Minister, leading a [[Filomena Pinheiro government|national unity government]] of all parties against the {{wpl|authoritarian socialism|authoritarian far-left}} and {{wpl|far-right}}. She helped remedy the effects of the [[wretched decade]], restore the effectiveness of public services and {{wpl|civil service}}, and begin to arrest economic difficulties. Her tenure saw realignments in politics, the emergence of new independent parties, and established blocs rebuilding their reputations.<br />
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Following the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 federal election]], [[Mathilde Vieira]] became Prime Minister, leading a [[Mathilde Vieira government|flexible coalition government]] until 2008. Her term was characterised by economic rejuvenation, modest reforms to the [[Gylian consensus]] framework, ambitious {{wpl|public works}} programs to make Gylian infrastructure and energy more sustainable, and the extensive growth and spread of the [[Internet in Gylias|Internet]] and personal computing, which would come to be harnessed for governance and planning purposes. She was succeeded by [[Kaori Kawashima]], who only served one term between 2008 and 2012.<br />
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In 2012, [[Toni Vallas]] became Prime Minister after winning a [[Gylian federal election, 2012|federal election]]. She was followed in 2020 by [[Lena Haidynraix]], leading the first centre-right government at the federal level.<br />
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In recent decades Gylias has continued to benefit from steady economic growth, and achieved some successes in foreign policy, among them the {{wpl|special relationship}}s it has cultivated with [[Kirisaki]] and [[Cacerta]], and its cooperation with fellow Common Sphere member states.<br />
<br />
==Geography==<br />
{{main|Geography of Gylias}}<br />
[[File:Gylias-geomap.png|300px|thumb|right|Topographic map of Gylias]]<br />
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Gylias is the fifth largest country in Tyran, with a total area of 1.728.328 km². The majority of its territory is on the Sidurian continent, and it has several islands.<br />
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The natural landscape is dominated by flat plains. The main mountain ranges are Salxar, Naryn, and Kackar. The former two mark Gylias' northern border, and the latter divides eastern and western Gylias.<br />
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More than half of Gylian territory is not used for agricultural, industrial, or residential purposes. Much of this uninhabited territory is maintained as {{wpl|protected area}}s, {{wpl|national park}}s, and {{wpl|nature reserve}}s.<br />
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====Climate====<br />
Gylias has a {{wpl|tropical savanna climate}}, with areas of {{wpl|alpine climate}}. The climate has two distinct seasons, and is moderated by prevailing winds and ocean currents.<br />
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==Demographics==<br />
{{main|Demographics of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
Gylias had a population of 24.685.946 in the 2020 census. Density is approximately 12,5 people per km², with most of the populace clustered around rivers and coastal areas. Nearly 76% of the population is urban.<br />
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Gylias is a {{wpl|majority minority}} country, in which no ethnic group forms a majority by itself. [[Gylic peoples]] constitute approximately 60% of the population, and non-Gylic peoples approximately 40%.<br />
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Significant non-Gylic populations include [[Miranian Gylians|Miranians]] — Gylias' largest non-Gylic group and a significant influence on Gylian society and history —, Italians ([[Cacerta|Cacertians]] and [[Megelan]]ese), [[Ruvelka]]ns, Nordics, {{wpl|Armenian people|Hayeren}}, {{wpl|German people|Germans}}, [[Hellene Gylians|Hellenes]], and {{wpl|Portuguese people|Lusitans}}. Intermarriage between diverse groups is widespread. Certain groups have accumulated significant prestige due to their contributions to Gylian society, culture, and economy, including Miranians, French, Italians, and Hellenes.<br />
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Gylians commonly have {{wpl|olive skin|olive complexions}}, with both lighter and darker skin colours being present.<br />
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===Languages===<br />
Gylias' official languages are {{wpl|English language|English}} and {{wpl|French language|French}}. The latter had previously been the ''{{wpl|lingua franca}}'' during the 19th and 20th centuries, and it [[Francité|retains its importance in society]] today. Both official languages are strongly represented across public services, education, and broadcasting.<br />
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All languages spoken in Gylias, [[Gylic languages|Gylic]] and non-Gylic, are recognised and accommodated regionally.<br />
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Non-Gylic languages spoken in Gylias have at times developed separate dialects influenced by their interaction with Gylic languages, as well as the [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959]].<br />
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The [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Culture|Languages Board]] is the main consultative body for languages in Gylias, complemented by various private organisations. {{wpl|Language policy}} is based on egalitarian and multicultural principles, emphasising lexical modernisation and linguistic maintenance.<br />
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===Religion===<br />
{{main|Religion in Gylias}}<br />
Gylias is officially a secular country, where religious beliefs are regarded as a private matter. Religion-related questions are absent from the census, and it is difficult to accurately estimate the proportions of religious adherence and irreligion.<br />
<br />
The most traditionally prevalent practice in Gylias is [[Concordianism]], characterised by decentralisation, syncretism, an emphasis on {{wpl|orthopraxy}}, and civic orientation. Estimating membership is difficult: participation in practices and rituals does not require faith, and is done more for cultural and societal reasons.<br />
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The most successful non-Gylic religions in the country are [[Sofianism]] and [[Kisekidō]]. Both have proven easy to reconcile with Concordianism, due to their similar harmonious and {{wpl|ethnic religion|ethnic}} character, and benefit from the presence of sizeable Cacertian and Miranian minorities in Gylias.<br />
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A historical hostility between the Gylic peoples and monotheist religions began with the Quliyasi Jihad and was reinforced by Xevden's adoption of [[Xevden#Religion|a monotheist state religion]]. The universalist and proselytist character of monotheist religions has been a lasting source of antipathy.<br />
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===Largest cities===<br />
{{Largest cities in Gylias}}<br />
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==Economy==<br />
{{main|Economy of Gylias}}<br />
<br />
{{Pie chart<br />
| thumb = right<br />
| caption = Economic ownership in Gylias (2020)<br />
| other = <br />
| label1 = {{wpl|Public ownership}}<br />
| value1 = 12.30<br />
| color1 = DarkRed<br />
| label2 = {{wp|Collective ownership|Cooperative ownership}}<br />
| value2 = 70.15<br />
| color2 = Red<br />
| label3 = {{wp|Communal ownership}}<br />
| value3 = 9.50<br />
| color3 = Pink<br />
| label4 = {{wp|Social ownership|Other forms of social ownership}}<br />
| value4 = 8.05<br />
| color4 = Magenta<br />
}}<br />
Gylias is a {{wpl|Lange model}} {{wpl|market socialist}} economy, characterised by {{wpl|decentralised planning (economics)|decentralised planning}} and {{wpl|workers' self-management}}. It is a {{wpl|post-industrial economy}} where the {{wpl|tertiary sector of the economy|service sector}} contributes to 70,7% of the country's GDP, followed by {{wpl|secondary sector of the economy|industry}} with 25,2% and {{wpl|primary sector of the economy|agriculture and mining}} with 4,1%. Significant aspects include strongly-regulated markets, generous [[Social security in Gylias|social security]], low inequality, a large public sector, and {{wpl|cybernetics}}-based coordination and distribution, which form the [[Gylian consensus]].<br />
<br />
The Gylian economy is based on {{wpl|cooperative}}s. By [[Law of Gylias#Commercial law|law]], any firm established in Gylias must be organised as a cooperative. {{wpl|Private property}} does not exist in Gylias, while the right to {{wpl|personal property}} is inviolate. Possession is governed by {{wpl|usufruct}} rights. Gylian companies are owned and managed by their workers, using various models of {{wpl|workplace democracy}}. {{wpl|Profit (economics)|Profits}} that may accrue to the firms are distributed to their employees equally as {{wpl|social dividend}}s. Companies are affiliated to larger {{wpl|cooperative federation}}s, constituted based on economic sector or activity, which in turn are federated into the [[National Cooperative Confederation]].<br />
<br />
[[File:Anholt September 2014.jpg|200px|thumb|right|Lyrnal Offshore Wind Farm, in the Ţikona Gulf]]<br />
===Public policy===<br />
Gylias has a large {{wpl|public sector}}, constituting 52,7% of the GDP. The population below the {{wpl|poverty threshold}}, when adjusted for taxes and transfers, is 4%. Inequality has remained low, as a result of egalitarian social mores, public policy, and cooperativisation. Several sectors of the economy remain in {{wpl|public ownership}}, including postal services, railways, highways and airports, pharmacy, energy, and water. The overall level of taxation is among the highest in Tyran, at 51,9% of GDP. The Gylian tax system is broad-based, and reliant on direct taxation and {{wpl|Pigovian tax}}es.<br />
<br />
Decentralised planning is carried out through the [[Hermes Programme]], a distributed {{wpl|decision support system}} that allows real-time collection of accurate information on the economy. The population takes part in planning through the ''Cybervote'' system and [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]]. Prices are set by the [[National Prices Board]] based on existing {{wpl|supply and demand}}, with the aim of achieving {{wpl|Pareto efficiency}}. The [[National Capital Investment Board]] directs domestic capital and foreign investment on the basis of social priorities. <br />
<br />
The unionisation rate is 90%, one of the highest in Tyran. All trade unions and workers' associations are federated into the [[General Council of Workers' Unions and Associations]] (GCWUA), the {{wpl|national trade union centre}}. {{wpl|Closed shop}}s and {{wpl|union shop}}s are the norm for workplaces, and workers in large companies elect {{wpl|supervisory board}}s to supervise the executive boards. Annual average {{wpl|working hours}} are among Tyran's lowest. Wages are set by {{wpl|collective bargaining}}, and the gaps between the wages of ordinary workers and executives are small or nonexistent.<br />
<br />
===Economic sectors===<br />
Gylias' sizeable mineral reserves were nationalised at independence and remain in {{wpl|public ownership}}. The [[Gylian administrative agencies#Public organisations|public organisations]] in question maintain a monopoly on extraction of raw materials, and their profits are redistributed as {{wpl|social dividend}}s to Gylians. Forests play a key role in the country's economy, making it one of Siduri's leading producers of wood and timber products. Most of Gylias' electricity is provided by {{wpl|renewable energy|renewable sources}}. The major sources of energy are {{wpl|hydroelectricity}}, {{wpl|solar power}}, {{wpl|wind farms}}, and {{wpl|nuclear power}}.<br />
<br />
The agricultural sector is highly subsidised and protected. It is dominated by {{wpl|tropical agriculture}}, and is split into domestic and export-oriented sectors. About 40% of the country's land is used for crop cultivation and animal husbandry. The fishing industry was gradually shut down starting in the 1990s, replaced by {{wpl|aquaculture}}. A system of supply management for agricultural goods is in place, administered by the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Agriculture|Directorate of Supply Management]] with a mandate to ensure stable prices for farmers and consumers.<br />
<br />
[[File:Gylias-clothesworkshop.jpg|300px|thumb|right|A clothes workshop in Aðunas, [[Aðuna Region|Aðuna]]]]<br />
Gylias' industrial sector is dominated by {{wpl|light industry}}, with comparatively little {{wpl|heavy industry}}. The only significant heavy industries in Gylias are {{wpl|shipbuilding}} and {{wpl|freight transport|shipping}}, the {{wpl|energy industry}}, {{wpl|metalworking}}, and some {{wpl|automotive industry|automobile manufacturing}}. Major industries include [[Clothing in Gylias|clothesmaking and textiles]], jewellery manufacturing, food and beverage processing, musical instruments manufacturing, toy manufacturing, cement and fertiliser manufacturing, woodworks and paper mills, construction, pharmaceuticals, {{wpl|consumer electronics}}, and {{wpl|biotechnology}}.<br />
<br />
Gylias is a significant nation in Tyran's computer and electronics industries. Its [[Computer industry in Gylias|computer and IT industries]] possess several traits that set them apart, including the dominance of {{wpl|free and open-source software}} and {{wpl|operating system}}s, existence of [[Internet in Gylias#Publinet|public platforms]] for {{wpl|digital distribution}}, and use of {{wpl|cryptocurrency|cryptocurrencies}}.<br />
<br />
Average spending on {{wpl|research and development}} is high. Much Gylian research has focused on using technology and innovations to increase {{wpl|productivity}} in order to reduce work and maximise {{wpl|leisure|free time}}. The [[Institute for the Protection of Leisure]] is the leading institution in this field, and the pursuit has produced significant Gylian contributions to {{wpl|cybernetics}}, {{wpl|sociology}}, and {{wpl|life sciences}}.<br />
<br />
Major components of the service sector are the {{wpl|creative industries}} and {{wpl|cultural industry}}, publishing, transportation, {{wpl|telecommunications}} and {{wpl|information technology|IT}}, education and healthcare, banking, retailing, and the {{wpl|leisure industry}}.<br />
<br />
Finance is dominated by {{wpl|cooperative banking}}, with {{wpl|credit union}}s, {{wpl|mutual organisation}}s, and {{wpl|savings bank}}s being the main institutions. Banking institutions are organised into regional {{wpl|cooperative federations}}, which in turn form the National Popular Banking Association of Gylias, a member of the NCC. [[Gylian Post and Telecommunications]] also offers {{wpl|postal savings system|postal savings and banking services}}.<br />
<br />
[[Tourism in Gylias|Tourism]] is an important component of the Gylian economy. Gylias is one of the more popular tourist destinations in Siduri. Factors driving tourism include the country's tropical climate, numerous national parks and reserves, beaches and seaside resorts, skiing and winter sports in mountainous areas, cities and areas of high cultural interest, and liberal stances on regulated [[Drugs in Gylias|recreational drug use]] and [[Prostitution in Gylias|prostitution]]. <br />
<br />
===Currency===<br />
Gylias' national currency is the [[Gylian þaler]] ('''Ŧ'''). Introduced in 1958, the þaler suffered from a comparatively high level of inflation during the [[National Obligation period]], while the National Prices Board began setting prices by trial-and-error. To this day, it remains one of Tyran's less valued currencies. No {{wpl|redenomination}} has ever been undertaken.<br />
<br />
The þaler has coexisted with various {{wpl|complementary currency|complementary currencies}} since independence. This creates an unofficial dual or parallel currency system in the country. Many {{wpl|local currency|local currencies}} exist in Gylias, often {{wpl|time-based currency|time-based}} or {{wpl|demurrage}}-based, and are used in {{wpl|local exchange trading system}}s. They operate at parity with the þaler, and function as the base of a widespread system of {{wpl|mutual credit}}.<br />
<br />
The þaler is a {{wpl|managed float}} currency, with its value pegged to those of other [[Common Sphere]] member states as a result of economic coordination. Its exchange rate is generally in the range of 1 NSD = 200-300 Ŧ.<br />
<br />
===Distribution===<br />
Gylian markets are the sum of all voluntary exchanges, monetary or non-monetary. They are governed by the {{wpl|norm of reciprocity}} and thus manifesting traits of {{wpl|gift economy}}. Manifestations include the widespread use of local currencies, alternative currencies, {{wpl|local exchange trading system}}s, {{wpl|mutual credit}} and {{wpl|mutual aid (organisation theory)|mutual aid}}, and numerous organisations and voluntary associations that facilitate such exchanges.<br />
<br />
Permanent markets coexist with [[Community markets (Gylias)|community markets]]: periodic community gatherings where participants bring unneeded items and food, as well as skills, talents, and knowledge, which are shared, exchanged, or bartered. Both community and public markets can be organised anywhere and anytime, with Friday being traditionally used as a market day.<br />
<br />
[[Merchants (Gylias)|Merchants]], those who sell goods and food in urban areas, are a profession with a significant position in Gylian communities and the economy.<br />
<br />
The strength of Gylias' public and community distribution systems have allowed convenient access to consumer goods for Gylians, contributing to a high quality of life on a relatively low GDP per capita. The Gylian economy is characterised by relatively high {{wpl|velocity of money}} and near-equalisation of wages and prices in practice, leading some theorists to consider it Tyran's only functioning example of {{wpl|social credit}}.<br />
<br />
===Trade===<br />
Gylias' main trading partners are its fellow Common Sphere member states, particularly [[Cacerta]] and [[Kirisaki]]. Significant non-CS trading partners include [[Allamunnika]], [https://www.nationstates.net/nation=schottia Schottia], [[Ossoria]], and [[Acrea]].<br />
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The main exports are clothing, electronics, cement, musical instruments, pharmaceuticals, sugar, foodstuffs, timber, paper and pulp, rubber, coffee, chocolate, tobacco, and various other consumer goods. <br />
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The main imports are automobiles, machinery and equipment, thorium, raw materials and semimanufactures for industry, iron and steel, and chemicals.<br />
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Foreign trade is affected by strongly-regulated domestic markets, which favour local companies, and the maintenance of {{wpl|capital control}}s and {{wpl|foreign exchange controls}}. Foreign investment is discouraged by high tax rates, although it has increased beginning in the 1990s.<br />
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The relative isolation of the Gylian economy from the regional economy has resulted in the phenomenon of {{wpl|Galápagos syndrome|a strong focus on the domestic market}}, which affects Gylian companies' international competitiveness. The different evolution of Gylian society similarly tends to discourage international work placements among Gylian workers.<br />
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==Government==<br />
{{main|Politics of Gylias|Political culture of Gylias|Elections in Gylias}}<br />
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{{multiple image<br />
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| image1 = FraukeStark3.png<br />
| alt1 = <br />
| caption1 = [[Frauke Stark]]<br><small>[[President of Gylias|President]]</small><br />
| image2 = LenaHaidynraix.jpg<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| caption2 = [[Lena Haidynraix]]<br><small>[[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]]</small><br />
}}<br />
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Gylias is a {{wpl|federal republic}}. The strong influence of [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]] is manifested in the extensive {{wpl|bill of rights}} and governance based on principles of {{wpl|grassroots democracy}}. The three main governing bodies at the federal level are the [[Gylian Parliament]] (legislative), the [[Cabinet of Gylias]] (executive), and the [[Judiciary of Gylias#Court of Cassation of Gylias|Court of Cassation]] and [[Judiciary of Gylias#Constitutional Court of Gylias|Constitutional Court]] (judicial).<br />
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The [[President of Gylias|President]] is the "main counselor and arbiter of the people", according to the Constitution. They are elected by Gylian voters in [[Elections in Gylias#Presidency|presidential elections]]. The President fulfils a mainly ceremonial {{wpl|figurehead}} role, and carries out representative and practical functions with the advice of the cabinet.<br />
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The [[Gylian Parliament]] consists of two houses: the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] and the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]]. The Chamber of Deputies is elected using {{wpl|single transferable vote}} from local ''circonscriptions''. The Senate is chosen by a combination of {{wpl|sortition}} and appointment. The Parliament serves more of a {{wpl|deliberative democracy|deliberative}} and {{wpl|delegative democracy|delegative}} role within the political system. Its members are subject to {{wpl|imperative mandate}}s and {{wpl|recall election|recall}} from their constituents, and serve part-time under the principle of {{wpl|citizen legislature|popular legislature}}.<br />
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The [[Cabinet of Gylias]] constitutes the federal government, chaired by the [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]]. The cabinet functions according to a {{wpl|directorial system|collegial system}}, where ministers share equal prominence and autonomy in carrying out their duties. The Prime Minister's main role is thus the formation of the government and establishing its direction. The cabinet sets the governing agenda and prepares preliminary resolutions and decisions for the Parliament to consider.<br />
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All Gylian governments since independence have been {{wpl|coalition governments}}. A [[List of political parties in Gylias|record number of parties]] have legislative representation, which confederate into {{wpl|electoral bloc}}s based on ideology. {{wpl|Regionalism (politics)|Regionalist}} parties, {{wpl|localism (politics)|localist}} parties, and independent candidates and organisations are dominant at the [[Politics of Gylias#Local|regional and local level]]. All legislatures are {{wpl|citizen legislature|popular legislatures}}, which has contributed to a trend of [[Politics of Gylias#Politicians|non-politicians]] — academics, artists, representatives of civil society and other notables — [[Political culture of Gylias|participating in legislatures and governance]].<br />
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{{wpl|Public administration}} is dualistic: the government establishes policy, but the {{wpl|civil service}} carries it out of its own accord, through [[Gylian administrative agencies|administrative agencies]].<br />
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===Direct democracy===<br />
Constitutionally, {{wpl|legislative power}} is vested in the people, which in turn can be delegated to larger institutions based on the principle of {{wpl|subsidiarity}}. Municipal, regional, and federal assemblies and agencies exist primarily for coordination and management purposes, balancing competing interests and ensuring fair development through a system of [[Politics of Gylias#Cooperative democracy|cooperative democracy]].<br />
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Local issues are handled by weekly [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]], selected partly by {{wpl|sortition}}, where deliberations take place and decisions are made. Other significant instruments of direct democracy in Gylias are [[Politics of Gylias#Cooperative democracy|local and regional advisory councils]], the [[Committees for the Advance of the Revolution]] (CAR), the system of popular initiative, and the change to a sortition-based Senate.<br />
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Popular initiatives can be organised at the federal, regional, or municipal level. Proposed laws or constitutional modifications, as long as they do not contravene the Constitution, can be put to a vote if they have collected 10.000 signatures within 100 days, with voters deciding by a simple majority whether to approve or reject. In addition, referendums can also be called to repeal existing laws, or to {{wpl|recall election|recall}} elected officials before their term expires.<br />
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The direct democratic elements of the Gylian system have benefited heavily from the expansion of {{wpl|information and communications technology}} since the 1980s. {{wpl|E-democracy|Electronic voting}} is used at local levels to address issues. The Hermes Programme allows for both participatory planning and {{wpl|participatory budgeting}} through the ''Cybervote'' system, in which individuals can submit proposals, deliberate, and vote on planning decisions. Currently, all government budgets are largely implementations of popular initiatives, with little ability to enact policies unilaterally.<br />
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===Law===<br />
{{main|Law of Gylias|Judiciary of Gylias}}<br />
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Gylias has a {{wpl|civil law (legal system)|civil law}} system, based on the [[Constitution of Gylias]] and [[Law of Gylias#Legal foundations|six codes of law]]. The [[Judiciary of Gylias|judicial system]] has two supreme courts: the [[Judiciary of Gylias#Court of Cassation of Gylias|Court of Cassation of Gylias]], which deals with all civil and criminal cases, and the [[Judiciary of Gylias#Constitutional Court of Gylias|Constitutional Court of Gylias]], which ensures compliance with the Constitution and handles administrative cases. Both courts have 9 members, appointed for a single 9-year term by the President, and must meet a high standard of judicial knowledge and practice.<br />
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Criminal laws are codified at the federal level according to the [[Law of Gylias#Civil law|civil code]] and [[Law of Gylias#Penal law|penal code]]. The penal system is aimed mainly at rehabilitation of convicted criminals and protection of the public. A {{wpl|inquisitorial system|nonadversarial system}} is used in Gylian law, in which courts are actively involved in investigating and establishing the facts of the case. {{wpl|Bench trial}}s are used to resolve cases. {{wpl|Prison}}s do not exist, with other sanctions being used in their place.<br />
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Since the 1990s, all laws are passed with defined success metrics and automatic {{wpl|sunset provision}}s, and the respective legislature can reenact it for another period if it has proven successful and remains relevant.<br />
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Gylias is strictly secular in the public sphere, guaranteeing {{wpl|freedom of religion}} but not recognising any form of {{wpl|religious law}}. [[Human rights in Gylias#Anti-discrimination|Extensive anti-discrimination legislation]] includes prohibitions on {{wpl|hate speech}}. Gylian jurisprudence is known for its emphasis on concise, clear, and accessible expression of law.<br />
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===Law enforcement===<br />
{{main|Law enforcement in Gylias}}<br />
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Several institutions enforce the law in Gylias, independent of governments. The [[Gylian Police]] handles main police matters and has a very broad-based role in Gylian society, with additional civil duties complementing their law enforcement mandate.<br />
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The [[Popular Guards]] are the {{wpl|police tactical unit}}s of Gylias. Training is similar to the Gylian Police, but organisation has {{wpl|gendarmerie}} aspects. Their duties include counter-terrorism, hostage rescues, and protecting important buildings and people.<br />
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Both institutions coordinate with [[Special Public Security Bureau 9]], the country's main {{wpl|intelligence agency}}, whose duties include both domestic and foreign {{wpl|counterintelligence}}.<br />
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Gylias' [[Crime in Gylias|crime rate]] is among the lowest in Siduri, and its law enforcement is known for its efficiency, {{wpl|community policing}}, and stringent training to prevent {{wpl|authoritarian personality|authoritarian personalities}} from entering law enforcement. The police have a positive reputation, and are considered one of Gylias' most prestigious — yet demanding — occupations. <br />
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===Local government===<br />
{{main|Local government in Gylias}}<br />
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Local government is based on [[Municipalities of Gylias|municipalities]] (''municipalités''), which can combine their resources and responsibilities into larger administrative bodies such as {{wpl|city council}}s.<br />
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Municipalities are federated into [[Regions of Gylias|regions]] (''régions''). These are largely used for administrative and coordinating functions. Both municipalities and regions have a high degree of independence, in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity.<br />
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The federal, regional, and municipal governments collaborate in delivering public services. Each has control over certain taxes and responsibility for certain services reserved to it.<br />
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{{Gylian regions}}<br />
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===Foreign relations===<br />
{{main|Foreign relations of Gylias}}<br />
Gylian foreign policy is based on principles of neutrality, non-alignment, and pursuit of multilateral solutions. Its role in international diplomacy, and more recent involvements in peacekeeping, are significant to the country's global image. Gylias is considered a {{wpl|middle power}} within Siduri and possesses a degree of influence in Tyran on account of its work as part of regional organisations and support of ideals of democracy, [[Human rights in Gylias|human rights]], egalitarianism, and social justice.<br />
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Gylias is a member of the [[Organization of Tyrannic Nations]] and the [[Common Sphere]]. It has particularly close ties with [[Cacerta]] and [[Kirisaki]], which are considered {{wpl|special relationship}}s, and has also built close relations with [[Allamunnika]] since the 1990s. It is also party to a mutual defense treaty with [[Ossoria]], which possesses a naval base at Eltykan.<br />
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Gylias' poorest relations are generally with countries characterised by authoritarian governments or the predominance of {{wpl|social conservatism|socially conservative}} norms in society. Relations with [[Æþurheim]] have seen some improvement due to Æþurian interest in Gylian popular culture.<br />
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==Education==<br />
{{main|Education in Gylias}}<br />
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Education in Gylias is notable for its strongly [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] influences. The Gylian educational system is based on {{wpl|progressive education|progressive}} and {{wpl|democratic}} principles, and {{wpl|student-centred learning}} methods predominate. Educational institutions are run through {{wpl|direct democracy}}, students and teachers are equals, and students can propose classes and topics.<br />
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Public education is dominant. The Ministry of Education and Research establishes the framework for education in consultation with the public. The framework is flexible, aimed at meeting students' needs, and encourages experimentation. Municipalities arrange most {{wpl|pre-tertiary education}}, and fund and administer the respective institutions. {{wpl|Higher education}} is equally a municipal, regional, and federal responsibility.<br />
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Education is legally defined as a {{wpl|public good}}, and can not be done for profit. Public education is completely free at all levels and funded by taxation. Private institutions include {{wpl|Autonomous social center#Free schools|anarchist free schools}}, specialist language schools, overseas educational institutions active in Gylias, and schools based on particular pedagogical methods such as {{wpl|Montessori education}}. <br />
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A wide array of additional institutions and services provide education, including {{wpl|community college|community classes}}, {{wpl|Part-time learner in higher education|evening classes}}, {{wpl|night schools}}, {{wpl|adult education}}, [[Community markets (Gylias)|community markets]] and "popular libraries", {{wpl|Autonomous social center#Infoshops|infoshops}}, and {{wpl|distance education}}. The most famous distance education institution is the [[Open University]].<br />
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Education is compulsory between the ages of 6 and 15. The school year lasts nine months, beginning on 1 September and ending on 1 May. The last week of December and first week of January constitute the winter break, separating the year into two {{wpl|academic terms}}, and summer vacation lasts from 1 June to 31 August.<br />
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==Health==<br />
{{main|Health in Gylias}}<br />
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[[File:Gylias-NHS-Logo.png|200px|thumb|right|The National Health System logo]]<br />
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Gylias has a {{wpl|universal health care}} system, called the [[Health in Gylias#Health care|National Health System]]. The NHS is entirely funded from taxation, and organised at the federal, regional, and municipal level. It is free at all points of use, and does not collect any service fees. Private hospitals are rare and private insurance practically nonexistent.<br />
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A considerable portion of the federal budget is assigned to healthcare. Spending on health is particularly high, at nearly 11% of GDP in 2019. The largest contributor to this is a public monopoly on pharmacy, which allows Gylians to access medicine for free.<br />
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Overall, the system is well-performing: it ranks highly in life expectancy and doctor to population ratio, and has low rates of child mortality, {{wpl|diseases of affluence}}, and {{wpl|sexually transmitted disease}}s.<br />
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Gylias has many campaigns for health and wellbeing, coordinated by the health and education ministries. A license-based system is used for distribution of [[Drugs in Gylias|alcohol and drugs]], overseen by the [[Controlled Substances Administration]]. Widespread {{wpl|harm reduction}} policies and preference for consuming drugs orally contributes to a low rate of infections caused by contaminated {{wpl|hypodermic needle}}s.<br />
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==Transportation==<br />
{{main|Transport in Gylias}}<br />
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Gylias has an extensive public transport system, which encompasses 1,5 million kilometres of roadway, 30.485 kilometres of railways, and various urban transit systems.<br />
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Public policy is aimed towards discouraging car use and encouraging public transport. The majority of automobiles are {{wpl|plug-in electric vehicle}}s, {{wpl|hybrid electric vehicle|hybrids}} or run on {{wpl|biofuel}}s. {{wpl|Electric vehicle conversion}} forms the basis of Gylias' {{wpl|automotive industry}}.<br />
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Cycling is a ubiquitous mode of transport. The comprehensive {{wpl|cycling infrastructure}} encompasses some 40.000 km of {{wpl|segregated cycle facilities}}, bicycle routes, large bicycle parking facilities, bicycle-specific traffic lights in urban areas, and bicycle highways linking major cities and protected areas.<br />
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A majority of cities have {{wpl|rapid transit|metro systems}}. Other forms of public transport include {{wpl|bus}}es, {{wpl|trolleybus}}es, {{wpl|tram}}s, {{wpl|light rail}}, and {{wpl|monorail}}s.<br />
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The rail network is dense, and known for its safety and punctuality. A significant part of it is represented by {{wpl|high-speed rail}} and urban rail systems.<br />
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Air and water transport are similarly well-developed, the latter with a long history.<br />
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==Culture==<br />
{{main|Culture of Gylias|Cultural economic practices of Gylias}}<br />
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Gylian culture has been influenced by history, population diversity, and cultural connections with other nations, producing a rich cultural and artistic tradition.<br />
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[[Culture of Gylias#Society|Gylian society]] is modern, liberal, and strongly progressive. It has a reputation for social experimentation and {{wpl|permissive society|permissive}} [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberalism]], reflected in [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|attitudes towards gender and sexuality]], extensive [[Human rights in Gylias#Anti-discrimination|anti-discrimination laws]], and high levels of {{wpl|social equality}}.<br />
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Gylian society emphasises egalitarianism, reciprocity, and cooperation, and is known for its deep sense of community. Society is [[Culture of Gylias#Social norms|generally informal with an adherence to basic behavioural norms]], resulting in open and direct manners and a lack of taboos that can be mistaken for rudeness by other cultures. Gylians typically refer to themselves by first name.<br />
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Gylias has a thriving {{wpl|civil society}} with an extensive network of institutions — including associations, foundations, community organisations, consumer organisations, {{wpl|social cooperative}}s, sports clubs, {{wpl|salon (gathering)|salons}}, and [[Scouting in Gylias|scouting organisations]] — and a high rate of volunteering.<br />
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Uniquely for a strongly [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]]-influenced nation, Gylian society has developed an ideal of [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] as a defining trait. Luxury, elegance, and refinement are accepted ideals, subordinated to existing norms of solidarity and reciprocity.<br />
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Other notable concepts unique to Gylian society include ''[[gehenta]]'', the [[wicked–evil distinction]], and the [[adversary–enemy distinction]].<br />
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===Music===<br />
{{main|Music of Gylias}}<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = right<br />
| image1 = The Beaties.jpg<br />
| total_width = 400<br />
| link1 = <br />
| caption1 = [[The Beaties]], Gylias' [[The Beaties' cultural impact|most influential popular music group]]<br />
| image2 = Angela Gheorghiu as Floria Tosca at San Francisco Opera, November 2012.jpg<br />
| alt2 = <br />
| link2 = <br />
| caption2 = Gylian {{wpl|soprano}} Zunde Xikon during a performance of ''{{wpl|Tosca}}''<br />
}}<br />
Gylian music is eclectic and diverse. Its long and varied history includes the traditional and folk music of Gylias' various populations, {{wpl|art music}} and {{wpl|opera}} (which overcame the stigma of association with [[Xevden]] through modern and contemporary developments), experimental music, and a variety of forms of popular music.<br />
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Gylian pop music has had a great impact throughout the region through the [[Gylian Invasion]]. [[The Beaties]] are the [[The Beaties' cultural impact|biggest-selling and most influential band]] in the history of popular music. They established {{wpl|rock music}} as a significant force, and profoundly influenced {{wpl|pop music}}. Other influential acts of the period included [[The Byrds]], [[The Watts]], [[The Dandys]], and [[The Wells]].<br />
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Notable genres originating in Gylias include the [[Gylian Sound]] — and its [[Neo-Gylian Sound|later incarnation]] — and [[shoegazing]], while genres that have attained significant development include [[Gylian dance-rock|dance-rock]], [[Gylian psychedelic music|psychedelic music]] and [[Gylian psychedelic music#Second wave|space rock]], [[Gylian jazz#Fusion|jazz fusion]], {{wpl|electronic music}} and {{wpl|hip hop music|hip hop}}.<br />
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Gylias' lively music scene is characterised by [[Touring in Gylias|camaraderie among musicians]], [[Cultural economic practices of Gylias|artist-driven organisation]], and an adventurous ethos and experimentalism. These factors have proven attractive to foreign acts that have either worked or relocated to Gylias.<br />
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===Cinema===<br />
{{main|Cinema of Gylias}}<br />
Gylian cinema is vibrant and has achieved a degree of international recognition. Gylias has a high rate of film production per year and benefits from government support and protections. Gylian films and series are noted for their technical innovation, {{wpl|slice of life}} storytelling, emphasis on characterisation, and sexual frankness.<br />
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Domestic films overwhelmingly dominate the Gylian film market, resulting from cultural protectionism and different audience tastes engendered by Gylian society. Similarly, few Gylian films gain comparable success abroad. Recently, more films and series, such as those created by [[Dreamwave Productions]], have become internationally successful.<br />
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Gylias has a well-developed television market, with multiple community, and private broadcasters aimed at both general and specialised audiences. As with cinema, domestically-produced series dominate the market, with a few of these having also been exported to international success.<br />
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Gylias has a highly-developed [[Gylianime|animation industry]], with a strong influence from [[Kirisaki]] and [[Akashi]] that has earned the nickname "Gylianime". It is characterised by colourful graphics, vibrant characters, fantastical themes, diversity in genres and themes, and {{wpl|slice of life}} storytelling. A high proportion of television series made in Gylias are animated.<br />
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Gylias' reputation for artistry has made it attractive for foreign artists, while the þaler's low exchange rate has incentivised filming in Gylias.<br />
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===Literature===<br />
{{main|Literature of Gylias}}<br />
Gylian literature dates back to ancient folklore and myths, and experienced significant development during the Liúşai League. Literature during the 16th–17th centuries was strongly influenced by Kirisakian genres ''{{wpl|zuihitsu}}'' and ''{{wpl|nikki bungaku}}'', creating a trend twoards books that connected essays, fragmentary ideas, stories, observations, and random musings.<br />
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Following a long interruption by Xevdenite conquest, modern Gylian literature emerged with the Gylian ascendancy. Influential authors of the period include [[Anca Déuréy]], the "mother of Gylian literature", and [[Angeline Dalles]], whose satire and {{wpl|black humour}} had a significant contribution to Gylian culture, particularly by introducing the [[wicked–evil distinction]]. The freedom of Alscia, and the subsequent transformations of the Free Territories and Golden Revolution, have allowed Gylian literature to thrive into the present.<br />
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Gylians are avid consumers of literature. Gylias has one of the highest levels of bookstores and libraries per capita in Tyran, as well as publication of books and magazines per capita. One estimate finds that around 20% of the population will publish a book in their lifetimes. Various periodical outlets for literature exist, from general interest magazines that publish fiction — such as ''[[L'Petit Écho]]'' and ''[[Silhouette (magazine)|Silhouette]]'' — to specialised {{wpl|literary magazine}}s such as ''[[Downtown (Gylias)|Downtown]]'', ''[[Surface (Gylias)|Surface]]'', and ''[[The Current (Gylias)|The Current]]''.<br />
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===Art===<br />
{{main|Art of Gylias}}<br />
[[File:RomainGoudreau-art.jpg|200px|thumb|right|An artwork by [[Romain Goudreau]]]]<br />
Gylian visual arts have a long and distinguished history, and cover a wide range of styles and media. Their evolution during the Liúşai League set a precedent for importing ideas from abroad and synthesising them with native aesthetics.<br />
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Modern Gylian art began in the 19th century through the Gylian ascendancy. Incorporating contemporary influences and influenced by the political elements of [[Gylian nationalism|Gylian identity]], it was animated by a spirit of resistance to Xevden.<br />
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Alscia, the Free Territories, and independence liberated Gylian visual arts, which embraced newer styles. Avant-garde influences were introduced and combined with local forms and tastes. The dismantling of barriers between {{wpl|high culture}} and {{wpl|popular culture}} fostered by the Golden Revolution has had a profound impact on Gylian art.<br />
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Significant influences on Gylian art have been {{wpl|Art Deco}}, [[Demopolis|demopolitanism]], and [[gauchic]]. The latter has played a role in Gylias' thriving illustration and photography, and serves as a foremost representative of the ideal of "socialised luxury".<br />
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===Fashion===<br />
{{main|Clothing in Gylias}}<br />
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{{multiple image<br />
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| image1 = Gylias-clothes1.jpg<br />
| image2 = Gylias-clothes2.jpg<br />
| footer = Clothes made by Gylian clothing company Gerno }}<br />
Clothing is one of Gylias' most important industries and cultural exports. Gylian clothesmaking reflects the egalitarian ethos that pervades society, emphasising {{wpl|bespoke|custom-made}} and individually tailored items of clothing. Gylian clothing designs are characterised by diversity, comfort, and style. Appearances are defined by casual glamour, elegance, and quirkiness.<br />
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Gylias has no fashion industry in practice. Clothing is made specifically for the individual wearer. Market socialism in the economy and a [[Advertising in Gylias|strong mistrust of advertising]] preclude the emergence of events characteristic of fashion industries, such as {{wpl|fashion week}}s and {{wpl|fashion show}}s. Periodicals and publications that focus on clothing do not proclaim trends or enforce particular styles on the population at large.<br />
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Gylian society has a liberal attitude towards clothing — not observing {{wpl|dress code}}s — and an accepting one towards nudity.<br />
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Numerous clothing companies exist in Gylias. A thriving {{wpl|jewellery}} and {{wpl|cosmetic industry}} complement the clothesmaking industry. Their strength as a cultural export have earned Gylias the reputation of a country of beauty and accessible luxury.<br />
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===Media===<br />
{{main|Media of Gylias}}<br />
The Gylian media landscape is highly diverse. Gylians are avid readers and consumers of media: press circulation, radio listenership, television viewership, and internet access figures are among Tyran's highest.<br />
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The media is shaped by the economic system, strong {{wpl|competition law}}s, and {{wpl|press support}}. All media companies are {{wpl|media cooperative|cooperatives}}. Ownership is limited to one newspaper, radio station, and television station at once per entity.<br />
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{{wpl|Public broadcasting}} is funded through a {{wpl|television licence|license fee}}. Community and public-access broadcasters are non-profits run by volunteers. Private stations are funded by viewer contributions, some [[Advertising in Gylias|advertising]], private donations, {{wpl|pay television|subscription fees}}, or other means. Periodicals' business models are based on direct sales and subscriptions.<br />
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A variety of newspapers exist at the local, regional, and federal level, including {{wpl|free newspaper}}s and {{wpl|alternative newspaper}}s. Most federal newspapers have English and French editions, while regional and local ones are also printed in their respective regional languages.<br />
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The public [[Gylian National Broadcasting Service]] operates four national radio stations through [[Gylian Radio]] and five national television stations through [[Gylian Television]]. It had a monopoly on federal radio and television transmissions from 1958 to 1991. Private broadcasting thrived at the regional and local level, with {{wpl|community radio}} and {{wpl|public-access television}} establishing a strong presence. Private broadcasting expanded at the federal level since 1991, but public broadcasting retains the largest audience share for both television and radio.<br />
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[[Associated Television]] emerged as the leading private broadcaster during the 1960s. It is an association of Gylias' regional and local television channels, allowing them to share programmes so as to be displayed on the entire network. [[5 (Gylias)|5]] was the first national private channel to begin broadcasting after the end of GTV's monopoly. It is the most successful French-language channel in Gylias.<br />
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{{wpl|Digital television}} was introduced in 1999, and analogue broadcasts were subsequently terminated in 2009 after a lengthy preparatory period.<br />
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Gylias has a highly developed [[Internet in Gylias|internet]] culture. Nearly 99% of the population has internet access, with computers being similarly widespread. All Gylian schools and public libraries have internet connections and computers. Gylias was an early adopter of computers and the internet starting in the 1990s — shown by its flourishing {{wpl|demoscene}} —, and is notable for regulating the internet as a {{wpl|public utility}}.<br />
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===Sport===<br />
{{main|Sport in Gylias}}<br />
Sports are popular in Gylias, and the population is generally quite active. {{wpl|Association football|Football}} is the {{wpl|national sport}}, with over 400.000 players in more than 35.000 clubs. Other popular sports include {{wpl|swimming}} and {{wpl|cycling}}, {{wpl|volleyball}} and {{wpl|basketball}}, {{wpl|tennis}}, and {{wpl|chess}}. Gylians generally gravitate towards {{wpl|team sport}}s, but some {{wpl|individual sport}}s also enjoy popularity, such as {{wpl|figure skating}} and {{wpl|gymnastics}}.<br />
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Several {{wpl|martial arts}} have gained popularity through cultural ties with [[Kirisaki]]. These include {{wpl|kendo}} and {{wpl|fencing}}, {{wpl|jujutsu}}, {{wpl|judo}}, and {{wpl|aikido}}. They have helped shape ''[[rezy]]'', a distinctive form of {{wpl|professional wrestling}} that de-emphasises violence in favour of theatrics and athletic grace.<br />
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Gylian sports is known for its communal character and {{wpl|sportsmanship}}. {{wpl|Sports league}}s do not exist; all sports events are organised as friendly matches, and scores are considered secondary to the enjoyment of the players and the audience. Teams and their fans have friendly relations with other teams, and {{wpl|football chant}}s are generally lighthearted and amiable. Most Gylian sports players manage entire careers without being cautioned or sanctioned for unsporting conduct. <br />
<br />
Sports have a semi-{{wpl|amateur sports|amateur}} character due to the economy. Teams and venues are largely supported by a combination of donations, government grants, ticket sales, and contributions from wealthy Gylians, largely eschewing sponsorship.<br />
<br />
===Cuisine===<br />
{{main|Culture of Gylias#Cuisine|l1=Cuisine of Gylias}}<br />
[[File:Food not bombs 2.JPG|200px|thumb|right|Free food served at a {{wpl|volxkuche|kitchen for all}} in Landráy]]<br />
Gylian culinary traditions are influenced by the country's farming practices and seafaring history. It is mainly based on vegetables, fruits, {{wpl|seafood}}, {{wpl|dairy product}}s, and {{wpl|grain}}s. <br />
<br />
Gylian cuisine is defined by simplicity and frugality. Meals are served as the same time; {{wpl|serving size}}s tend to be small. A strong taboo against {{wpl|food waste}} is manifested in widespread practices of {{wpl|gleaning}}, {{wpl|food rescue}}, and {{wpl|freeganism}}. The taboo and strict {{wpl|animal welfare}} legislation lead to the use of every part of a dead animal's body for food.<br />
<br />
{{wpl|Animal slaughter}} is banned. Meat is made out of the bodies of animals that have died of natural causes.<br />
<br />
===Gender relations and sexuality===<br />
{{main|Gender and sexuality in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
Gylian norms regarding gender, nudity, and sexuality were radically liberalised in the [[Golden Revolution]]. Current society has highly progessive attitudes towards these subjects. <br />
<br />
{{wpl|Gender identity}} is seen as a spectrum, with the individual determining their own place on it. Non-gendered pronouns are the customary forms of address. When meeting someone, Gylians will ask what pronouns they prefer, and use the ones indicated. The media features disclaimers before a story noting how certain preferences were expressed, and thanking subjects for giving them permission to use gendered pronouns.<br />
<br />
Sexuality and nudity are treated casually, without any {{wpl|taboo}}s. It is common to see people in various states of nudity in public, with the Ministry of Health only providing guidance to avoid {{wpl|sunburn}}. {{wpl|Sex education}} in schools is comprehensive and mandatory, treatments for {{wpl|gender dysphoria}} are covered by the NHS, and {{wpl|sexual protection}} is extensive. Social openness towards sexuality is reflected in the positive and accepting treatment of it in popular culture.<br />
<br />
According to the Constitution, marriages are non-gendered. There are other equivalent arrangements provided by law, such as {{wpl|civil union}}s and official {{wpl|cohabitation}}. The law recognises {{wpl|polyamory}} and provides the possibility of {{wpl|group marriage}}s, with the consent of all the involved parties.<br />
<br />
===Public holidays===<br />
{{main|Culture of Gylias#Public holidays|l1=Public holidays of Gylias}}<br />
All official {{wpl|public holiday}}s are established by government legislation. They are secular by law, and generally have historical significance.<br />
<br />
The current federal holidays are:<br />
<br />
{| class="wikitable" style="font-size: 90%;"<br />
|-<br />
! Date !! Name !! Notes<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|1 January || {{wpl|New Year's Day}} || The exact date is a day of rest. Every four years, it is also the day Parliament is officially dissolved and the federal election period begins.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|2 January ||style="white-space:nowrap;"| Rememberance Day || Commemorates the end of the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]].<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|8 March || Equality Day || Gylian-specific, gender-neutral observance of {{wpl|International Women's Day}}. One of the official holidays with a strong political character.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|15 April || [[Tax Day]] || The day {{wpl|tax return}}s are due. Features celebrations of contributions to society through taxation, volunteering, and philanthropy.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|29 April || Constitution Day || The date of the [[List of Gylian referendums#1961|1961 referendum]] that ratified the [[Constitution of Gylias]]. Due to proximity to May Day, 30 April is an unofficial holiday as well.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|1 May || Labour Day || {{wpl|International Workers' Day}}. Commonly referred to as "May Day".<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|1 June || Summer's Day || Official beginning of {{wpl|summer vacation}}, which ends on 1 September.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|31 December || {{wpl|New Year's Eve}} || The exact date is a day of rest.<br />
|-<br />
|style="white-space:nowrap;"|''Various'' || [[Election Day (Gylias)|Election Day]] || {{plainlist|<br />
* The day [[Elections in Gylias|elections]] and [[Elections in Gylias#Referendums|referendums]] are held. It is a public holiday to encourage voter turnout.<br />
* [[Elections in Gylias#Federal elections|Federal elections]] are held on 22 January, [[Elections in Gylias#Regional elections|regional elections]] on 22 March, and [[Elections in Gylias#Municipal elections|municipal elections]] on 22 September. <br />
* Referendum dates vary but always take place on a Friday or Monday. }}<br />
|}<br />
<br />
Various other holidays are observed regionally and locally.<br />
<br />
==Self-Defense Forces==<br />
{{main|Gylian Self-Defense Forces}}<br />
<br />
Gylias does not legally have a military. The equivalent is the [[Gylian Self-Defense Forces]] (GSDF), a set of unified armed forces with the purpose of defending Gylian sovereignty. The GSDF is legally one organisation with a unified chain of command, with land, sea, and air elements. It is governed by the Ministry of Defense, with the President as the legal {{wpl|commander-in-chief}}.<br />
<br />
The GSDF is the direct successor of the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]] that won the Liberation War. Its character is closer to a {{wpl|militia}} than a professional military, which sets it apart in Tyran. GSDF members are legally civilians, governed by the Constitution and Civil Code. Hierarchies are deemphasised, and relations between the various GSDF ranks are marked by relative social equality. The GSDF functions on the basis of "revolutionary discipline", a democratic form of organisation and training that emphasises consciousness and understanding of why certain orders are issued and must be obeyed. <br />
<br />
The GSDF's mission is restricted by Article 11 of the Gylian constitution, which renounces the right to declare war or use force in international disputes. Being primarily defense-oriented, it does not possess equipment that would create offensive capabilities. Similar to the Gylian Police, it maintains civil functions in addition to its defense role, aiding the population in various capacities.<br />
<br />
{{Template:Gylias Navbox}}<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylias]]<br />
[[Category:Tyran]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Frauke_Stark&diff=611245Frauke Stark2023-02-01T10:58:00Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Stark|Frauke}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox officeholder<br />
| name = Frauke Stark<br />
| image = FraukeStark1.jpg<br />
|caption = <br />
|office = [[President of Gylias]]<br />
|term_start = 1 February 2023<br />
|term_end = <br />
|primeminister = [[Darnan Cyras]]<br>[[Aén Ďanez]]<br />
|predecessor = [[Ravy Egiði]]<br />
|successor = <br />
| birth_name = Julia Brückner<br />
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1960|04|14|df=yes}}<br />
| birth_place = Garés, [[Alţira Region|Alţira]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| nationality = Gylian<br />
| alma_mater = Federal University of Mişeyáke<br />
| occupation = [[Pornography in Gylias|Pornographic]] actress, producer, and director<br />
| module2 = {{Infobox person|embed=yes<br />
| known_for = ''Shopping''<br />
| net_worth = {{increase}} [[List of Gylians by net worth|Ŧ12 billion]] (2020) }}<br />
|party = {{G-LND}}<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Julia Brückner''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transliteration]]: ''Iulia Byryúknáyr'', born 14 April 1960), known by the stage name '''Frauke Stark''' (Gylic transliteration: ''Fyrauke Şytaryk''), is a Gylian [[Pornography in Gylias|pornographic]] producer, director, and actress, and politician. She became famous in the 1990s with her ''Shopping'' series, and is one of Gylias' most successful pornographers.<br />
<br />
She won the [[Gylian presidential election, 2023|2023 presidential election]], and serves as the incumbent [[President of Gylias]].<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Julia Brückner was born on 14 April 1960 in Garés. Her parents were from [[Acrea]] and [[Shalum]], met as volunteers in the [[People's Army (Gylias)#International Brigades|International Brigades]], and remained members of the [[Gylian Self-Defense Forces|GSDF]] after the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. She has three younger brothers.<br />
<br />
She began studying {{wpl|psychology}} at the Federal University of Mişeyáke in 1978, and ultimately completed a Ph.D in 1985.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
She started acting in pornographic films while in university. She chose the stage name "Frauke Stark" as a pun, wishing to have a "soft-hard" duality in her stage name.<br />
<br />
Her career progressed slowly during the 1980s. Eventually, she found a niche playing voracious older women. She gradually learned about filmmaking from conversations with colleagues and crew members, and decided to start making her own pornographic films. <br />
<br />
She set up her own studio in 1989.<br />
<br />
===''Shopping''===<br />
Frauke gained her breakthrough in 1990 with the film ''Shopping for Girls''. The film's slick production values, breezy tone, and tongue-in-cheek commercial elements found an unexpected audience. Stark followed it with ''Shopping for Boys'' in the same year. <br />
<br />
She refined the formula and turned ''Shopping'' into an ongoing series with three parts, based on intended audience and partners: ''Shopping for Girls'', ''Shopping for Boys'', and ''Shopping for TIQles'' (transgender, intersex, and queer).<br />
<br />
Frauke's ''Shopping'' films focus on straightforward sexual acts, with elements of [[Clothing in Gylias|clothing fetishism]] and tongue-in-cheek [[Prostitution in Gylias|commercial]] and {{wpl|transactional sex|transactional}} elements. <br />
<br />
She appears in the films as a wealthy and insatiable woman seeking out partners, preferring younger and less experienced ones. Her characters are humorously portrayed relating everything to money, and basing their attractiveness on a combination of looks and wealth. <br />
<br />
All ''Shopping'' films begin with the {{wpl|title sequence}}: an eroticised depiction of Frauke doing her beauty routine and getting dressed, accompanied by the series' theme song "Shopping". It ends with a close-up of her in a flirtatious pose and the series logo, and Frauke whispering the name of the respective series. A humorous sequence follows showing her looking around various people as if browsing a {{wpl|department store}}, before selecting her partner.<br />
<br />
All ''Shopping'' films end with a shot of her partner being exhausted after sex, followed by Frauke teasing them about their lack of stamina. She then makes a playful boast or quip directly to the camera, and winks at the audience before the end credits roll.<br />
<br />
The series' visual style, directing, and packaging is similarly self-parodic. Soundtracks generally feature [[Neo-Gylian Sound]], [[city pop]], {{wpl|acid jazz}}, {{wpl|house music}}, and similar genres.<br />
<br />
The success of the ''Shopping'' films inspired [[Pornography in Gylias#Politics in pornography|a subgenre of "business burlesque" pornography]], which became one of the largest genres in Gylian pornography.<br />
<br />
==Other activities==<br />
[[File:FraukeStark2.png|200px|thumb|right|Undated publicity photo of Frauke Stark]]<br />
Frauke is one of Gylias' most famous pornographers, and [[List of Gylians by net worth|one of the richest]]. Her net wealth is estimated to be Ŧ12 billion. She has worked with some of the biggest names in Gylian pornography, as well as future stars she mentored. Among her notable ''Shopping'' co-stars was [[Sōko Sōma]] in 1999, when she became the only co-star to subvert Sōko's insatiable party girl character and leave her exhausted from sex.<br />
<br />
===Collaborations===<br />
Her fame spread beyond pornography in the 1990s, and she became a media personality and household name. She has produced non-pornographic films, made cameo appearances as herself in various productions, and has collaborated with several musical acts, providing spoken word vocals and sexual sounds. <br />
<br />
Her collaborations include [[Chikageki#Discography|''Shopping for Doom'']] (1997), with protégé [[Chikageki|Chizuru Ogawa]], and guest appearances on songs by [[Stella Star]], [[The Ins & Outs]], [[New Order]], [[The Rubber Band]], and [[Yoko Kanno]].<br />
<br />
===Merchandise===<br />
She has produced a range of merchandise of herself, including "anatomically correct" action figures, branded sex toys, her own sex simulation video game, a line of clothing that duplicates her trademark business-suited appearance, lingerie, perfume, handbags, and footwear.<br />
<br />
===Impact===<br />
As one of Gylias' most popular pornographers, Frauke has had a significant impact on both Gylian pornography and pop culture. Before her, similarly successful pornographic stars like [[Edwige Ferré]] and [[Moana Pozzi]] emphasised youthfulness and enthusiasm. Frauke was the first pornographic star to base her appeal on maturity, playfully sexualising her older appearance. Even her specific brand of glasses saw a boost in popularity as a result of her ''Shopping'' films. Her work thus paved the way for the popularisation of {{wpl|MILF pornography}} and similar erotic works that emphasised attractive and stylish older women, men, and {{wpl|Non-binary gender|genderqueers}}.<br />
<br />
She is credited with significantly popularising the name "Frauke" for Gylian children.<br />
<br />
She is a prolific participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]], and has been one of the most extensive users of conferred {{wpl|naming rights}}. She has many buildings and streets named after her across all [[Regions of Gylias|Gylian regions]] in recognition of her extensive contributions to their construction and maintenance.<br />
<br />
She was interviewed for [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s documentaries ''Our Clothes'' (2012) and ''Happy Orgasms'' (2013).<br />
<br />
===Academia and politics===<br />
She maintains a separation between her pornographic work as Frauke Stark and her non-pornographic work as Julia Brückner. She is an occasional university lecturer in psychology, and is politically active with {{G-LND}}. She served in the [[Gylian Senate]] between 1 September and 1 December 2010, nominated by [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Laura Varnaþ]].<br />
<br />
===Philanthropy and friendships===<br />
She is a participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]], frequently takes part in [[Tax Day]] ceremonies, and is close friends with [[Marie-Agnès Delaunay]] and [[Agathe Sanna]] — all three having tongue-in-cheek public images in common — as well as [[Kanna Miyashita]] — a former university colleague —, [[Tetramazones#Fusako Fuwa|Fusako Fuwa]] — whose similar appearance earned them frequent comparisons —, and [[Saira Telyn]].<br />
<br />
==President of Gylias==<br />
[[File:FraukeStark3.png|thumb|right|200px|Frauke Stark's campaign portrait]]<br />
===Election===<br />
Frauke secured the endorsement of {{G-LND}} and ran in the [[Gylian presidential election, 2023|2023 presidential election]]. She was the [[List of Gylians by net worth|richest Gylian]] to run for the presidency, and her existing fame as a [[Pornography in Gylias|pornographic]] household name proved a formidable obstacle. Notably, she ran for the presidency as Frauke Stark, whereas her previous political and academic involvement was done under her real name, Julia Brückner.<br />
<br />
She earned a plurality of first preference votes and went on to defeat [[Mai Thị Lan]] in the final preferences by 60% to 40%, the largest victory margin since [[Gylian presidential election, 1975|1975]]. Their presence on the ballot gave rise to the nickname ''"the election of wealth"''.<br />
<br />
===Exercise of office===<br />
Frauke chose to promote {{wpl|free love}}, [[Anarchism in Gylias#Lifestylism|sexarchism]], and [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]] as president. She refused to collect her presidential salary on account of her wealth, instead donating it to charity.<br />
<br />
===Senate nominations===<br />
She maintained a policy of excluding business figures from nomination to the [[Gylian Senate|Senate]].<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
Frauke is a {{wpl|trans woman}}, who began {{wpl|transitioning (transgender)|transitioning}} at age 10. She is known for wearing [[Kaede Nakano]] {{wpl|business suit}}s and has had {{wpl|breast augmentation}}.<br />
<br />
She identifies as {{wpl|pansexuality|pansexual}} with a slight preference for female partners, commenting in an interview: "I enjoy doing all three [of the ''Shopping'' series], but to tell you the truth I enjoy ''Shopping for Girls'' a bit more."<br />
<br />
Her autobiography, ''Hard at Work'', was released in 2005.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian pornographers]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian media figures]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Marie-Agn%C3%A8s_Delaunay&diff=610348Marie-Agnès Delaunay2023-01-30T11:15:39Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Delaunay|Marie-Agnès}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Marie-Agnès Delaunay<br />
| image = MarieAgnèsDelaunay1.png<br />
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1958|08|05|df=yes}}<br />
| birth_place = Louise-Michel, [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| nationality = Gylian<br />
| alma_mater = University of Ḑarna<br />
| occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Media proprietor}}<br />
* {{wpl|publisher}}<br />
* businesswoman <br />
* television presenter <br />
* columnist <br />
* producer }}<br />
| known_for = Founder of [[Magdel Group]]<br />
| net_worth = {{increase}} [[List of Gylians by net worth|Ŧ30 billion]] (2020)<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Marie-Agnès Delaunay''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Mariagyne Deloné'' or ''Marianié Deloné''; born 5 August 1958) is a Gylian {{wpl|media proprietor}} and businesswoman. She is the founder and president of the [[Magdel Group]], whose properties include the newspapers ''[[L'Actualité]]'' and ''[[L'Commerçant]]'', the publishing house [[Magdel Group#Publishing|Éditions Saga]], the radio station [[Radio Courant]], and the television channel [[5 (Gylias)|5]], Gylias' most successful private {{wpl|television network}}.<br />
<br />
One of Gylias' most famous media proprietors, Marie-Agnès is well-known for her cocky public image, portraying a [[Wicked–evil distinction|"wicked"]] caricature of a media proprietor, laced with "[[Francité|playful French seductiveness]]", on her television channel. She is considered a highly influential figure in [[Media of Gylias|Gylian media]], and her playfully self-promotional image and distinctive appearance have had an influence on Gylian pop culture. <br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Marie-Agnès Delaunay was born on 5 August 1958 in Louise-Michel, a {{wpl|planned community}} for resettled {{wpl|internally displaced person}}s now part of Riáona. Her parents worked as an electrician and an [[elevator attendant]]. She is of primarily French heritage, but has some [[Gylic peoples|Varan and Rezakan]] descent.<br />
<br />
She uses two pronunciations of her name, the Gylian French [a'ɲɛ] and the closer to {{wpl|spelling pronunciation}} [aɡˈne], reflected in the alternate Gylic transcriptions ''Mariagyne'' and ''Marianié''. She tends to use [ag'ne] in her business career, and [a'ɲɛ] more in private.<br />
<br />
She was a member of the [[Revolutionary Youth Union]] in childhood and an avid reader. Her interest in writing was encouraged by her parents. In [[Education in Gylias#Secondary education|secondary school]], she concluded she had no aptitude for fiction, and decided to become a journalist instead.<br />
<br />
She attended the University of Ḑarna in 1976–1980, graduating with a degree in journalism. While there, she worked at the {{wpl|student newspaper}}. After graduating, she was briefly an apprentice at a local printer, where she learned about {{wpl|phototypesetting}}.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
===Newspapers and publishing===<br />
Marie-Agnès worked as a reporter for [[Media of Gylias#Newspapers|''The Riáona Post'']] in the early 1980s. She later moved to the ''[[The National Record]]'', working at its French edition ''L'Régistre Nationale''. She gradually moved from reporting to an organisational role, working as a {{wpl|contributing editor}}, {{wpl|copy editing|copy editor}} and {{wpl|proofreading|proofreader}}.<br />
<br />
She grew frustrated with mainly working as an English–French translator. Inspired by the ''[[francité]]'' movement, she envisioned a purely French-language national newspaper, and amicably left ''L'Régistre Nationale'' to pursue this project.<br />
<br />
Marie-Agnès founded ''[[L'Actualité]]'' in 1984. ''L'Actualité'' had the most advanced production techniques of a Gylian newspaper at the time: it was produced on computers running {{wpl|desktop publishing}} software with {{wpl|WYSIWYG}} capabilities, and printed in full colour. It quickly became Gylias' most successful Francophone newspaper, and caused other newspapers to similarly convert to electronic production and colour printing.<br />
<br />
The success of ''L'Actualité'' provided the foundation for Marie-Agnès' future plans. She founded the [[Magdel Group]] in 1986 to support her expansion. She established ''[[L'Commerçant]]'' that year, and the [[Magdel Group#Publishing|Éditions Saga]] publishing house in 1988.<br />
<br />
===Radio===<br />
[[File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Marie-Agnès in 1988]]<br />
Marie-Agnès founded [[Radio Courant]] in 1986, the [[Magdel Group]]'s first venture beyond print. Replicating the formula of ''L'Actualité'', the station gained popularity for its sophisticated {{wpl|station identification}} jingles, eclectic programming, and Francophone focus.<br />
<br />
It was initially a regional station serving [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]], and gradually expanded its coverage to [[Tomes Region|Tomes]], [[Aðuna Region|Aðuna]], and [[Herlan Region|Herlan]], becoming a significant station in southern Gylias.<br />
<br />
After the [[Gylian National Broadcasting Service|GNBS]]' monopoly on federal broadcasting ended in 1991, Radio Courant became a national radio network.<br />
<br />
During the 1980s, Marie-Agnès occasionally served as a host, and her on-air presentation was initially more low-key. After she developed her public image fully in the 1990s, Radio Courant's presentation and her role were transformed to match her television persona.<br />
<br />
===Television===<br />
In 1990, the Magdel Group submitted a proposal for a private channel to the [[Gylian administrative agencies#Ministry of Communications and Broadcasting|National Broadcasting Office]], in preparation for the end of the [[Gylian National Broadcasting Service|GNBS]]' federal monopoly. The proposal was approved, and [[5 (Gylias)|5]] (''Cinq'') began broadcasting on 1 January 1991. The name reflected Marie-Agnès' ambitions, playfully placing it after [[Gylian Television#GTV4|GTV4]], and implicitly ahead of [[Associated Television|ATV]].<br />
<br />
Apart from becoming Gylias' largest Francophone channel, 5 distinguished itself through high production values. Its {{wpl|station identification}} and {{wpl|continuity (broadcasting)|continuity}} were polished, and it organised its schedule into {{wpl|block programming|programming blocks}}, with distinctive atmospheres and framing devices just as accomplished as the shows they contained. <br />
<br />
It became a major player in Francophone television production, producing much of its line-up in cooperation with other Gylian studios.<br />
<br />
Marie-Agnès developed 5's brand in a very personalised manner, following [[Cecilia Parker|Cecilia]] and [[Estelle Parker]]'s hands-on example at [[Gylian Television|GTV]]. She appeared in station identification and as an {{wpl|continuity (broadcasting)|in-vision continuity announcer}}, and began hosting a weekly talk show, ''Conversations avec Marie-Agnès''.<br />
<br />
It was her work at 5 that brought her lasting national fame. Working with sizeable creative staff, she created a [[Wicked–evil distinction|"wicked"]] persona, playing a tongue-in-cheek caricature of a {{wpl|media proprietor}}. Modelling herself after [[Remi Ďana]], she appeared between programs instead of commercial breaks. <br />
<br />
Her on-screen presence and announcements were laced with mischievous wit befitting a ''[[rezy]]'' [[Rezy#Characteristics|''anta'']] and winking self-parody. She playfully teased viewers about her control of what 5 broadcast, portrayed herself as eager for media dominance, proclaimed her irresistible genius, and poked fun at some of the channel's material.<br />
<br />
She and her staff filmed numerous idents and announcements for each programme as well as the channel as a whole.<br />
<br />
5 quickly became Gylias' most popular private television network, a distinction it holds to this day, making Marie-Agnès a renowned media personality in the process. She later established several subsidiary {{wpl|digital television}} channels based on certain themes, such as 5néma (film programming), Mu5 (music programming), 5port (sports programming), Anima5 ([[Gylianime|animated]] programming), and 5voyage (documentaries about nature).<br />
<br />
===Current Magdel activities===<br />
[[File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay4.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Marie-Agnès in front of her mansion]]<br />
Marie-Agnès maintains an active working schedule. She states that since most of her work is for television and radio, her schedule may look hectic but is not tiring.<br />
<br />
She continues to produce idents and announcements for 5 and Radio Courant, and hosts ''Conversations avec Marie-Agnès'' every week for both television and radio.<br />
<br />
She writes a monthly column for ''L'Actualité'' and ''L'Commerçant''.<br />
<br />
===Other ventures===<br />
Marie-Agnès established Magdéo in 1992. It distributes compilations of 5's idents, both on {{wpl|home video}} and on [[NetStream]].<br />
<br />
She runs the Magduction {{wpl|production company}}, which serves as the main umbrella for her production work. A close friend of [[Saira Telyn]], she has notably co-produced several French-language series by [[Dreamwave Productions]], including ''[[Le recueil des faits improbables de Ryōko Yakushiji]]'', ''[[Les Enfants Terrificques]]'', and ''[[Les aventures extraordinaires d'Adèle Blanc-Sec]]''.<br />
<br />
She created the ''Marie-Agnès'' clothing line, which distributes reproductions of her trademark outfit, and a variety of merchandising after herself, including {{wpl|celebrity doll}}s, perfume fragrances, {{wpl|stationery}}, calendars, and {{wpl|photobook}}s.<br />
<br />
She has also recorded the albums ''La Magnifique'' (1993), ''L'cadeau des déesses'' (1996), ''L'vie en riche'' (1999), and ''Reine'' (2004), which were produced by [[Susan Shelley]]. Inspired by the work of [[Sara Thomas]], the albums featured [[Neo-Gylian Sound]] and [[city pop]], contributed by famous guest musicians, and Marie-Agnès delivering comedic spoken word monologues playing up and poking fun at her persona.<br />
<br />
She has guest starred as herself in various film and television shows, including some appearances in [[Pornography in Gylias|pornography]], and has collaborated with musical acts, making spoken word guest appearances.<br />
<br />
She was interviewed for [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s documentaries ''Our Clothes'' (2012) and ''Beloved Rascals'' (2017).<br />
<br />
She is an investor in [[Polaris (radio)|Polaris]] and [[The Pump]], and a frequent participant in [[Tax Day]] ceremonies.<br />
<br />
==Public image==<br />
[[File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Marie-Agnès' [[Wicked–evil distinction|"wicked"]] public image is the basis of her fame]]<br />
Marie-Agnès is one of Gylias' [[List of Gylians by net worth|richest]] media figures, with an estimated net worth of Ŧ30 billion. She is a participant in the [[Social Partnership Program]] and has donated extensively to {{wpl|philanthropy|philanthropic}} endeavours and charities. Due to her contributions to its construction and maintenance, Riáona's Marie-Agnès Delaunay Arena is named after her.<br />
<br />
Marie-Agnès is known for her "cocksure and cheeky" public image, and mischievous wit. A 1994 feature in ''[[Silhouette (magazine)|Silhouette]]'', "The Life and Times of a Cartoon Tycoon", described her as "the Remi Ďana of business". ''[[Gylias Review]]'' referred to her as "[[Asuka (musician)|Asuka]]'s closest competitor for embodying attractive cockiness." Her self-parodic self-promotion made her a national celebrity, and her persona has been often parodied and depicted in Gylian pop culture, particularly in ''[[nénédie]]''.<br />
<br />
She is considered a [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]] for her distinctive outfit, consisting of a white shirt, brown {{wpl|waistcoat}}, skirt, and suit, and a red bow. She wears her long hair with two curled {{wpl|ringlet (haircut)|ringlets}} on the sides of her face, and bleaches it a light blue colour.<br />
<br />
She lives with her family in a mansion in Riáona. The mansion is used as a family home, {{wpl|television studio}} for filming 5 idents, and is also used as a {{wpl|homeless shelter}} and site of an [[Education in Gylias#Private education|anarchist free school]].<br />
<br />
She jokingly calls herself a ''cinquante-huitaire'' ("58er"), noting the repetitive quality of her birthdate (5.8.58) and her birth in the year of Gylian independence. The number 58 often appears in her work or in reference to her.<br />
<br />
Due to her public image, she famously lists her occupation as "being Marie-Agnès Delaunay" when completing {{wpl|census}} forms, and has done so since 1995.<br />
<br />
==Influence==<br />
Marie-Agnès has been described as a powerful figure in Gylias' [[Media of Gylias|media landscape]]. The [[Magdel Group]] attracts a substantial audience: ''[[L'Actualité]]'' and ''[[L'Commerçant]]'' together have a readership between 5 and 6 million, [[Radio Courant]] is Gylias' largest solely {{wpl|French language}} station, and [[5 (Gylias)|5]] is its most popular private television network. In addition, Marie-Agnès' clothing line and merchandising has been notably successful and popular.<br />
<br />
[[The Democrat (Gylias)|''The Democrat'']] wrote in 2008 that "Marie-Agnès possesses the power to shape public tastes, to influence the public opinion, and to boost careers. She has devoted much effort to using her media power to both strengthen the French element of Gylian public life and to promote her vision of French-ness to Gylians."<br />
<br />
In an analysis of the contents of the Magdel group's newspapers and television network conducted in 2012, ''[[Surface]]'' found that "Marie-Agnès consistently promotes a broadly [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberal]] vision that draws equally from [[Donatellism]] and [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]], supports the {{G-PA/meta/shortname}}–{{G-LU/meta/shortname}} alliance, and exalts the conscription of wealth. She lampoons her wealth in her on-screen presence while engaging in extensive activities off-camera to maintain the public's trust."<br />
<br />
==Private life==<br />
[[File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay5.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Eiko Doi, Marie-Agnès Delaunay, and Charis Daskalakis at a press conference]]<br />
Marie-Agnès is married {{wpl|polygamy|polygamously}} to Eiko Doi and Charis Daskalakis. They have five children. Both of her spouses are invovled in the Magdel Group, Eiko as a manager at 5 and Charis as a producer at Radio Courant.<br />
<br />
She is close friends with [[Catherine Baudelaire]], [[Jeanette Moitessier]], [[Amanda Leloup]], [[Agathe Sanna]], [[Saira Telyn]], and [[Frauke Stark]]. <br />
<br />
Marie-Agnès maintains a separation between her "cartoon tycoon" persona and private life, reflected in her use of her name's alternate pronunciations to "distinguish the character from the person". Outside of her media career, she maintains a low public profile and rarely gives interviews.<br />
<br />
In a 2008 interview with ''[[The Independent Reader]]'', she said: "I try to live a balanced life, and one thing I appreciate about our businesspeople is that they do so as well. I spend plenty of time with my family, I have spare time I put to good use, I have hobbies and interests and favourite music and art. This is one of the most important sources of strength we have."<br />
<br />
She is an avid [[Sport in Gylias#Cycling|cyclist]], travelling to work on her bicycle and cycling recreationally in her spare time.<br />
<br />
She is mainly a practitioner of [[Concordianism]] and {{wpl|Ancient Celtic religion|Gaulish polytheism}}.<br />
<br />
Politically, she identifies as a [[Donatellism|Donatellist]], and has said the people she most admires are [[Julie Legrand]], [[Arlette Gaubert]], and [[Rin Tōsaka]]. She is a member of [[Organisation pour l'maintenance d'français comme langue gylienne|OMFLG]] and [[Alliance pour l'culture française et l'entente nationale|ACFEN]].<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian business figures]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian media figures]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MarieAgn%C3%A8sDelaunay5.jpg&diff=610347File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay5.jpg2023-01-30T10:47:24Z<p>Gylias: Gylias uploaded a new version of File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay5.jpg</p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MarieAgn%C3%A8sDelaunay4.jpg&diff=610346File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay4.jpg2023-01-30T10:47:23Z<p>Gylias: Gylias uploaded a new version of File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay4.jpg</p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MarieAgn%C3%A8sDelaunay3.jpg&diff=610345File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay3.jpg2023-01-30T10:47:21Z<p>Gylias: Gylias uploaded a new version of File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay3.jpg</p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MarieAgn%C3%A8sDelaunay2.jpg&diff=610344File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay2.jpg2023-01-30T10:47:20Z<p>Gylias: Gylias uploaded a new version of File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay2.jpg</p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=File:MarieAgn%C3%A8sDelaunay1.png&diff=610343File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay1.png2023-01-30T10:47:19Z<p>Gylias: Gylias uploaded a new version of File:MarieAgnèsDelaunay1.png</p>
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<div></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Template:Golden_Revolution_Navbox&diff=610335Template:Golden Revolution Navbox2023-01-30T10:06:10Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Navbox<br />
| name = Golden Revolution Navbox<br />
| title = [[Golden Revolution]]<br />
| state = autocollapse<br />
| bodyclass = hlist<br />
| image = <br />
| above =<br />
<br />
| group1 = Historical background<br />
| list1 =<br />
* [[Gylian ascendancy]]<br />
* [[Gylian nationalism]]<br />
* [[Alscia]]<br />
* [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]<br />
* [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]<br />
<br />
| group2 = Influences<br />
| list2 =<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias|Anarchism]]<br />
* [[Communism in Gylias|Communism]]<br />
* [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|Cooperative movement]]<br />
* [[Feminism in Gylias|Feminism]]<br />
* {{wpl|Marxist humanism}}<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias|Socialism]] ({{wpl|Lange model}})<br />
* [[Liberalism in Gylias|Social liberalism]]<br />
* {{wpl|Progressivism}}<br />
<br />
| group3 = Politics and ideologies<br />
| list3 =<br />
* [[Anarchism in Gylias|Anarchism]] ([[Anarchism in Gylias#Others|"Anarchaos"]]<br />
* [[Acid communism]])<br />
* [[Conservatism in Gylias|Conservatism]] ([[Conservatism in Gylias#Hannaism|Hannaism]])<br />
* [[Demopolis]]<br />
* [[Donatellism]]<br />
* [[Gylian consensus]]<br />
* [[Golden Revolution#Goals|''Les quatrations'']]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]] (''[[The Green Book]]'')<br />
<br />
| group4 = Social aspects<br />
| list4 = <br />
* [[Clothing in Gylias|Clothing]] ([[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|Socialised luxury]])<br />
* [[Computer industry in Gylias|Computers]] ([[Hermes Programme]])<br />
* [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|Direct democracy]] ([[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|Communal assemblies]]<br />
* [[Committees for the Advance of the Revolution]]<br />
* [[Revolutionary Youth Union]])<br />
* [[Drugs in Gylias#Independence|Drug liberalisation]]<br />
* [[Georgette (term)|Georgettes]]<br />
* [[Institute for the Protection of Leisure]]<br />
* [[National reconciliation]]<br />
* [[Education in Gylias#History|Public education]]<br />
* [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias#Free Territories and independence|Sexual revolution]]<br />
* [[Social security in Gylias|Social security]]<br />
* [[Health in Gylias#History|Universal health care]]<br />
<br />
| group5 = [[Culture of Gylias|Culture]] and arts<br />
| list5 =<br />
* [[Groovy Gylias]]<br />
* [[Gylian Invasion]]<br />
* [[Gylian Sound]]<br />
* [[Gauchic]]<br />
* [[Tomoko Tōsaka|Applied avant-garde]]<br />
* [[Gylian languages reform of 1958–1959|Languages reform]]<br />
* [[Good Practices Code]]<br />
<br />
| group6 = People<br />
| list6 =<br />
* [[Darnan Cyras government]]<br />
* ''[[Ferroses]]''<br />
* [[Freeman family]]<br />
* [[Maria Elena Durante]]<br />
* [[Revolutionary Communications Office]]<br />
* [[Veterans for a Just Peace]]<br />
* [[Isabel Longstowe]]<br />
* [[Saorlaith Ní Curnín]]<br />
* [[Jenny Ford]]<br />
* [[Tessai]]<br />
* [[Mişeyáqueens]]<br />
<br />
| group7 = [[Elections in Gylias#Federal elections|Federal elections]]<br />
| list7 =<br />
*[[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]]<br />
*[[Gylian federal election, 1969|1969]]<br />
*[[Gylian federal election, 1976|1976]]<br />
<br />
| below =<br />
* [[National Obligation period|'''←''' National Obligation period]]<br />
* [[Golden Revolution]]<br />
* [[Wretched decade|Wretched decade '''→''']]<br />
}}<noinclude><br />
[[Category:Gylias templates]]<br />
</noinclude></div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Esua_Nadel&diff=610332Esua Nadel2023-01-30T10:03:40Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Gylian name|Nadel|Esua}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Esua Nadel<br />
| image = EsuaNadel1.jpg<br />
| birth_date = 2 April 1924<br />
| birth_place = Nazrin, [[Xevden]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2004|10|30|1924|04|02|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Velouria, [[Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk Region|Nerveiík-Iárus-Daláyk]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* Columnist<br />
* humourist<br />
* public intellectual<br />
* writer }}<br />
| years_active = 1960–2004<br />
}}<br />
<br />
'''Esua Nadel''' (2 April 1924 – 30 October 2004) was a Gylian writer, {{wpl|columnist}}, {{wpl|humourist}}, and public intellectual. She was one of Gylias' most prolific, popular, and widely-read columnists. Her work had a considerable influence on Gylian popular culture — particularly language — and {{wpl|social philosophy}}.<br />
<br />
Esua cultivated the persona of a glamorous {{wpl|social gadfly|gadfly}}, and a writing style characterised by irony, {{wpl|burlesque}}, and (mostly Horatian) satire. She championed the [[wicked–evil distinction]], celebrated rebelliousness and misfits, and condemned the "drab forces" that would destroy society through timid conformity. She wrote of {{wpl|etiquette}}'s abuse as a tool of social repression, and presented "decadence" as a symbol of a society's vitality.<br />
<br />
Esua's combination of graceful affect and eccentric radicalism, shared with fellow columnist [[Denise Sarrault]], prompted ''[[The People's Voice]]'' to compare them to "modern-day ''{{wpl|Daemon (classical mythology)|daimones}}''." She became a household name and one of Gylias' most popular media personalities. Later in life, she also wrote humorous {{wpl|mystery fiction}} and {{wpl|crime fiction}}, which proved an apt vehicle for her interests, and wrote the long-running {{wpl|adventure game}} series ''[[The Case of the Facts]]''.<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
Esua was born on 25 April 1924 in Nazrin. Her father worked in a store, and her mother was a {{wpl|domestic worker|servant}} for a [[Xevden]]ite family. Her family background influenced Esua: her father's materialistic tendencies engendered a lifelong dislike of {{wpl|philistinism|anti-intellectual conventionalism}}, while her mother's job made her first question "who decided such and such is how we're 'meant' to behave, and who does it benefit?".<br />
<br />
In her youth, Nazrin was liberated by a Gylian uprising supported by the [[Alscia#Military|Border Guard]], and became a [[Alscian Border War#TACS|TACS]] of [[Alscia]]. She attended primary and secondary school, but was a mediocre student who didn't fit well with the Alscian education system. After Alscia joined the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] in 1939, she found the [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes]] that replaced formal education more enjoyable.<br />
<br />
==Liberation War==<br />
Esua began working as a journalist during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. She found the atmosphere of [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]] more interesting, and gravitated towards their "motley assortment of misfts and troublemakers" as a subject. When an editor complained that one of her submissions made them look bad, she responded, "If you're not prepared to be frank, then you don't really need my help with that, do you?".<br />
<br />
During the second half of the war, she moved away from reporting and settled on {{wpl|opinion journalism}}. She would reflect on this as her "apprenticeship" period, where she refined her writing voice and soon-famous persona.<br />
<br />
==Columnist==<br />
[[File:EsuaNadel2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Esua, photographed in 1961]]<br />
Having refined her approach over the years, Esua officially began her column in 1960. She titled it "The World Through Green Eyes", a humorous reference to her favourite clothing colour and the idiom "green-eyed monster".<br />
<br />
Initially published in [[Media of Gylias#Newspapers|''The Envadra Express'']], Esua amicably left and became an independent columnist in 1962, distributing the column nationwide through {{wpl|print syndication|syndication}}. ''The Envadra Express'' continued to print it on its front page, in honour of [[Envadra Region|Envadra]]'s "favourite daughter".<br />
<br />
Esua was a prolific writer whose column appeared every day until her death, an unequaled achievement. Aided by copious notes and a fast typing speed, she sustained a remarkably relaxed but productive pace of work. She maintained a solid backlog of columns for publication and simply sent one to syndication each day. Sometimes she would delay a column until the next day to substitute a more topical one.<br />
<br />
She had an irreverent writing style and enjoyed playing with language, using puns, {{wpl|word play}}, and terse {{wpl|aphorism}}s to capture the feel of Gylias. She used irony and satire to make serious points and commentary, quipping: "I prefer to make people laugh and then think to the reverse order." She wrote in English, providing a counterpart to [[Denise Sarrault]]'s French-language columns, and delighted in "abusing and mangling English to meet Gylian needs", helping coin and popularise several terms.<br />
<br />
Esua covered numerous topics in her column, and drew much material from her profuse travels throughout Gylias and resulting experiences. She wrote with a tone of bonhomie and {{wpl|Epicureanism}}, and was praised for her ability to capture the colourful personalities and communities of Gylias with an economy of language. She enjoyed posing ironic questions and playing the role of {{wpl|social gadfly}}. <br />
<br />
Her column sympathetically covered and celebrated Gylias' rebels, misfits, and [[wicked–evil distinction|"wicked"]]. Her fascination with the ''{{wpl|demimonde}}'' led her to sympathetically cover those she considered real-life {{wpl|lovable rogue}}s: [[Ranyi Sesyk]], [[Kaþi Mofat]], [[Mava Organisation]] founders [[Maria Vaseva and Valeria Maneva]], [[Lidia Leone]], [[Emilia Malandrino]] and her {{G-ARENA/meta/shortname}} party, [[Şaisa Tausi]], [[Sári Gábor]], and [[Samantha Thompson]], to name a few. <br />
<br />
She preferred "honourable friction" to "ordinary virtue", paying more attention to members of the [[Darnan Cyras government]] she saw as "unruly" or larger than life, such as [[Julie Legrand]], [[Eðe Saima]], [[Birgit Eckstein]], [[Neelie op het Mensink]], and [[Sweetie Letise]]. This pattern would repeat itself with the [[Mathilde Vieira government]]. She formed a close friendship with Julie, who dedicated [[Julie Legrand#Writings and ideology|her 1970 book ''Criticism and Self-Criticism'']] to Esua.<br />
<br />
She was notably attracted to the colourful and "decadent" glamour cultivated by [[Anarchism in Gylias#Right anarchism|market anarchists]], and formed a close friendship with the {{G-UI}}' [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|deputy]] and [[Gylian Senate|senator]] [[Ţaisa Eşal]].<br />
<br />
Esua reveled in the colourful aspects of [[Political culture of Gylias|Gylian political culture]] and used caricature to poke fun at high-profile politicians. She portrayed [[Darnan Cyras]] as a suave ladies' man, in reference to his predominantly female [[Darnan Cyras government|cabinets]] and [[Ferroses|allies]]. Darnan was bothered by this, feeling it painted him as a sexual predator. He once met Esua and protested that her depiction was unfair and encouraged people to consider him an immoral politician. Esua responded that she bore no malice and reassured him readers understood the joke and would not assume the worst of him. This resolved their differences.<br />
<br />
==Public image==<br />
[[File:EsuaNadel3.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Esua by [[Annemarie Beaulieu]], 1964]]<br />
Esua cultivated a public image to match her writing, portraying herself as a "bemused anachronism and sympathetic observer" akin to [[Isabel Longstowe]]. She was a fastidious dresser with a large collection of clothes, and always wore [[Ðaina Levysti#"Levystile"|Levystile]] outfits in public and portraits, particularly favouring suits with buttons, hats, and jewelry.<br />
<br />
She liked to portray herself as a "woman out of time", and preferred being photographed in black and white to further the impression. ''[[Silhouette (magazine)|Silhouette]]'' founder Nan Şernéy famously described her as "an elegantly wasted participant at a party at the end of the world", prompting Esua to send a letter reading, "You're the most brilliant person on the planet for thinking of that, and a bitch for doing so before me."<br />
<br />
Noted for her charm and dry wit, Esua was a proud {{wpl|gourmand}} and led a hedonistic lifestyle. She was a smoker for most of her life and always drank wine and champagne with her lunches and dinners. She was proud of her capacity to drink alcohol without becoming intoxicated, the result of a genetic condition that gave her a strong liver. She participated in [[Drugs in Gylias#Independence|Project Nous]], being filmed experimented with psychedelics, but continued to prefer alcohol and cigarettes as her "drugs of choice".<br />
<br />
She was a prolific traveler, joking that her column doubled as "a daily ad for [[Gylian National Rail and Transportation Services|GNRTS]]". When asked by [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]] to help promote her magazine ''[[The Travelling Companion]]'', she replied, "It's Esua Nadel, but on a plane."<br />
<br />
Esua's glamour, wit, and eccentric philosophy made her a popular media personality. She was a regular guest on radio and television shows, particularly {{wpl|panel show}}s. She was especially in demand at universities, where the students she spoke to and debated relished her quips and thought-provoking subjects.<br />
<br />
She once said the most important things in her life were "good food, good drink, good clothes, good company, good arguments, and ''bon mots''". Her most frequent piece of tongue-in-cheek advice was "Hope for a good friend, but pray for a good [[Adversary–enemy distinction|adversary]]."<br />
<br />
She was a recurring guest on ''[[The Havomar Report]]''<nowiki>'s</nowiki> Gylias segments, as the show's primary "Gylias interpreter", and was interviewed for ''[[Nation Building]]''. During the [[Siege of Gothendral]], she spoke to [[Siege of Gothendral#Perpetrator|Marius Lauritzen]] by phone, and praised his creative means of protest. The next day, she described the siege in her column as "a brief outbreak of Gylias in Gothendral".<br />
<br />
==Thinker==<br />
Esua described herself as "a patriot whose love is expressed through mockery", and her calling as "teaching people it's healthy to embrace doubts about their convictions, massaging the parts of the brain they don't regularly use, and administering mental {{wpl|enema}}s so they don't become intellectually constipated." She urged readers to consider flaws could also be things to be proud of and marks of humanity, rather than just defects to be remedied.<br />
<br />
This aspect informed her entire worldview, expressed in books that retain her mischievous humour and compassionate view of humanity. Arguably her manifesto, ''The Imperative to Decay'' (1965) embraces and subverts {{wpl|degeneration theory}}, presenting {{wpl|decadence}} as the measure of a society's health. She argues that decadence is liberating by its embrace of self-indulgent tendencies, becoming a great weapon against "silent authoritarianism" and "conservative sterility".<br />
<br />
''Etiquette as a Social Weapon'' (1962) and ''Let Them Eat Civility'' (1967) established her as a prominent theoretician and critic of {{wpl|etiquette}}. She argues that humans are capable of constructing functional norms of behaviour by themselves, and portrays the extreme, pointless complexity of etiquette as a totalitarian force, used to maintain the elite in power and keep the powerless in a state of {{wpl|learned helplessness}}.<br />
<br />
A recurring theme in her works is the defense of "harmless indulgences and small vices", a prominent manifestation of her scorn towards piety and "killjoys". She was strongly sympathetic towards {{wpl|refusal of work}}, and championed laziness, slacking, and procrastination as legitimate life choices. She elaborated on these themes in ''The Joys of Decadence'' (1973), ''No Servants, No Masters'' (1976), and ''The Pleasure Principle'' (1982).<br />
<br />
==Writer==<br />
Esua began writing {{wpl|mystery fiction}} and {{wpl|crime fiction}} in the 1980s. The genre proved a logical outgrowth of her playful contrarianism and ''demimonde'' fascination. <br />
<br />
Her novels feature her linguistic flair and masterful eye for local detail, humorous presentations of the minutiae of investigation, and a [[Angeline Dalles|Madame Rouge]]-inspired mockery of "{{wpl|hardboiled}}" genres. She created a cast of recurring characters, and inevitably made her protagonists worldly and mischievous female characters, not bothering to conceal their status as {{wpl|self-insertion}}s.<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, Esua collaborated with a Gylian video game company to produce the acclaimed {{wpl|adventure game}} series ''[[The Case of the Facts]]''. She was the lead writer for the series, and considered it a highlight of her later career. <br />
<br />
The games starred [[Judiciary of Gylias#Advocates|advocate]] Mitsuki, a "not even thinly veiled clone of her author"—a sharp-dressed, self-indulgent, and witty advocate who successfully fights to establish "the facts of the case" in between "aging disgracefully", drinking constantly, and going through numerous sexual partners. Cultural commentator Hanako Fukui identifies Mitsuki and the characters of [[Michiko Moreno]] as notable [[Miranian Gylians|Miranian]] characters to gain popularity by humorously defying positive stereotypes of [[Miranian Gylians]].<br />
<br />
Esua's persona and work were the inspiration for [[Core]]'s songs [[Achtung Baby|"The Fly"]] and [[Achtung Baby|"Until the End of the World"]] (1991). She made guest appearances at certain shows on the Achtung Baby Tour to recite the verses of "The Fly".<br />
<br />
==Personal life==<br />
[[File:EsuaNadel4.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Esua, photographed in 2000]]<br />
Esua never married, and as she grew older she came to favour describing herself as a "broad" or "old broad", considering it an accurate summary of her persona and occupation. She explicitly acknowledged she wished to "age like [[Cécile Sorel]]", and succeeded in being a Cécile Sorel for the the 1990s–2000s.<br />
<br />
She had a succession of long-term relationships and {{wpl|one-night stand}}s. Her appetite for the latter increased somewhat during her later years, a trait reflected in ''[[The Case of the Facts]]''. Her most famous dalliance was with erotic novelist [[Anaïs Nin]], who effusively praised her in her diaries.<br />
<br />
As a result of her mischievous tendencies and embrace of the [[adversary–enemy distinction]], she was known for expressing affection and friendship through teasing and light-hearted insults.<br />
<br />
While a strong defender of harmless vices, she recognised the importance of personal boundaries and strongly supported [[Drugs in Gylias|regulation of drugs]] by the [[Controlled Substances Administration]], and public {{wpl|smoking ban}}s. She said of the latter, "I have the right to risk giving myself cancer, but not to risk giving someone else cancer."<br />
<br />
Esua did not identify as religious, but her writing is strongly influenced by [[Concordianism]], particularly in her tone of friendly guidance meant to elicit introspection, her morality, and her use of Concordian symbolism of transcendental dance and movement in her paeans to modern life.<br />
<br />
==Death==<br />
Esua's physical health declined later in life, and she had to quit smoking and cut down on her drinking. She remained mentally alert and continued to work. She joked about her refusal to retire, telling an interviewer in 1999, "The only appropriate conclusion to my life will be dying at the typewriter in the middle of a column."<br />
<br />
She died on 30 October 2004 in her apartment in Velouria. Her death prompted tributes in the media, including from [[Prime Minister of Gylias|Prime Minister]] [[Mathilde Vieira]], and approximately 100.000 attended her public funeral. She was cremated and buried in Nazrin; her {{wpl|headstone}} bears her desired {{wpl|epitaph}}, "I may be wrong."<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian writers]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian thinkers]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Margot_Fontaine&diff=610331Margot Fontaine2023-01-30T10:01:15Z<p>Gylias: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Gylian name|Fontaine|Margot}}<br />
<br />
{{Infobox person<br />
| name = Margot Fontaine<br />
| image = MargotFontaine.jpg<br />
| caption = <br />
| birth_name = Marguerite Évelyne Fontes<br />
| birth_date = 2 September 1929<br />
| birth_place = Castiglioni, [[Alscia]]<br />
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2002|2|22|1929|9|2|df=yes}}<br />
| death_place = Náunai, [[Ḑarna Region|Ḑarna]], [[Gylias]]<br />
| nationality = {{flatlist|<br />
* [[Cacerta|Cacertian]] <small>([[Alscia]])</small><br />
* Gylian }}<br />
| other_names = <br />
| occupation = {{flatlist|<br />
* Ballerina<br />
* writer<br />
* philosopher<br />
* public intellectual<br />
* politician }}<br />
| years_active = <br />
| known_for = {{plainlist|<br />
* Ballet<br />
* Theorist of [[Gylian nationalism|Gylian identity]] }}<br />
| notable_works = <br />
| title = ''{{wpl|Prima ballerina assoluta}}'' <small>(1989)</small><br />
| module = {{infobox philosopher<br />
|embed=yes<br />
|era= {{wpl|20th-century philosophy}}<br />
|region = <br />
|school_tradition = <br />
|main_interests = {{plainlist|<br />
* {{wpl|Political theory}}<br />
* {{wpl|Multiculturalism}}<br />
* {{wpl|Identity}} }}<br />
|notable_ideas = ''L'belle mosaïque'' and ''pays jolie''<br />
|influences = <br />
|influenced = <br />
}}<br />
}}<br />
{{Socialism in Gylias}}<br />
<br />
'''Margot Fontaine''' ([[Gylic alphabet|Gylic transcription]]: ''Margo Fonten''; 2 September 1929 – 22 February 2002) was a Gylian {{wpl|ballet dancer|ballerina}}, writer, political philosopher, public intellectual, and politician. During a long and diverse career, she became one of Gylias' most acclaimed ballerinas, and an influential political philosopher and public intellectual, known for her theories on Gylian identity.<br />
<br />
She was born in [[Alscia]] and began studying ballet at the age of 4. She spent a lengthy period studying in [[Cacerta]], and made her debut at the age of 16, performing both in the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] and [[Molise]] during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]]. <br />
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She became the premier dancer of the National Ballet Company of Gylias after the war, a role she kept until her retirement. She performed in acclaimed televised broadcasts of ballets for [[Gylian Television]], helping increase the visibility and popularity of Gylian dance as an art.<br />
<br />
In addition to ballet, Margot was also a writer. She became widely known for her philosophical works, which dealt with matters of identity, patriotism, and politics. A [[Feminism in Gylias|feminist]] and firm {{wpl|anti-nationalist}}, she rejected the {{wpl|nation state}} and {{wpl|monoculturalism}}, and wrote of Gylias' [[Demographics of Gylias|ethnolinguistic diversity]] and {{wpl|multiculturalism}} — what she called ''l'belle mosaïque'' — as a source of strength. <br />
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She once stated, "Everything I write has a single purpose: to make Gylians proud of our beautiful {{wpl|mongrel}}ism, and to help them realise it is our most precious achievement."<br />
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She retired from ballet in 1989, on which occasion she was officially named ''prima ballerina assoluta'' of the National Ballet Company, and concentrated on writing and public advocacy afterwards. She was a member of the [[Gylian Senate]] from [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962]] until her death, being repeatedly appointed by [[Anina Bergmann]] after the Senate was reformed. She died from {{wpl|ovarian cancer}} in 2002. In its obituary, ''[[L'Actualité]]'' described her as "one of the finest minds of our time."<br />
<br />
==Early life==<br />
[[File:MargotFontaine-1.jpg|thumb|200px|left|A young Margot Fontaine in [[Cesena]], circa 1944]]<br />
She was born Marguerite Évelyne Fontes (Gylic transcription: ''Margerit Evelin Fontes'') on 2 September 1929 in Castiglioni, [[Alscia]]. Her family was mainly of French and {{wpl|Portuguese people|Lusitan}} descent, and she had an older brother, Felix. She was nicknamed "Margot" from an early age. She would describe her parents as "not especially political", but devoted readers of ''[[Risveglio Nazionale]]''. <br />
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She had an idyllic childhood, fondly recalling the "gentle eccentricity" of Castiglioni. One of her biographers commented that her ideal vision of Gylias strongly resembled the artistically-oriented community shaped by "aristocratic bohemianism" of her hometown.<br />
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Her mother sent her children to ballet classes at the age of 4. While at times a reluctant student, Marguerite was competitive and hated disappointing others, and persevered in her studies. Her mother was a strong influence, providing constant support, guidance, and critique to her daughter over the years and attending her performances. Marguerite happily accepted her mother's help.<br />
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She made her first public performance aged 5 in a charity concert, which the local newspaper described as "a remarkably fine solo" that was "vigorously encored" by the audience. She began attending school in 1935, where she gained an interest in reading and writing.<br />
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Marguerite's formal education was interrupted when Alscia voted to join the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]] in 1939. While she enjoyed the change to [[Education in Gylias#History|volunteer classes and learning by play]] brought by [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchist]] reorganisation, her mother was concerned that the quality of dance lessons would suffer. The family relocated to [[Cesena]] in 1940, where Marguerite continued studying ballet. She enjoyed the Scholastic State, comparing it to a larger Castiglioni, but disliked the {{wpl|Cecchetti method}}, preferring styles with more fluid expression.<br />
<br />
==Career==<br />
<br />
===Ballet===<br />
{{multiple image<br />
| align = right<br />
| total_width = 300<br />
| image1 = MargotFontaineSL.jpg<br />
| image2 = MargotFontaineTF.jpg<br />
| footer = Highlights of Margot's ballet career included her performances in ''{{wpl|Swan Lake}}'' (left) and ''{{wpl|The Firebird}}'' (right)<br />
}}<br />
Marguerite returned with her family to the Free Territories in 1944, adopting "Margot Fontaine" as her stage name. She pursued a ballet career in earnest, basing herself in the former Alscia and often commuting to nearby [[Molise]] for studies, performances, and supplies. She made her solo debut the following year.<br />
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Margot was perceived as brittle, stubborn, and lacking in polish at the start of her career, but enjoyed a series of fruitful partnerships with choreographers and dance partners, who capitalised on her delicate, somewhat feline grace. She performed in a series of classical and custom-written roles, earning acclaim for her lead roles in ''{{wpl|Giselle}}'', ''{{wpl|Swan Lake}}'' and ''{{wpl|The Sleeping Beauty (ballet)|The Sleeping Beauty}}''.<br />
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Having taken refuge in Molise for most of 1948, Margot started performing throughout the Free Territories once it became clear the tide of war had turned in favour of the [[People's Army (Gylias)|People's Army]]. She sustained a heavy schedule of dances to entertain troops and civilians, recalling she sometimes "stood trembling in the wings, unable to remember if I had finished my solo before I left the stage". <br />
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With partners and even costumes in short supply, Margot impressed audiences with her elegance and lyrical qualities, taking frequent roles as "frail or otherworldly beings", or comic ballets. During this period, she also mentored [[Ludmila Canaşvili]]; the two would remain lifelong friends.<br />
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The end of the war in 1958 allowed Margot's ballet career to prosper. She became the ''prima ballerina'' of the new National Ballet Company of Gylias. Performing throughout Gylias, she became a household name, with notable performances including ''{{wpl|Daphnis and Chloe}}'', ''{{wpl|Sylvia (ballet)|Sylvia}}'', and ''{{wpl|The Firebird}}'', the latter regarded as one of her greatest achievements. She starred in several television adaptations of ballets for [[Gylian Television]], which cemented her reputation as "the first lady of Gylian ballet".<br />
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While Margot enjoyed international recognition during her career and successful performances abroad as a guest artist, she remained focused on Gylias, commenting that "no other place has encouraged or embraced as strongly my desire to be a scholar as well as a ballerina." She continued to dance periodically after her career as a writer and public intellectual took off. She expressed gratitude that the National Ballet Company and the [[Gylian Senate]] were "so obliging". In some ways, her simultaneous careers increased her success, earning the public's admiration for her dedication to the {{wpl|polymath}} ideal.<br />
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She went into semi-retirement in 1982, relinquishing parts in full ballets and performing only a variety of one-act performances. She continued to dance periodically to public acclaim, although it was now clear she could no longer execute more demanding roles. She retired in 1989, and was honoured on her 60th birthday by being named the National Ballet Company's ''{{wpl|prima ballerina assoluta}}''.<br />
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===Writer and theorist===<br />
[[File:MargotFontaine-2.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Margot meeting with primary school students, 1967]]<br />
Margot started writing in school, and published her first work in 1954. She occasionally wrote fiction and poetry, but is best-known for her non-fiction, which mainly comprised books, essays, and articles dealing with philosophical and political topics.<br />
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Her animating interest as a public intellectual was Gylian identity. ''L'construction d'identité gylienne'' (1960) served as something of a manifesto: it extolled the [[Demographics of Gylias|ethnic and cultural pluralism]] of Gylias, and argued that Gylias had been a multinational country since the [[Liúşai League]], noting that the [[Gylic peoples]] recognised their common traits but never attempted to form a {{wpl|monoculture}}.<br />
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Margot described ''l'belle mosaïque'' ("the beautiful mosaic") of cultures and ethnicities co-existing as part of a {{wpl|confederation}} as the greatest achievement of Gylias. She was resolutely {{wpl|anti-nationalism|anti-nationalist}} and saw the {{wpl|nation state}} and {{wpl|monoculturalism}} as pernicious and destructive forces, which produced oppression and hate.<br />
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She believed "unity" often meant "conformity", which was neither desirable nor possible in Gylias or anywhere else. She famously stated, "The day we can all agree on a single standard of Gylianism is the day Gylias ceases to exist."<br />
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She advocated a mixture of {{wpl|cosmopolitanism}} and {{wpl|constitutional patriotism}} as healthy foundations for [[Gylian nationalism]], seeing them as the least burdensome on diverse groups. Her own vision of Gylias was spiritually-tinged, and emphasised the creation of the "good life" over "mere" {{wpl|negative liberty|freedom from external restraint}}. She saw Gylias as not a country, but "an ideal, a feeling, a state of mind…our boat on this ocean called life".<br />
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She evocatively described her ideal as ''l'pays jolie'' ("the happy country") — a country that treated joy in public life as its utmost priority and seriously faced the question of how to guarantee the most happiness to the most people. She quipped, "Joy demands the utmost seriousness, for nothing is as important."<br />
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For her, Gylias was "a land of poets and musicians, artists and actors, scientists and dancers": a country whose acceptance of complexity and pride in its [[Culture of Gylias|cultural]] achievements represented its greatest strength, a far cry from the uniformist idea of the nation-state and its attendant {{wpl|chauvinism}} and militarism.<br />
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Margot welcomed the [[Golden Revolution]] and [[Groovy Gylias]] from her idealistic standpoint. As a [[Feminism in Gylias|feminist]], she praised the Golden Revolution's rapid push for equality of the sexes and [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|complete reinvention of gender and sexuality]]. The view of gender as a spectrum fit well with her championing of diversity and pluralism. She wrote that the "gender revolution"'s most important success was "normalisation": by making women's rights a fact of public life, it freed women from the pressures of {{wpl|positive stereotype}}s and "pedestalism" that had manifested at times in Alscia.<br />
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She was sympathetic towards the ''[[francité]]'' movement — often using the similar terms ''gylité'' and ''gylitude'' for her ideals of Gylian identity — and the concept of [[Socialism in Gylias#Aristerokratia|''aristerokratia'']]. She stated:<br />
<br />
<blockquote>"I would love to see a community run by [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|direct democracy]], and in their midst, a group of their best and brightest—civic-minded, cultivated, embodying the highest ideals of learning and art—who could encourage their fellow citizens to achieve their potential and talents. Sadly, I don't know how this can be done without the pernicious risk of {{wpl|philosopher king}}s or {{wpl|technocracy}}."</blockquote><br />
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Margot wrote in {{wpl|French language|French}}, and her writing style was admired for its literary quality. [[Françoise Chatelain]] once stated that Margot wrote "the most beautiful, pure French I have ever read–pristine and perfect." When writing essays and articles, she strove for clarity and brevity, editing them extensively to ensure there was "not one wasted or unnecessary letter". For her books, she preferred a format similar to "philosophical scrapbooks" or [[Literature of Gylias#Liúşai League|pillow books]], producing a style that reunited philosophical discipline with momentary musings.<br />
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===Senate===<br />
Margot ran for the [[Gylian Senate]] for [[Alţira Region|Alţira]] in the [[Gylian federal election, 1962|1962 federal election]] and was elected, going on to be re-elected in all subsequent Senate elections. She ran as an independent, refusing to join parties out of principle, but described herself as a [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|social democrat]]. <br />
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She loved the atmosphere of the Senate, comparing it to a grand chamber of esteemed Gylians and "a national {{wpl|agora}} of schools of thought." She spoke in a quiet voice, and her colleagues humoured her by developing a tradition of playfully shushing each other when the [[Gylian Senate#Speaker|Speaker]] announced Margot's turn to speak.<br />
<br />
In the Senate, she was famed for her lengthy service on the [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Culture, Arts and Leisure]] and [[Gylian Parliament#Committees|Permanent Committee on Social Policy]]. She was part of an unofficial group nicknamed the [[Fine arts salon (Gylian Senate)|"fine arts salon"]] together with fellow senators [[Dæse Şyna]], [[Anaïs Nin]], [[Phaedra Metaxa]], [[Virginia Gerstenfeld]], [[Neira Tasei]], and [[Sofia Demes]].<br />
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She declined the invitation to join the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]]. While honoured, she believed her temperament was better suited to being a public intellectual than a cabinet minister.<br />
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After the reform of the Senate to a {{wpl|sortition}}-based body, [[President of Gylias|President]] [[Anina Bergmann]] repeatedly appointed Margot to the Senate. At the time of her death, she was due to start a new term as Senator on 1 March 2002.<br />
<br />
===Public life===<br />
[[File:MargotFontaine-3.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Margot at a costume fitting before a performance, {{wpl|multiple exposure|double exposure}} by [[Viviane Mayer]], 1959]]<br />
Margot had an elegant personality and was described by many contemporaries as "regal in manner", traits she owed to her ballet career. As a public personality, she was a representative of Gylian [[Culture of Gylias#Luxury|socialised luxury]], and was a [[Clothing in Gylias|style icon]] known for her conservative [[Ðaina Levysti#"Levystile"|Levystile]] suits.<br />
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She felt a strong affinity for [[gauchic]], and was a muse and inspiration to the movement, being photographed or portrayed by artists such as [[Annemarie Beaulieu]] and [[Romain Goudreau]].<br />
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Throughout her career, she sought to demonstrate an ideal of classical beauty and cultivation. She lived a {{wpl|teetotalism|teetotal}} lifestyle, albeit not condemning those who did [[Drugs in Gylias|drink or use drugs]], and avoided using {{wpl|profanity}}. She was proud of the fact that later in life her name became a popular byword for "aging gracefully", and saw her main responsibility in the Senate as providing a positive example for Gylians to aspire to.<br />
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Margot and her closest friends formed a circle of {{wpl|salon (gathering)|''salonnières''}} that included [[Carmen Dell'Orefice]], [[Isabel Longstowe]], [[Violet Bonham]], and [[Estelle Labarde]]. It was nicknamed the "charming circle" by columnist [[Esua Nadel]], and also included as associates [[Anaïs Nin]] and [[Sabina Amorosi]]. Of the latter, Margot joked, "we tried very hard to give her an ''école des bonnes manières''."<br />
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She and Isabel served as mentors to future Allamunnic prime minister [[Eleanor Henderson]], who was a close associate during her diverse Gylian career.<br />
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She collaborated with various filmmakers while active as a ballerina, and believed cinema was the ideal medium for the preservation and development of dance. She presented the successful series ''The Magic of Dance'' on [[Gylian Television#GTV3|GTV3]] in 1979, and wrote books about dance history and theory, as well as biographies of dancers she admired. She was also a participant in [[Rasa Ḑeşéy]]'s documentary series ''[[Nation Building]]'' in 1999.<br />
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Whilst she carefully avoided any behaviour that would tarnish her refined reputation, she had a sense of humour about her unusual career choices. She often volunteered to give tours of the [[Gylian Parliament|Parliament Building]] to children, which tended to double as impromptu dance lessons or recitals. She once spontaneously danced in the Senate chamber to celebrate the passage of a law she had championed, prompting Speaker [[Seisa Neve]] to thoughtfully {{wpl|adjournment|adjourn}} proceedings for the day.<br />
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One of her unusual public interventions was during the [[Siege of Gothendral]] in 1991. She was one of the last people to speak with [[Siege of Gothendral#Perpetrator|Marius Lauritzen]] on the phone; by that time, Marius had grown despondent and felt he had failed. Margot listened sympathetically and consoled him, reminding him his protest had not been in vain and he had won the attention of the world.<br />
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==Personal life==<br />
Margot was a very private and methodical person, who believed in a firm separation of public and private life. She married in 1965, but declined to reveal the name of her partner due to that belief. The [[Media of Gylias|Gylian media]] respected Margot's desires, and the identity of her spouse remained unknown.<br />
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[[Anaïs Nin]], a good friend of Margot's, strongly implied in her ''Diary'' that the two had a romantic relationship in the past. Margot neither confirmed nor denied the assertion, and would playfully decline to answer if asked in interviews.<br />
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Margot practiced a mixture of {{wpl|Ancient Celtic religion|Gaulish polytheism}} and [[Concordianism]]. She remained quiet about her religious beliefs in public life, apart from making strong use of [[Concordianism#Movement and dance|Concordian symbols of dance]] in her writings and performances.<br />
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She was very close to her brother Felix throughout her life. Felix was described by a biographer as "an easygoing and devoted helper", happy to remain in his sister's shadow, and served as Margot's assistant throughout her career, doing everything from proofreading her books and keeping her finances in order to upkeep of her wardrobe and buying food. In a rare documentary appearance, he jokingly compared himself to [[Reda Kazan#Private life|Penny Kazansides]] and [[Tamara Łempicka#Personal life|Kizette Łempicka]].<br />
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==Death and legacy==<br />
[[File:Margot Fonteyn, Reigate - geograph-3129335.jpg|thumb|200px|right|The statue of Margot in Castiglioni]]<br />
Margot was diagnosed with {{wpl|ovarian cancer}} in 1999, and died of the disease on 22 February 2002 in a hospital in Náunai. In recognition of her service to Gylias, Anina Bergmann granted her a {{wpl|state funeral|public funeral}}.<br />
<br />
Margot was celebrated in life as one of Gylias' greatest ballerinas, and she also proved an influential philosopher. ''[[Free Gylias]]'' described her as "an eloquent champion of multiculturalism and opponent of nation-states", praising her vision of Gylias as "a state of mind" rather than a state. Her notions of ''l'belle mosaïque'' and ''pays jolie'' achieved widespread acceptance as expressions of [[Gylian nationalism]] and the ideals of the [[Gylian consensus]].<br />
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She is commemorated with a statue in front of her childhood home in Castiglioni, depicting her in her favourite role as {{wpl|Ondine (ballet)|Ondine}}, and the Margot Fontaine Academy of Ballet in Mişeyáke.<br />
<br />
[[Category:Gylian writers]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian thinkers]]<br />
[[Category:Gylian politicians]]</div>Gyliashttps://iiwiki.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Template:Socialism_in_Gylias&diff=610330Template:Socialism in Gylias2023-01-30T09:59:50Z<p>Gylias: </p>
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<div>{{Sidebar with collapsible lists<br />
| name = Socialism in Gylias<br />
| class = hlist<br />
| bodystyle = width:18.0em;<br />
| titlestyle = font-size:160%;<br />
| title = [[Socialism in Gylias|Socialism]] in [[Gylias]]<br />
| image = [[File:Gylias-ideology-socialism.png|200px]]<br />
| listtitlestyle = background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;<!--padding-left:0.4em;padding-right:2.4em;--><br />
| listclass = hlist<br />
| expanded = {{{expanded|{{{1|}}}}}}<br />
| list1name = Schools<br />
| list1title = Schools<br />
| list1 = <br />
* {{wpl|Democratic socialism|Democratic}}<br />
* {{wpl|Eco-socialism|Ecological}}<br />
* {{wpl|Ethical socialism|Ethical}}<br />
* {{wpl|Liberal socialism|Liberal}}<br />
* {{wpl|Utopian socialism|Utopian}}<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Market socialism|Market]]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Libertarian socialism|Libertarian]]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Social democracy|Social democracy]]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#''Aristerokratia''|''Aristerokratia'']]<br />
* [[Socialism in Gylias#Julieism|Julieism]] (''[[The Green Book]]'')<br />
| list2name = Thinkers<br />
| list2title = Thinkers<br />
| list2 = <br />
* [[Mary Grant]]<br />
* [[Şio Etes]]<br />
* [[Izai Sesaþ]]<br />
* [[Margot Fontaine]]<br />
* [[Julie Legrand]]<br />
* [[Ser Şanorin]]<br />
* [[Sima Daián]]<br />
| list3name = Organisations<br />
| list3title = [[Socialism in Gylias#Overview of Gylian socialism|Organisations]]<br />
| list3 = <br />
* {{G-PA}} ({{G-SP}}<br />
* {{G-SDP}})<br />
* {{G-LLR}}<br />
* {{G-FLP}}<br />
* {{G-GP}}<br />
* {{G-RJU}}<br />
| list4name = Related<br />
| list4title = Related<br />
| list4 = <br />
* [[Template:Politics of Gylias|Other Gylian political movements]]<br />
}}<noinclude><br />
[[Category:Gylias templates]]<br />
</noinclude></div>Gylias