Vladislav Pudovkin: Difference between revisions
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=== Militarisation and rise in party power: 1924{{ndash}}26 === | === Militarisation and rise in party power: 1924{{ndash}}26 === | ||
[[File:1_Dywizja_Grenadierów_Wojska_Polskiego_we_Francji_-_przeglad_pododdzialow_NAC_18-261-2.jpg|225px|right|thumb|Pudovkin (white uniform; left) and [[Cabinet of Soravia|Minister of Defense]] [[Soravia|Valery Yashchuk-Tolmachov]] (white uniform; right) inspect a newly-formed battalion stationed near [[East Miersa|Noviborg]] (now [[East Miersa|Nowyburg]], [[East Miersa#Administrative divisions|Ziarnokosz]], [[East Miersa]]) in June 1924.]] | |||
The rise of [[Functionalist Gaullica|functionalism in Gaullica]] began to pose an increasing threat to Soravia, whose territories in [[Euclea|Central Euclea]] were at great risk of invasion in the event of full-scale conflict between the two nations. In response to what he called an "eventuality", Pudovkin began a mass militarisation campaign across the country in 1924, but centred particularly in [[Miersa]] and [[Kantemosha]]. Bases were constructed and armies were restationed across the [[Miersa|Monnes Valley]], where most of the Gallo-Soravian border lied. Historians have pointed to the militarisation campaign as one of the main reasons Gaullica's success was comparatively stifled in Central Euclea, despite Soravian equipment often being as old as twenty years. Pudovkin also claimed credit for the work it created, but the program was incredibly expensive for the government. 1924 saw some of the highest government spending in years, and was criticised by [[Cabinet of Soravia|Minister of the Economy]] [[Soravia|Vaniamin Chepurin]] as well as [[Cabinet of Soravia|Minister of Agriculture]] [[Soravia|Igor Marinin]], primarily for the farmland it expropriated. | |||
The campaign was similarly undertaken across susceptible areas of the Ravnian border{{snd}}Euclea's longest. Increasing amicability between [[Ravnia|Ravnia's monarchy]] and the Gaullican functionalist government was of concern to Pudovkin. Hostilities were further spurred on by the election of Ravnia's pro-functionalist government in October 1924. Now posing a significant threat to the security of Soravia's southern border, Pudovkin wished to expand the program to southern Soravia, but [[Pavel Klemenko]], a key political ally and a high-ranking member of the [[ZVNP]]'s internal leadership, who had so far supported it, did not support its expansion. The program never expanded, but Pudovkin privately contacted {{wp|Andrei Tupolev|Semyon Savinkov}}, head of the {{wp|Tupolev|Savinkov Aerial Manufacturing and Design Bureau}}, through his {{wp|old boys' network}} from Parfino Academy, to push for heavier focus on military design. Savinkov, who had been focusing on cargo aircraft for logistical purposes, ultimately agreed, and the {{wp|Tupolev ANT-3|Savinkov SPV-2}} was designed and tested in 1924{{ndash}}25, along with the {{wp|Tupolev TB-1|Savinkov PB-1}}, which greatly increased Soravia's aerial capabilities. | |||
[[File:Wizyta_w_Polsce_brytyjskiego_podsekretarza_ds_lotnictwa_Williama_Brauckera_NAC_1-D-1888a.jpg|235px|thumb|left|Pudovkin with the 1st Polkom in 1925. The Polkom often consisted of both civilian {{wp|bureaucrats}} and {{wp|military|military figures}}.]] | |||
Simultaneously, Pudovkin had been working on increasing the party's power within the current government system. The ZVNP, which was still ideologically a coalition of {{wp|liberalism|centrist liberals}}, {{wp|religious conservatism|religious conservatives}} and some {{wp|socialism|socialists}} and {{wp|trade unionists}}, was fairly divided internally, held together mainly by Klemenko, Mykhajlyuk and Pudovkin's internal bureaucratic connections. Seeking to crack down on party dissent and prioritise his own religious conservative leanings, he denounced the socialist movement for its "attempts to undermine" stability within the party, a characteristic which had garnered him popularity in his administration so far. With socialists now popularly alienated, most left the party, and those who remained meshed into the wide-reaching group of liberals who still nominally supported the Pudovkin administration, though were practically exiled from the socialist movement as a result. In what he referred to as an "extention" of his previous ''{{wp|Sanation|sanatsiya}}'' policies, which aimed to tackle corruption within the government, the resulting party pursued a more {{wp|conservatism|conservative-leaning}} administration with {{wp|populism|populist}} tones, often marketed as {{wp|anti-establishment|anti-establishment politics}}. The subsequent {{wp|executive committee}} (Polkom; from політичний комітет; ''politychnyy komitet'', "political committee") that was formed in February 1925 operated internally with the task of vetting the party's candidates and presiding over internal party bureaucracy. Members of the Polkom were known to the public, but its operations were often shrouded in secrecy, and was appointed entirely by the president. Pudovkin utilised the Polkom extensively in bringing the party into line with his own views, and it played a large part of the ideological centralisation of the party in the run up to the [[Great War (Kylaris)|Great War]]. | |||
== Great War == | == Great War == | ||
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His Excellency Vladislav Pudovkin | |
|---|---|
| Владислав Пудовкин | |
 Pudovkin, aged 50, preparing for his New Republic speech, shortly before he declared the ZVNP the sole ruling party of Soravian Federated Republic in 1936. | |
| 4th President of Soravia | |
| In office January 19, 1921 – October 3, 1955 | |
| Chancellor | List
|
| Preceded by | Tadeusz Czyzewski |
| Succeeded by | Gabriel Tozulyak |
| 20th and 23rd Minister-President of Soravia | |
| In office March 4, 1910 – August 26, 1912 | |
| President | Pyotr Petrovich |
| Preceded by | Tadeusz Czyzewski |
| Succeeded by | Tadeusz Czyzewski |
| In office November 7, 1915 – March 15, 1917 | |
| Preceded by | Denys Dorosh |
| Succeeded by | Kyrylo Cheban |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Vladislav Andrya Pudovkin March 22, 1886 Nimganopol, Soravia |
| Died | January 27, 1969 (aged 82) Ottseda, Belosoravian FSR, ZDR |
| Political party | Independent (1906–1921) ZVNP (1921–1969) |
| Spouse | Valyushka Kupranec |
| Children | 4 |
Vladislav Pudovkin (March 22, 1886 – January 27, 1969; aged 82), sometimes known by his agnomen "The Old Stallion" (Soravian: Старий жеребець; Staryy zherebets) was a Soravian statesman and military figure who served as President of Soravia from 1921 to 1955, and two stints as Minister-President of Soravia from 1910 to 1912 and 1915 to 1917. He was a dominant figure in domestic politics during his reign, solidifying the dominance of president over parliament, and later creating a party system of which he was a central figure. He oversaw many periods in Soravian history, including mass industrialisation, the fallout of the Great Collapse, the Great War, as well as Soravia's emergence as a superpower after the war and subsequent strained relations with Eastern Euclea.
Born into a wealthy military family in Nimganopol in 1886, Pudovkin was exposed to military culture from a young age. He attended the Parfino Military Academy in Samistopol from 1900 to 1904, joining the army afterwards, briefly full-time but in 1906 choosing only to serve part-time. He subsequently became involved in Samistopolitan politics, becoming a member of its miskrada (city council) in 1907, where he met Pyotr Petrovich. Pudovkin impressed with his charisma, and his image of a hard-working, patriotic soldier, which he kept despite his brief full-time service, found him popularity amongst the working class. Petrovich ultimately selected him for the minister-presidency in 1910, but resigned in 1912 following disagreements over proactive foreign policy. Tadeusz Czyzewski appointed him in 1915, but disagreements over economic policy saw him resign once again in 1917.
Pudovkin's resignations allowed him to escape criticism for the controversial policies of the Great Collapse, and he later successfully won the presidency in 1921, utilising his popularity amongst the working class, as well as hardliner members of the government. His party apparatus in the ZVNP also indicated a move away from political non-partisanism, which became associated with unaccountability of higher figures. He spearheaded economic recovery and the war effort, eventually being boosted by Allied victory and Soravia's newfound geopolitical status amongst Euclean nations. In 1936, he launched massive reforms to Soravia's political system, establishing the Soravian Nationalist and Revivalist Party as Soravia's sole legal party, modelling it as a popular front, increasing the powers of the presidency and essentially placing the legislature under his control. Economic growth and post-war euphoria put his popularity at an all-time high during this period, but was quickly undermined by the Miersan General Strike and the Godfredson Plan, which strained relations between Soravia and the East, particularly Estmere.
In the 1940s, Soravian participation in the Solarian War greatly dented his political image, which he had moulded into one of efficiency and robyty rechi – "get things done". The particularly bloody Amathian campaign especially brought him negative spotlight, though his opposition mainly operated underground until the final years of his presidency. Growing party opposition to Pudovkin, who became increasingly paranoid of plots to dethrone him, began to stifle government processions. Cabinet members were often appointed and fired on a whim, but his protégé Vilem Gardos eventually brought stability to the government, positioning himself to succeed him, before he was accused of conspiring with his enemies and also axed. Pudovkin appointed Gabriel Tozulyak to the presidency in his resignation speech in 1955, aged 68. He continued on as a member of the ZVNP, though mainly honourary in practice, until his death in 1969.
One of both Soravia and Euclea's most important figures of the 20th century, Pudovkin greatly affected Euclean geopolitics with his strongman rule. The influence of his personality and personal relations in Soravia's domestic policies and foreign relations has been the subject of study by political scientists and psychologists for decades. His usurpation of the legislature and widespread undemocratic reforms, instigated through a self-coup, influenced the rises to power of other dictators around the world. In the 1930s and 1940s, he formed a great personality cult, which, in wake of the war, bolstered his popularity, but this quickly deteriorated in the late-40s and early-50s. Hundreds of monuments, streets and statues are dedicated to Pudovkin throughout Soravia and its former territories, where he is still lauded for projecting Soravian influence, his wartime victories and post-war economic growth. Elsewhere, he is often criticsed for his militarism, autocratic nature and creation of a one-party state.
Early life
Early political career
Minister-President
First term: 1910–12
Second term: 1915–17
Opposition to Czyzewski presidency and beginnings of sanatsiya
Election to presidency and consolidation of power
Sanatsiya and economic recovery: 1921–24
Militarisation and rise in party power: 1924–26
The rise of functionalism in Gaullica began to pose an increasing threat to Soravia, whose territories in Central Euclea were at great risk of invasion in the event of full-scale conflict between the two nations. In response to what he called an "eventuality", Pudovkin began a mass militarisation campaign across the country in 1924, but centred particularly in Miersa and Kantemosha. Bases were constructed and armies were restationed across the Monnes Valley, where most of the Gallo-Soravian border lied. Historians have pointed to the militarisation campaign as one of the main reasons Gaullica's success was comparatively stifled in Central Euclea, despite Soravian equipment often being as old as twenty years. Pudovkin also claimed credit for the work it created, but the program was incredibly expensive for the government. 1924 saw some of the highest government spending in years, and was criticised by Minister of the Economy Vaniamin Chepurin as well as Minister of Agriculture Igor Marinin, primarily for the farmland it expropriated.
The campaign was similarly undertaken across susceptible areas of the Ravnian border – Euclea's longest. Increasing amicability between Ravnia's monarchy and the Gaullican functionalist government was of concern to Pudovkin. Hostilities were further spurred on by the election of Ravnia's pro-functionalist government in October 1924. Now posing a significant threat to the security of Soravia's southern border, Pudovkin wished to expand the program to southern Soravia, but Pavel Klemenko, a key political ally and a high-ranking member of the ZVNP's internal leadership, who had so far supported it, did not support its expansion. The program never expanded, but Pudovkin privately contacted Semyon Savinkov, head of the Savinkov Aerial Manufacturing and Design Bureau, through his old boys' network from Parfino Academy, to push for heavier focus on military design. Savinkov, who had been focusing on cargo aircraft for logistical purposes, ultimately agreed, and the Savinkov SPV-2 was designed and tested in 1924–25, along with the Savinkov PB-1, which greatly increased Soravia's aerial capabilities.
Simultaneously, Pudovkin had been working on increasing the party's power within the current government system. The ZVNP, which was still ideologically a coalition of centrist liberals, religious conservatives and some socialists and trade unionists, was fairly divided internally, held together mainly by Klemenko, Mykhajlyuk and Pudovkin's internal bureaucratic connections. Seeking to crack down on party dissent and prioritise his own religious conservative leanings, he denounced the socialist movement for its "attempts to undermine" stability within the party, a characteristic which had garnered him popularity in his administration so far. With socialists now popularly alienated, most left the party, and those who remained meshed into the wide-reaching group of liberals who still nominally supported the Pudovkin administration, though were practically exiled from the socialist movement as a result. In what he referred to as an "extention" of his previous sanatsiya policies, which aimed to tackle corruption within the government, the resulting party pursued a more conservative-leaning administration with populist tones, often marketed as anti-establishment politics. The subsequent executive committee (Polkom; from політичний комітет; politychnyy komitet, "political committee") that was formed in February 1925 operated internally with the task of vetting the party's candidates and presiding over internal party bureaucracy. Members of the Polkom were known to the public, but its operations were often shrouded in secrecy, and was appointed entirely by the president. Pudovkin utilised the Polkom extensively in bringing the party into line with his own views, and it played a large part of the ideological centralisation of the party in the run up to the Great War.