Pan-Bahianism: Difference between revisions

Jump to navigation Jump to search
 
(17 intermediate revisions by 7 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
{{Region icon Kylaris}}
[[File:Flag of Zaire.svg|200px|thumb|right|The flag of the [[Congress of Bahian States]], which uses the {{wp|Pan-african colours|Pan-Bahian colours}} and the [[Pan-Bahianism#Torch and Fist|Torch and Fist]], symbols of Pan-Bahianism.]]
[[File:Flag of Zaire.svg|200px|thumb|right|The flag of the [[Congress of Bahian States]], which uses the {{wp|Pan-african colours|Pan-Bahian colours}} and the [[Pan-Bahianism#Torch and Fist|Torch and Fist]], symbols of Pan-Bahianism.]]
{{Bahia sidebar}}
'''Pan-Bahianism''' is a political movement which promotes the independence of the [[Bahia|Bahian subcontinent]] and encourages solidarity amongst both Bahian nations and all Bahian peoples and people of Bahian descent across the world.  
'''Pan-Bahianism''' is a political movement which promotes the independence of the [[Bahia|Bahian subcontinent]] and encourages solidarity amongst both Bahian nations and all Bahian peoples and people of Bahian descent across the world.  


Pan-Bahianism is simultaneously regarded as a political, economic and cultural project, with the eventual goal of the creation of a singular Bahian community united upon the principles of common ancestry, common struggles and a common destiny inexorably linked to the complete emancipation of the entire subcontinent from foreign control. Originally, this took the form of {{wp|colonialism}}, but in the modern era has been expanded to economic, cultural and political {{wp|hegemony}}. As a political movement, the internal currents of Pan-Bahianism have historically been highly diverse and range from {{wp|Socialism}} as advocated by [[Izibongo Ngonidzashe]] in [[Rwizikuru]] to [[Ngiilism]] in [[Kaiye Tourie]] and to various other ideological currents. These internal divisions have been one of the principal obstructions to Pan-Bahianism, rendering institutions such as the [[Congress of Bahian States]] all but useless.  
Pan-Bahianism is simultaneously regarded as a political, economic and cultural project, with the eventual goal of the creation of a singular Bahian community united upon the principles of common ancestry, common struggles and a common destiny inexorably linked to the complete emancipation of the entire subcontinent from foreign control. Originally, this took the form of {{wp|colonialism}}, but in the modern era has been expanded to economic, cultural and political {{wp|hegemony}}. As a political movement, the internal currents of Pan-Bahianism have historically been highly diverse and while {{wp|Socialism}} as advocated by [[Vudzijena Nhema]] in [[Rwizikuru]], [[Fuad Onika]] in [[Mabifia]] and [[Adelaja Ifedapo]] and [[Edudzi Agyeman]] in [[Asase Lewa]] has historically been the most associated with the goals, it encompasses ideological currents. These internal divisions have been one of the principal obstructions to Pan-Bahianism, rendering institutions such as the [[Congress of Bahian States]] all but useless.  


Pan-Bahianism first emerged in political discourse at the start of the 20th century, as a part of the increased awareness of a national conscience within [[Euclea|Euclean]]-colonised Bahia. While first mooted as a purely scholastic goal by authors such as [[Baptiste Muusu]] and INSERT DUDE HERE, the formation of the [[Pan-Bahian Democratic Party]] in COUNTRY in 1902 and the [[Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea]] began to promote the ideology in a serious manner. With decolonisation, Pan-Bahianism played a key role in the ideological motivations of many key political groups in the newly-formed nations, with leaders such as [[Ardachire Touré]] being fervent proponents of the goal. The formation of the [[Congress of Bahian States]] was seen as an early step towards Bahian unity, though political divisions soon stopped progress. In the modern era, Pan-Bahianism remains a highly relevant political goal with influence in the political, economic and literary spheres of both Bahia and areas with large Bahian diasporic populations.
Pan-Bahianism first emerged in political discourse at the start of the 20th century, as a part of the increased awareness of a national conscience within [[Euclea|Euclean]]-colonised Bahia. While first mooted as a purely scholastic goal by authors such as [[Baptiste Muusu]] and INSERT DUDE HERE, the formation of the [[Pan-Bahian Democratic Party]] in COUNTRY in 1902 and the [[Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea]] began to promote the ideology in a serious manner. With decolonisation, Pan-Bahianism played a key role in the ideological motivations of many key political groups in the newly-formed nations, with leaders such as [[Fuad Onika]] being fervent proponents of the goal. The formation of the [[Congress of Bahian States]] was seen as an early step towards Bahian unity, though political divisions soon stopped progress. In the modern era, Pan-Bahianism remains a highly relevant political goal with influence in the political, economic and literary spheres of both Bahia and areas with large Bahian diasporic populations.


==Origins of Pan-Bahianism==
==Origins of Pan-Bahianism==
Line 21: Line 24:
==Modern Pan-Bahianism==
==Modern Pan-Bahianism==
===In Bahia===
===In Bahia===
====In Kaiye Tourie====
[[File:Propagande dans Ourafade.jpg|200px|thumb|right|Posters in the outskirts of [[Urafaada]]. The text reads ''"Together, we consolidate peace"'']]
As a {{wp|one-party state}} under the [[Rassemblement of the Pan-Bahian Centre]], Pan-Bahianism forms a key part of Kaiye Tourie's political and economic strategy. Politically, this takes the form of active involvement within the [[Congress of Bahian States]] and support for Pan-Bahian projects in ideological statements. Political propaganda in Kaiye Tourie advocates for greater cooperation with other Bahian states, stressing the unity of the people of the nations. Within the [[Community of Nations]], Kaiye Tourie advocates for {{wp|Anti-interventionism|non-interference}} within Bahian issues and local solutions.


Economically, Kaiye Tourie pursues active ties with other Bahian nations. It is the host of the [[Pan-Bahian Development Bank]], which helps fund development projects within other Bahian nations. It is connected to its neighbours by rail services and has worked to further transport infrastructure between Bahian nations. This has included development on the [[Banga-Rwizi river]] to benefit agricultural projects in the nations which are touched by this river. The government funds hundreds of scholarships each year to Bahian students to study in universities in Kaiye Tourie.
====In Asase Lewa====
 
Pan-Bahianism officially remains a core part of the ideology of the [[Asalewan Section of the Workers' International]] and the [[Asase Lewa|Asalewan]] state. The state and Section continue to sponsor left-wing Pan-Bahian movements, and Pan-Bahianism Day, celebrated on the anniversary of the [[Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea]] on May 13, is an important public holiday in Asase Lewa, celebrated by mass rallies and burning {{wp|effigy|effigies}} of historic geopolitical opponents blamed for Bahian colonialism and the collapse of the United Bahian Republic, especially colonial-era [[Estmere|Estmerish]] leaders or [[Izibongo Ngonidzashe]].
 
Currently, the Section and Asalewan state officially views the collapse of the United Bahian Republic as having been inevitable due to "the continuing survival of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and according {{wp|tribalism}} and {{wp|bourgeois nationalism}}" in the {{wp|African socialism|Bahian socialist}} states in the United Bahian Republic that did not center class struggle in domestic policies. Therefore, it regards {{wp|Council communism|Councilist revolution}} throughout Bahia as a necessary precondition for forming a successful pan-Bahian state. Many scholars have interpreted this doctrine as a tacit admission that Pan-Bahianism is no longer a core part of Asalewan foreign policy, with the country instead focusing primarily on deepening ties with other [[Association for International Socialism|socialist countries]], especially the countries of the [[Brown Sea Community]].


====In Rwizikuru====
====In Rwizikuru====
Since [[Rwizikuru]]'s defeat in the [[Nasani-Rwizikuran War]] and the [[Garamburan Independence War]] in 1969, the role of Pan-Bahianism in Rwizikuru has greatly diminished. While during the 1970s, under [[Izibongo Ngonidzashe]], Rwizikuru continued to pay lip service to the concept of Pan-Bahianism, due to the poor relations with [[Nasana]] and [[Garambura]], it ceased to play a major role in Pan-Bahian ideology.
Since the [[Rwizikuran coup d'etat, 1963|1963]] and [[Rwizikuran coup d'etat, 1964|1964]] coups d'etat that caused Rwizikuru to withdraw from the [[United Bahian Republic]], and the consolidation of power by [[Izibongo Ngonidzashe]], pan-Bahianism has greatly declined in relevance in Rwizikuru, primarily due to Izibongo Ngonidzashe cracking down on Pan-Bahian organisations as threats to "the stability and well-being of the Rwizi nation," but also due to the Rwizikuran government portraying Pan-Bahianism as being a mechanism with which Vudzijena Nhema was able to "institute authoritarian policies" and "mismanage the Rwizikuran economy."


After the death of Izibongo Ngonidzashe, and the accession of [[Kupakwashe Ngonidzashe]], the role of Pan-Bahianism decreased, especially after the [[Port Fitzhubert putsch, 1981|attempted coup d'etat]] in 1981 led by [[Fred Ngonidzashe]] and his two youngest sons. With the failure of the coup, Pan-Bahian ideology had began to fall out of favour.
Until the early 1980s, pan-Bahianism was still a commonly held position among Rwizikuran socialists. However, with the socialists marginalised by Izibongo Ngonidzashe, they lost significant influence, and by the mid 1980s, Rwizikuran socialists largely abandoned the idea of pan-Bahianism in favour of advocating for an abolition of the [[Monarchy of Rwizikuru|Rwizikuran monarchy]] and on improving the livelihoods of ordinary Rwizikurans. Since then, pan-Bahianism has largely been relegated to the fringes of Rwizikuran politics, even after the establishment of a [[Constitution of Rwizikuru, 2020|constitutional monarchy]] in 2020 by Izibongo's successor, [[Munashe Ngonidzashe]].


Despite this setback, when relations with Garambura were restored in 1983, Kupakwashe Ngonidzashe justified it along Pan-Bahian lines, saying that "it is of the utmost importance to work together with our brothers in Bahia."
====In Mabifia====
====In Garambura====
====In Tiwura====
After the [[First Tiwuran Civil War]], the new leadership of [[Reese Okparro Ndulu]] would continue the practice of rejecting pan-Bahianism in Tiwura, and its influence would slowly dwindle. Throughout the 70s, pan-Bahianism in Tiwura was kept alive by socialist groups, but would slowly lose influence as economic problems took center stage. When [[Alichie Uchey]] became [[President of Tiwura|President]] the ideology would continue to dwindle as issues such {{wp|famine}}, {{wp|poverty}}, and ethnic tension would spike during this period of the early 80s.  


However, from the late 1980s, through the early 2000s, Pan-Bahianism played very little role in Rwizikuran policy, as it was more focused on internal development. It was only in the mid-2000s that Pan-Bahianism started to emerge again, with plans to develop a second motorway from [[Port Fitzhubert]] to the border with [[Habasha]].
After the election of [[Kibwe Chipo]], pan-Bahianism was heavily persecuted by the new government as it was seen contradictory to Chipo's ideology of [[Tiwuran Preservationism]]. Pan-Bahianism made a resurgence during the [[Second Tiwuran Civil War]] as it was seen as a way to unite the people against Kibwe Chipo and was one of the central ideologies of the [[Alliance of Peoples]]. After the war, the new government under [[Mowiya Sekoni]] would be the first in Tiwuran history to embrace the ideology. Sekoni's government would, however, would focus on building a relationship with [[ROSPO]] and other [[Coius|Coian]] countries and would attempt to put down internal struggles.  


Economically, Rwizikuru is pursuing ties with Habasha and Garambura, albeit on a "nation-to-nation" basis, as opposed to a Pan-Bahian approach, and is connected by rail to these two countries. However, relations with Nasana are still cold due to the lingering effects of the Nasani-Rwizikuran War.
In 2003, [[Nicholas Chukwudi]] and the [[Tiwuran Democratic Party]] would win Tiwura's first free election, and would promote what Chukwudi called "limited and logical pan-bahianism". This would mean Tiwuran foreign policy in Bahia should focus on building relationships with nations Tiwura already had stable and good relations with, but Tiwura should still remain focused on rebuilding the damage of the last civil war and putting the focus on the nation. During the late 2000s and 2010s, pan-Bahianism would slowly dwindle in importance as Tiwura would focus on its position in the geopolitcal rivalry between [[COMDEV]] and [[ROSPO]].


====In Habasha====
====In Garambura====
====Relationship with ROSPO and COMSED====
====Relationship with ROSPO and COMSED====
====Relationship with Euclea====
====Relationship with Euclea====
===In Asteria===
===In Asteria===
===== Arucian =====
==Symbols==
==Symbols==
[[Category:Bahia]]

Latest revision as of 06:43, 17 August 2023

Template:Region icon Kylaris

The flag of the Congress of Bahian States, which uses the Pan-Bahian colours and the Torch and Fist, symbols of Pan-Bahianism.

Pan-Bahianism is a political movement which promotes the independence of the Bahian subcontinent and encourages solidarity amongst both Bahian nations and all Bahian peoples and people of Bahian descent across the world.

Pan-Bahianism is simultaneously regarded as a political, economic and cultural project, with the eventual goal of the creation of a singular Bahian community united upon the principles of common ancestry, common struggles and a common destiny inexorably linked to the complete emancipation of the entire subcontinent from foreign control. Originally, this took the form of colonialism, but in the modern era has been expanded to economic, cultural and political hegemony. As a political movement, the internal currents of Pan-Bahianism have historically been highly diverse and while Socialism as advocated by Vudzijena Nhema in Rwizikuru, Fuad Onika in Mabifia and Adelaja Ifedapo and Edudzi Agyeman in Asase Lewa has historically been the most associated with the goals, it encompasses ideological currents. These internal divisions have been one of the principal obstructions to Pan-Bahianism, rendering institutions such as the Congress of Bahian States all but useless.

Pan-Bahianism first emerged in political discourse at the start of the 20th century, as a part of the increased awareness of a national conscience within Euclean-colonised Bahia. While first mooted as a purely scholastic goal by authors such as Baptiste Muusu and INSERT DUDE HERE, the formation of the Pan-Bahian Democratic Party in COUNTRY in 1902 and the Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea began to promote the ideology in a serious manner. With decolonisation, Pan-Bahianism played a key role in the ideological motivations of many key political groups in the newly-formed nations, with leaders such as Fuad Onika being fervent proponents of the goal. The formation of the Congress of Bahian States was seen as an early step towards Bahian unity, though political divisions soon stopped progress. In the modern era, Pan-Bahianism remains a highly relevant political goal with influence in the political, economic and literary spheres of both Bahia and areas with large Bahian diasporic populations.

Origins of Pan-Bahianism

Colonisation of Bahia

End of Slavery in Asteria

The Revolt of the Métis

Political beginnings

Pan-Bahian Democratic Party

First Conference

Proclamation of 1902

Second Conference

Independence era

Congress of Bahian States

Militancies and Revolution

Political divisions

Modern Pan-Bahianism

In Bahia

In Asase Lewa

Pan-Bahianism officially remains a core part of the ideology of the Asalewan Section of the Workers' International and the Asalewan state. The state and Section continue to sponsor left-wing Pan-Bahian movements, and Pan-Bahianism Day, celebrated on the anniversary of the Conference for the Promotion of the Pan-Bahian Idea on May 13, is an important public holiday in Asase Lewa, celebrated by mass rallies and burning effigies of historic geopolitical opponents blamed for Bahian colonialism and the collapse of the United Bahian Republic, especially colonial-era Estmerish leaders or Izibongo Ngonidzashe.

Currently, the Section and Asalewan state officially views the collapse of the United Bahian Republic as having been inevitable due to "the continuing survival of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and according tribalism and bourgeois nationalism" in the Bahian socialist states in the United Bahian Republic that did not center class struggle in domestic policies. Therefore, it regards Councilist revolution throughout Bahia as a necessary precondition for forming a successful pan-Bahian state. Many scholars have interpreted this doctrine as a tacit admission that Pan-Bahianism is no longer a core part of Asalewan foreign policy, with the country instead focusing primarily on deepening ties with other socialist countries, especially the countries of the Brown Sea Community.

In Rwizikuru

Since the 1963 and 1964 coups d'etat that caused Rwizikuru to withdraw from the United Bahian Republic, and the consolidation of power by Izibongo Ngonidzashe, pan-Bahianism has greatly declined in relevance in Rwizikuru, primarily due to Izibongo Ngonidzashe cracking down on Pan-Bahian organisations as threats to "the stability and well-being of the Rwizi nation," but also due to the Rwizikuran government portraying Pan-Bahianism as being a mechanism with which Vudzijena Nhema was able to "institute authoritarian policies" and "mismanage the Rwizikuran economy."

Until the early 1980s, pan-Bahianism was still a commonly held position among Rwizikuran socialists. However, with the socialists marginalised by Izibongo Ngonidzashe, they lost significant influence, and by the mid 1980s, Rwizikuran socialists largely abandoned the idea of pan-Bahianism in favour of advocating for an abolition of the Rwizikuran monarchy and on improving the livelihoods of ordinary Rwizikurans. Since then, pan-Bahianism has largely been relegated to the fringes of Rwizikuran politics, even after the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in 2020 by Izibongo's successor, Munashe Ngonidzashe.

In Mabifia

In Garambura

In Tiwura

After the First Tiwuran Civil War, the new leadership of Reese Okparro Ndulu would continue the practice of rejecting pan-Bahianism in Tiwura, and its influence would slowly dwindle. Throughout the 70s, pan-Bahianism in Tiwura was kept alive by socialist groups, but would slowly lose influence as economic problems took center stage. When Alichie Uchey became President the ideology would continue to dwindle as issues such famine, poverty, and ethnic tension would spike during this period of the early 80s.

After the election of Kibwe Chipo, pan-Bahianism was heavily persecuted by the new government as it was seen contradictory to Chipo's ideology of Tiwuran Preservationism. Pan-Bahianism made a resurgence during the Second Tiwuran Civil War as it was seen as a way to unite the people against Kibwe Chipo and was one of the central ideologies of the Alliance of Peoples. After the war, the new government under Mowiya Sekoni would be the first in Tiwuran history to embrace the ideology. Sekoni's government would, however, would focus on building a relationship with ROSPO and other Coian countries and would attempt to put down internal struggles.

In 2003, Nicholas Chukwudi and the Tiwuran Democratic Party would win Tiwura's first free election, and would promote what Chukwudi called "limited and logical pan-bahianism". This would mean Tiwuran foreign policy in Bahia should focus on building relationships with nations Tiwura already had stable and good relations with, but Tiwura should still remain focused on rebuilding the damage of the last civil war and putting the focus on the nation. During the late 2000s and 2010s, pan-Bahianism would slowly dwindle in importance as Tiwura would focus on its position in the geopolitcal rivalry between COMDEV and ROSPO.

Relationship with ROSPO and COMSED

Relationship with Euclea

In Asteria

Arucian

Symbols