United Socialist Federation of Khefanestan

United Soviet Socialist Federation of Khefanestan
Flag
Capital	Antenkh
Largest city	Kachori
Official languages	None Federally
Recognised national languages	Heyeric, Kurtulian, Kishidili, Tbeti, Nekhtic, Karasaut, Matic, Zaurataban, Uriatic, Alamysian, Orighat.
Demonym(s)	official Khefanestani unofficial Khefani
Government	Federal One-Party Parliamentary Socialist Republic
• General Secretary	Khasan Taymuraz
• Minister President	Kaystak Ghasabyan
Legislature	All-Union Congress of the Republics
Population
• 2020 census	90,198,098
GDP (PPP)	2021 estimate
• Total	$1,223,717,595,566
• Per capita	$13,567
Gini (2021)	44.0 medium
HDI (2021)	0.789 high
Date format	dd/mm/yyyy (AD)
Driving side	left
Calling code	+768
ISO 3166 code	KHF
Internet TLD	.khf

Khefanestan (Heyeric:Խեֆանեստան; Kurtulian: ხეფანესტანი; Kishidili: خئفآنهصطآن) , Officially know as the United Socialist Federation of Khefanestan, is a nation located at the boundry of !Europe and !WestAsia. It is dominated by the Greater Balkharic Mountains, and is bounded by the !EastSea to the East, WestSea, to the West, and the Omerian Federation to the South West and South. Antenkh is the Capitol as well as one of the oldest continuously inhabetted cities in the world, the largest city is Kachori.

The Greater Balkharic range was inhabeted as early as the Paleolithic age. The first recorded civilization was the Mkhor-Sarcharic Culture of the late Pre-Pottery Neolithic. Major ealy civilizatiosn in the region included the Agydarian Ropecord Culture from the early Chalcolithic to middle Bronze Age, the Horse Mound Culture of the late Chalcolithic, and the Nartic Culture, who were the earliest record agracultural societies in the region. The first recorder npolitical entity in the region was the Tepet Kingdom formed in the 6th century BC. !Christianity would spread to the region in the 1st century AD due to the work of St. Bartughimeos the Leper. !Persian conquest and subsaquent !Turkic migrations in the 8th through 11th centuries have changed the ethno-liguistic and religious character of the region of Khefanestan.

The Republic of the Mountain Dwellers proclaimed its independence in 1916 and was the first independent political entity in the region since the annexation of the Orighat Khanate in 1678. Political instability and risidual fighting from the War of Independence severly weakened the republic. In 1918 The Unified Mountain Dwellers Communist Party would launch a major strike that would eventually lead to the December Revolution in 1919. The modern state of Khefanestan formed in 1922 under the control of the Communist Party. Liberal Partisans and Ethnic Nationalist would continue to fight until 1925. Khefanestan would become a major industrial economy, utilizing large Iron, Uranium, and Oil resources to power its economy. The Khefanestani Civil War would be fought from 1991 until 1996 when Kishidili Nationalist would declare their independence, the war ended with a government victory but would be economically devestated until the late 2000's.

Khefanestan is a Federal One-Party Parliamentary Socialist Republic, is one of the founding memebers of the Workers International, Founding memeber of the International Federation for Medical Humanitarianism, Kachori Economic Group, and the Freternety of Stateless Nations. Khefanestan is also a growing regional economic and military power, with economic and Military relations globally.

Etymology

Khefanestan originates from the old persian word kaufestān (𐎣𐎳𐎿𐎫𐎴). Historiacally an exonym used by the !PersianEmpire for the segement of the Greater Balkharic Mountains east of the Kuanorhean River Basin. The tearm gradually came to refer to the whole of the Greater Balkharic Mountain Range. however by the time of the !Afsharids the term marzbūmi. local names include Aregerkir (Heyeric:Արեգերկիր), Sakhlis Mtebi (Kurtulian: სახლის მთები), and Dağlıq Torpaq (Kishidili:توْرپآق دآغلاؽق ). After the decleration of the Mountain Dwellers Republic and the subsaquent revolution the name was chosen by the Supreme Revolutionary Council of the Mountain Dwellers as a politically nuetral for the new revolutionary state, which wished to create an ethnically nuetral state.

History

Prehistory

the earliest known evidence of human habitation in what is today Khefanestan dates back to roughtly 33,000 BP, when Mode VI Stone tool were discovered at an excivation cite in the northern steppe region. The first evidence of settled society is located at Arhem, where in 1971 Archeologist Alyksandr Dzaegoyty would coin the term Arhemic-Hneva Archeological Complex (AHAC Culture) to describe a trend of similar Pre-Pottery Neolithic tools spanning along a 3km long range, from Arhem in the east, to Hneva in the west, and bound by the Mgartdzor Mountains to the north and the Tzagent River to the south. Within this archeological range the city of Alaxsha would be discovered, dating the earliest case of communal urban living in the country to around 7000 BP. However the regions archeological record shows a long period of coexistance between complex agracultural societies and hunter gatherers.

Civil War

Political Standoff of Guhuz SSR

Muğsoylu Crisis

On march 3rd 1991 a mass protest organized by the Peace and Development Alliance hit the major agracultural community of Muğsoylu. Muğsoylu was at the time one of the main sources of grain inside the Quqizlözen River Basin and thus an important economic center within the Guhuz SSR. Protestors were organized because of a lack of funding from the Central Agracultural Financial Committee, with irigation infrastructure in disrepair and overall economic infrastructure subject to a single railway and Government convoys. These protests were describbed as apolitical at the time they occured, looking for increased economic support from the !Georgian and !Armenian dominated Central Government. At the time Jalal Adigozal Had staged an internal coup of standing Chairman of the Guhuz SSR Poliburo, Tokay Asadulla. Leading the Guhuz SSR to prassue a more antagonistic relationship with the Politburo and Central Committee as Adigozal sought a policy of wider autonomy. As the protests widened in scope issues such as forced conscription of young agracultural workers, and aggressive tactics from State Police Forces became central issues. Protestors also noted a lack of such aggressive policies in regions unstream of the Quqizlözen populated by !Armenians.

Director of the 13th Law Enforcement Region of Khavad, Nareh Sodoyan would order the 127th Battalion of the Special Purpose Mobility Force into the city to quell what were becoming incresingly aggressive protests. This move was promted by reports that local, Ethnic Guhuzic police were unwilling to preform protest control. the 127th Battalion was overwhelimingly !Armenian and when they arrived in the city on March 8th the crowd grew increasingly agitated. on the night of the 9th riots had broken out after the 127th declared an Unlawful Assembly and used less-than-lethal munitions to disperse the crowed. Riots initially targeted security forces, however arson and looting took place in ethnic !armenian and !georgian neighbourhoods. Prompting the authorization of lethal force against "Looters", however reports claim that this was used indiscriminetly at civilians still on the streets. the night of March 9th to 10th saw 7 people killed and 42 injuried per government counts.

On the 13th of March Citizens of organized in Revolution Square, where the city government resided. Protests were initially peaceful, but after the use of Tear Gas by security forces protestors stormed the City Hall. the 127th was not initially present at the demonstration. Commanding Officer Hovhannes Davtjan had opted to allow local SSR Police Forces to handle the protest in the ssquare. During his deposition to the People's Commissariat of Justice he would state that his reasoning to do so was to "not stoke ethnic conflict which had been brewing since the Battalions diployment." later stating he hoped that local police units would aid is deescalating the violence the area had seen.

SRSG Unit Breaching a Door During the Battle of Street 227

Protestors occupied City Hall for 14 Hours as the 127th Battalion moved in. Initially hoping to prevent further participents from entering, the unit was tasked with clearing the building of protetors using lethal force. The unit moved into Revolutionary Square, shooting at protestors while blocking off most escape routes. The Revolutionary Square Massacre killed nearly 479 people, left 1,927 injured, and led to over 4,000 arrests. many of the arrested were futher disappeared by the SUSA. Sogoyan would send in the 193rd and 89th Battalions of the Special Purpose Mobility Force to reenforce the 127th in securing the city. In the aftermath of the massacre large segments of the local police force would defect and join the protestors. by some estimates nearly 63% of the cities local police would defect, including the whole of the KhMB Special Response Unit. This would open up local police armories to looting by locals. Groups of people calling themselves "Local Saftey Committees" would arm themselves, with many police officers taking command of these autonomous bands of armed civilians. the Battle of Street 227 was a tipping point in the ongoing crisis. Saftey Committees, led by now former police officer Sadegh Najafzadeh opened fire on Special Purpose Mobility Forces patroling the Ağşam Public Housing Complex (located on Street 227). These Saftey Committees would occupy the Housing Complex made up of seven indivudial 5-story buildings. The standoff would last two weeks. Sogoyan would eventually authorize the deployment of the SRSG Derectorate "T" Unit. Derectorate T forces would conduct a days long room-to-room battle with armed civilians, clearing the facility after nearly 17 hours of fighting.

Muğsoylu would be declared "Secured" by the 27th of March. The crisis directly spawned the Guhuz Resistence Movement. with the National Liberation Front for Guhuzistan and the Islamic Resistence Brigade claiming they were founded during these events. The wider destablization of the region would culminate in a civil war as other protets would aim to recreate what those in Muğsoylu had attempted. with major riots in Muğanabad, Nurdağiqala, and Gazyurdi.

Early Insurgency

Zhala's Coup and Decleration of Independence

File:Ayaz Mütəllibov.jpg

Huseyn Zhala Declaring the Democratic People's Republic of Guhuzestan

The low intensity insurgency that had formed from in late March of 1991 put Chairman of the Guhuz SSR Poliburo Jalal Adigozal in precarious political situation. The Supreme Council of the Autonomous Socialist Republic had been split between verious factions. Early in the crisis Autonomoist and Loyalist had dominated the discourse. After the events of Muğsoylu the climate quickly swayed to Autonomist and Sepperatists. Loyalist were ether pushed out of political discourse or resigned. Adigozal did not want to allign himself with the growing Insurgency. In May of 1991 Adigozal would authorize the Autonomous Special Mobility Troops to help State Forces conduct Anti-Insurgency operations. These operations had mixed success. While MKhMQ forces did fully cooperate with State Forces, these state forces did not trust Ethnic Guhuz Forces, believing them to have duel loyalties.

Huseyn Zhala had been a well known Autonomist and political ally of Adigozal, but by May he had possitioned himself as the head of the seperatist faction inside the Supreme Council. Zhala and Adigozal would initially attempt to reconcil the two factions, Adigozal would attempt to avoid conflict, however after the Events of May 1991, Where NerPAZ forces killed nearly 172 civilians during verious Anti-Insurgency operations in several towns within Susakhuray District, Zhala refused to continue negotiatings. Zhala would attempt to form a triumverate with Autonomous Republican Police Force Director, Zaur Agzybir, and Chairman of the Autonomous Judicial Committee, Magomed Naftalanoğlu. This group would attempt to throw out Adigozal. However the vote of confidence would narrowly fail, resulting in Adigozal Declaring Zhala, Agzybir, and Naftalanoğlu as conspiritors. Agzybir would be arrested at his home in Muğanabad by MkhMQ Forces loyal to Adigozal. Zhala and Naftalanoğlu would relocate to Khotruq. guarded by memebers of the Autonomous Republican Police Zhala and Naftalanoğlu would wither a standoff with MKhMQ troop from May 29th til june 6th. On the night of June 6th after a series of Radio speeches local civilians would aid in helping to surround and disarm the MKhMQ troops, who were then arrested by the MRP. Throughout June more protests would breakout in the capital of Muğanabad, with Protestors under the armed guard of militants, Security Forces were routinly beaten shot at during these demonstrations which coalesced around the Government Complex, which Adiigozal would hide out in. Zhala would return to Muğanabad with Naftalanoğlu staying behind in Khotruq where he would reorganize several police brigades into the first Battalion of the Guhuzestani Armed Forces. on the 30th of June Adigozal would surrender to the crowed, taken prisoner by members of the Islamic Liberation Army. Zhala would stage a vote to declare himself Chairman of the Politburo. on July 2nd he won the vote. on July 7th He formally Declared the Guhuz Autonomous Socialist Republic to be independent, renaming the the Democratic People's Republic of Guhuzestan

Dzherokhabl Offensive

Federal Soldier in the Nverdzhi Pocket

1993-1994

Hovhannes Mkrtchyan at the Öysü Nitration Factory in 1993

After the collapse of the front and the near canpture of the Capital of Dzherokhabl (save for the Nverdzhi Pocket) the government reconvined at Kachori. General Secretary Zurab Kapanadze initially help an emergency security council. The council would be headed by Lev Eesho, Dauyt Zandzhiaty, and Hovannes Mkrtchyan. The Emergency Council would draft plans for a military solution to the conflict, eventually formulating Plan 13. This plan would reorganize the military around Armor Units, believing that heavy fire power and the use of combined ground arms would help to dislodge rebel forces. This plan was not supported by Mkrtchyan, however it would be put to a vote and win support within the Politburo.

Plan 13 was implamented within the 3rd and 8th Mobile Infantry Divisions, fusing them with elements from the 26th Armored Division. these forces would be the spearhead for Operation Vorot in March of 1993. Forces from these divisions would attempt to surround the Norkori Salient just 15km west of Dzherokhabl. The newly formed 15th, 12th, and 8th All-Union Combined Arms Brigades would attack the City of Tskigari from the south, while the 10th, 14th, and 4th All-Union Combined Arms Brigades would assault the countryside to the north. While Zandzhiaty would accompany the troops to the staging area, Mkrtchyan would return to his home town of Yeghadzor. Mkrtchyan would meet with Hagop Azatjan and Narek Darbinyan. Azatjan was the Chairman of the Yeghadzor City-Level Law Enforcement Committee, Darbinyan was the Manager of F.C. Spartak Yeghadzor and rumored to be a leading member of the Heyeric Mafia an organizer of football hooligans in the city. Mkrtchyan would help finance a new paramilitary unit called the Hamardzaknery. Azatjan and Mkrtchyan agreed upon Yeznik Hrachyan as the commander of the force. Previously being a member of the cities VHAB Special Police Unit. These units would organize youth groups and football assosiations. Many of the members being recruited from local Under-20 football leagues. Form May to November of 1993 the three men would organize throughout the Hereyic Autononomous Socialist Republic to build up the Hamardzaknery's membership.

On June 4th 1993 Operation Vorot was scheduled to take place. Zandzhiaty felt that it was "not time" and forced Gndapet Elioz Alpezadze to delay the operation til June 9th. The Army of Pan-Islamic Brotherhood, Zaurataban Liberation Army, and the Guhuzestani People's Army Take up possitions inside the city of Tskigari. Large mine fields were set in the northern fields, and large urban defenses were set up in the city proper. With intigrated trenches streching from 5km outside the city well into the city center. Elements of the 8th All-Union Combined Arms Brigade would attack GPA possition near the small village of Bodzokhi

remnents of the 8th All-Union Combined Arms Brigade attempting to retreat from Bodzokhi

The Northern attack was conducted earlier then expected by leadership of the southern assult group, reportedly due to a failur to update time charts. the fighting in the northern sector quickly bogged down, units belonging to the Mücahidler opened fire on advacing forces with heavy machine guns, AH-107 Recoilless Rifles, and even a few HIH-23 SPAAGs in key entrenched possitions. The initial collumn of soldiers from the 4th AUCAB were subject to a complex ambush along the Shighvilli Road, the units lead ST-60D was struck in the turret by a 4.11 kg BK-881M HEAT munition. This caused an houres long ambush, initially with the 4th AUCAB going around and attempting to fight through the ambush but eventually attempting to retreat after riding into a mine field. the 10th AUCAB would face stiff opposition in the small farming hamlet of Tsitebishkari, however after an hours long fire fight the unit was able to move and capture the town. the 14th would face no major opposition, but would be dramatically slowed while attempting to navigate a large mine field on both sides of the Bzhushki River.

The Southern Attack was rushed forward to keep up with the north, with the 15th AUCAB leading the assault into the city. Unlike the stiff fighting occuring in the north, the south did not see any combat for the first 14 hours of operations. the GPA had left the first several layers of defensive trenches unoccupied. even leaving fake messages saying that GPA forces had volunterialy left the Norkori Salient to take up defenses around the fictional viliage of Gibisholo. Many soldiers and Commanders took this as genuine. As elements of the 15th AUCAB entered Tskigari, many cheering and celebrating on top their tanks and APCs, other even planted a flag on an old administrative building. As they entered the city proper the large web of defensives opened up on the Federal Troops. GPA Ovçu-Qatil units armed with SDQ-40 rocket propelled grenades would attack from the roofs of apartment blocks as well as from the basement windows of said apartment buildings, destroying much of the units armor and in many cases killing whole units unable to dismount from their poorly armored APCs. Infantry would be pinned down by snipers and machine gun nests, while teams armed with UBGL's or mortars would take up possitions and assault the pinned troops. The Serçe Briqadaları, a unit of highly mobile, ex-special police and army forces would manuever and cut off the M15 Highway leaving the 15th, 12th, and 8th AUCA's encircled. while some units retreated the abandoned defenses they'd passed earlier, it became clear that they were not constructed to defend from both sides, called "Ditch Graves" by the soldiers upon this realization. the 15th AUCAB would remain in the city, unable to manuever in the city, the unit would be completely lost, all of the brigades 74 armored vehicles would be destroyed, nearly all of the 5,000 soldiers of the brigade would be killed. with a handful captured by the Mücahidler would be forced to convert to Islam, of the 47 men captured, 21 would convert, the remaining men would be killed and thrown into a mass grave outside of Kesheuli. The 8th AUCAB would seen an equally devistating loss, upon making its way into the town of Bodzokhi the unit was encircled by fast moving GPA motorized and motorbike units. the 8th AUCAB would gain a foothold in the town, but upon the encirclement of the 15th in Tskigari Gndapet Elioz Alpezadze would attempt to send reenforcements from the close by 3rd Mtisdekhi Air Mobile Infantry Regiment. 137 Men loaded onto a TVU-327, a full Company plus an extra Platoon. Alpezadze ordered the unite to reenforce the 8th, believing that GPA AA would be likely to shoot down the large helicopter as it lander, hoping that reports of the forces in Bodzokhi being militants would mean less air defense and thus a greater chance of a safe landing. They Were then ordered to help revieve the 15th nearly 8km to their northwest. the 8th AUCAB fought and cleared a landing zone just half a kilometer from thee town, when the overloaded TVU-327 attempted to land, a militant from inside the town fired a SR7G HEAT munition from a SDQ-40, the first warhead missed, causing the pilot to attempt and hassin the landing, moments later a second SR7G Munition was fired andd struck the helicopter just under the cockpit, killing both pilots. the Helicopter crashed, killing 91 people on board the aircraft and 3 on the ground. The 8th AUCAB would attempt to breakthrough a total of 3 more times, with every attempt failing under heavy and sustained fire. eventually the 8th surrendered. The 10th and 14th AUCAB would be ordered to retreat, but would again be caught in mine fields as the militants and turned previous paths into rolling ambushes. Operation Vorot would end as one of the worst military defeats in the history of the Revolutionary Armed Forces.

Yeznik Hrachyan, 1992

Mkrtchyan would order an emergency meeting of the Politburo, demanding that Eesho and Zandzhiaty be sacked. The Politburo would agree to sack Zandzhiaty, however it refused to dismiss Eesho. Allowing Him and Mrktchyan to operate as Co-Chairs of the Politburo. Unimpressed by this arrangement. Mkrtchyan would meet with Azatjan and Hrachyan to discuss further plans. In an old Shisha Bar in Antenkh the men agree to use the Hamardzaknery to force the Politburo into action. Mkrtchyan would head to the southern front, know for being the quiter part of the frontline, he would fashion himself as Commander Hovo or Uncle Hovo as he organized the local police and Hamardzaknery into a fighting force, with the aim of taking the Guhuz majority city of Öysü. Mkrtchyan and Hrachyan would lay out plans for their militia force to take the city and secure the important Nitration Facility located just to the east. After months establishing networks and propiganda, establishing the Commander Hovo persona, Mkrtchyan and the Hamardzaknery were ready to attack Öysü by October. Eesho had also requested Mkrtchyan be expelled from the Politburo, claiming that his recent charm offensive was "unbecoming of a socialist-man" and a threat to the sanctity of the Politburo. but Pro-Mkrtchyan allies had been able to block any action on this front, giving Mkrtchyan time to consolidate political power.

The Battle of Öysü begane on October 17th 1993. It saw The Spartak Yeghadzor Battlion attack key possitions held by fighters from All Guhuzestani Student Democratic Liberation Front, Hrachyan would personally lead the Spartak Battalion and Mkrtchyan would stay behind in the town of Dilidzor. The Hamardzaknery would take the hill tops looking over the west of the town by nightfall and by the 18th they would take the town, forcing a retreat of the militant forcees in the city. Mkrtchyan would take time do a photo-op at the Nitration Facility on the 20th, while Hrachyan would oversee the Massacre of Öysü where nearly 277 resedents would be killed near Qızıl Ağac Hiill just outside the city.

Mkrtchyan would return to Antenkh in early November. utilizing allies in the Karmir Astgh Newspaper he would announce his return after a "Profound victory over rebelious reactionaries". With him was the local Hamardzaknery, called the Murch Brigade who assembled in the cities Revolutionary Square. These fighters would be joined by local supporteers, cheering "Victorious Commander Hovo" in the street, the Politburo listening. Mkrtchyan would stand on the steps of the Politburos meeting house. claiming the body was corrupt, more into politics than saving the country, and rife we unsocialist men. the Hamardzaknery would produce arms and taunt Politburo members with their firearms as they looked through windows. Mkrtchyan would make very public demads for the Politburo to reorganize, and claiming that he had no connection to these armed militants. Eesho would not budge even as the Politburo shifted against him. Eesho would give his own speech, calling the events a "dastardly coup in the making", refusing to give up his position as Co-Chairman, and actively moving to have Mkrtchyan thrown out of the politburo all together.

Lev Eesho after being detained by Hamardzaknery Militants

The morning of November 22nd reports of gun fire caused a police reaction. A Hamardzaknery fighter had shot his rifle in the air in an attempt to taunt a nearby Poliburo member. Members of the local police force attempted to enter the square, but were fought back by militants and civilians. Police would open fire on the crowed after a militant presented a fire arm, militants would organize and fire back. 3 civilians were killed, 1 militant injured, 4 police officers killed, and 7 wounded in the initial engagement. Rumors quickly spreed that the incident was organized by Co-Chairman Eesho. when the crowed asked Mkrtchyan what he thought he said "I can not speak to it, but given his nature I can't say it isnt the case". This statement while ambiguous was deemed enough for members of the Haramdzaknery to demand the arrest of Eesho. Essho would retreat to his bunker and local police would take up guard of the meeting house. After a brief fire fight near the entrence, the police would stand down and Haramdzaknery men would storm the building, locking down the Meeting Hall and dragged out of his bunker at gunpoint. Charged with Conduct unbecoming of a Socialist Man. The next day, Mkrtchyan would preside over a meeting of the Politburo, who would unanimously elect him as Chairman of the Politburo, and as General Secritary of the Mountain Dwellers Communist Party, an unprecidenteed arrangement. on the 2nd of January they would authorize Emergency Powers to Mkrtchyan. He would use said power to purge the standing buracuracy and fill it with loyalists, on the 3rd of February Mkrtchyan would announce several policy goals. He would form the National Armed Vanguard, a collection of pro-government militia groups, and he would announce significant reforms to the Revolutionary Armed Forces, moostly to counter formeer Politburo policies. It was at this time that He, Leader of the National Armed Vanguard Khasan Taymuraz, and new Commanding General of the Revolutionary Armed Forces Ayuka Sjugir would plan for a spring offensive, code named Operation Dznabuk-33.

Operation Dznabuk-33

in May of 1994, plans and organization for Operation Dznabuk-33 had been completed. a swift military reorganization had left many units had partial strength and with many commanders taking up leadership possitions only weeks earlier. But spirits were high. The 3rd Mechinized Rifle Division, 89th Tank Division, and 209th Airbourne Guards Infantry were deployed along a front from Aygekert in the south, to Kivdze in the north. totaling 39km in length. the main target of the operation was the town of Seyfal and the Medhi Aly Qasim Hydroelectric Dam, 34km to the east. The 1st and 17th Vangaurd Rifles Divisions. Made up of Taymuraz's Nekhtic Volunteer Forces and Zurab Bzhani's New Alamysian Defense Corps.

NVF Vanguard Marksman during the Battle of Qaypchaq

The initially advance on the small town of Qrizili was a nominal success, elements of 1st Vanguard Rifles forced there way into the town with the help of sustained Close Air Support mostly provided by TVMk-7 Attack Helicopter, and the STT-78. The 209th Airbourne Guards would be preform an Airbourne Assault, landing 5km from the Medhi Aly Qasim Hydroelectric Dam. The 3rd Mechanized Infantry and 89th Tank Division would rush around Qrizili towards the city of Qaypchaq. The Mechanized Infantry would work their way slowly into the city, the Tank Division under the command of Dzhimar Tkhakush, with support from the 232nd Mechanized Infantry Brigade "Khanjali" would secure much of the country side. utiilizing their superior possitions, many of the tanks would act as mobile artillery, hitting targets from within the city. this caused the Allahshukur Almaszadeh Mosque Incident, in which 172 Elderly, Women, and Children who had taken shelter in the Allahshukur Almaszadeh Mosque were killed after 13 125mm HEF rounds hit the Mosque, reportedly after soldiers from the 475th Mechanized Infantry Brigade gave coordinates claiming they had been taking fire from the Mosque. Revolutionary Army Forces would take the city and the surounding countryside on the 18th of May. GPA forces would attempt a counter attck near the village of Shudislaq but was repelled. The 209th Airbourne Guards would capture the Dam on the 18th as well. The militaary units in Qrizili and Qaypchaq moved forward towards Seyfal after the arrivle of the 12th Auxillary Motorized Rifle Regiment to hold the towns. At dawn on the 19th of May air strikes hit several defensive locations within Seyfal, where much of the GPA and other Militant forces had retreated to from Qrizili and Qaypchaq. the nearly 270,000 residents of Seyfal had relatively no time to evacuate and major roads leading in and out of the city were bombed by KOZ-350 Cluster Bombs making them unusable.

The attacking force would make its way slowly throught the city, by September 3rd of 1994 most of the city had been captured, All GPA units in the city had surrendered and only pockets of resistence from groups like the Urban Commandos, Tepegoz Battalion, and the United Indepedent Socialist Front - EAÜBQC/SB remaining in independent pockets throughout the city. from September 8th to November 2nd Elements of the Vanguard Rifles would storm these pockets, with the Khefanestani People's Air Force conducting major "Saturation Sorties" which utilized small thermoberic bombs, cluster bombs, and older stocks of dumb bombs to flush out Militant forcces in the city. which the Vanguard Rifles would conduct "Hunter-Killer" Sweeps of the now bombed out sectors. On November 7th the city was declared liberated, with an estimated 17,800 GPA and Allied Militant Casualties suffered in the liberation, compared to roughly 6,270 Casualties suffered by the Revolutionary Armed Forces and allied Paramilitants.

North Quqizlözen Offensive

Mountain War

Battle of Nurdağiqala

Liberation of Dzherokhabl

Since the capture of Dzherokhabl in 1992, A pocket of Revolutionary Armed Forces Soldiers held out a roughly 1.8 square kilometer posstion around the State Council Building of the Khefanestani Socialist Federation, colloqually called the Nverdzhi Pocket after the main road which defined the eastern line of contact. A 3 year long siege was conducted, with isolated troops being air dropped rations and ammunition only occasionally. Aly Husayn Chölbey described the situation as "Dead men barely walking, many unable to even lift their rifles to return fire. We pittied them and many times left them alone hoping they would surrender. But they never did, they'd rather starve and shit themselves to death than to surrender". of the initial 5,279 soldiers who were lost in the Nverdzhi pocket during the First Battle of Dzherokhabl only 927 remained by December of 1994. Though the Recomendation of General Secretary Mkrtchyan, General Aleksandre Kakabakva with organizing a relief. Kakabakva would begine stagging for wwhat was now called Operation Molakhagh, being ready by December 18th of 1994. Kakabavka would organize the 80th, 56th, and 22nd Mechanized Infantry Regements, the 2nd, 989th, and 4th Airboure Guard Rifles, 702nd Reconnaissance Company, and the newly organized SDSP "Alpa" Unit. along with numerous armored units under the command of General Avtandil Mtskheteskiri.

Operation Molakhagh would start on December 24th, with 3,782 Paratroopers dropping in a large field within the Kshtbuli National Forest which bordered the city and was roughly 18km from the Nverdzhi Pocket. at the same time, SDSP Alpa would deploy 17km behind enemy lines near the small community of Ts’itelikhis. conducting an effective diversionary assult. the 80th Mechanized Infantry would spear head the wider assult. Airbourne would conduct an assault around the Zeghdubhati Industrial Complex, on the norther edge of the city. After a Saturation Assault on Heavy Metal Factory Complex 05 the Airbourne would move into to attempt and secure the area. However stiff resistence from Agbza Worker's Resistence Party and the Shehid Karbalayi Bahlulzade Brigade (local GPA formation) which repelled the first advance. Airbourne forces under Ugest Zabit would finally retake the complex after 15 days of fighting, commonly called the Battle of Factory Complex 5. However fighting in the area would continue, with sectors of the complex trading hands multiple times until the arrival of the 447th Mechanized Infantry Battalion on the January 28th.

The Mts’vane Ezo District would come under attack on the 30th of Demember, well into the Airbournes attack in the north. Elements of the 43rd Special Reconnaissance Brigade started a push into the District, dominated by Civilian Public Housing Blocs. Artillery and Air Support fired down on these area, claiming militant and GPA forces had used the area as a orgonization and logistics hub, and routinly delevered fliers to the civilians, mostly Kurtulian, to evacuaate. whicj many did. however as the 43rd SRB pushed deeper in and air support became more concentrated, a high number of civilians casualties were reported. one case known as the White Banner Hospital Incident became widely reported in foreign media, were a YNChRr-300 Unguided Bomb was dropped on a Hospital ran by the White Banner Organization, a prodominetly Guhuz yet multiethnic civil service organization which provided medical care for people in conflict zones across Guhuzestan. intelligence from 147th Human Intelligence Battalion described the side as a "Insurgent Control Point", and requested air support on the location. While witnesses do report that members of the Shöhrät Ordusu had be in the area they claim they arrived to drop off injured fighters and then left the area. the Bomb Blast and subsaquent attack by the Revolutionary Armed Forces led to nearly 231 killed, mostly injured civilians and aid workers.

The Mts'vane Ezo district was taken by January 18th after heavy fighting in the Piruzisperi Gorak’i Housing Complex, the Southwest of the city had seen large movements of Infantry, with a similtanious attakc from the northwest, while Airbourne forces attempted to move in and fight deeper into the Industrial District after gaining relief from the 447th Mechanized Infantry Battalion. In conjunction, Major General Ioane Dzvereli would conduct one of the most intensive air campaigns the People's Air Force had seen in recent memory. with nearly 200 fixed-wing aircraft, and 129 Helicopters conducting 24/7 air operations in and around the city attempting to destroy the Guhuzestani People's Armies command and controll structure. nearly all telecommunication, radio, and even major roads were destroyed in an attempt to cripple any organized defense. Several teams of special forces would be used to cut through and cut off verious units, while regular forces maintained a constant combat tempo.

Members of the 4th Airbourne Guards Division Celebrating as the reach the Nverdzhi Pocket

the Alpa Group see its first test in major combat operation on Feburary on 1995. They would be used as the spearhead for the Southern assault on the Nvedzhi Pocket, with the 4th Airbourne Guards Division would attack from the north. Alpa Group would move slowly along the Telendzhi Motorway, with support from the 18th Mechinized Infantry Regiment. they would face their greatest resistence along a path of destroyed office buildings controlled by the Revolutionary Autonomy Division. Attempts to defeat a localized strong point at a 3-way intercection at the convergence of the Telendzhi motorway, Mehtziri Road, and Bukadiche Road. Alpa Group commandos would organize the storming of the building, with help from several KSM-87 IFV's. while Alpa group was able to breach the lower levels several booby traps mamed multiple opratives and forced a retreat for medical assitence. Concurently the Airbourne, while facing resistence the QUD Brigade would more quickly move through the dense urban landscape. Airbourne forces would eventually meet organized resistence at the Tsinamdzghvrishvili Square. where GPA forces would organize a lasting defensive position, utilizing AN-M-30's and HGAT-70's in order to lay downintensive fire on incoming enemy assaults. utilizing weapons like the KTsM-07 and V-OM7b12 thermobaric munitions launched from SDQ-40's to flush fighters from their fighting possitions. Taking the Square within the week.

on February 23rd The first forces from the $th Airbourne Guards would enter the Nverdzhi Pocket, followed by Apla Group forces on the 26th. This left Guhuz forces split between the eastern districts of Mukhsoti, Tsk'gvadzu, Sguraghi, and Maziteli, as well as a pocket within the central Ushba and Ghebola districts. The newly established Ushba-Ghebola Pocket was quickly liberated after an intensive campaign from members of a NVF Vanguard Unit. The Eythaphoni Mountain Pathfinders would enter the Ushba district and agree to take on the processing of nearly 4,672 surrendering GPA forces. However under the direction of the EMPs leader Rrafayel Kyminitis the unit would participate in the Ushba Massacre where nearly all 4,672 POWs would be shot and thrown into a mass grave located in Mstegivli Park, notible because EMP fighter and future exiled journalist Elpis Fountoukidis would document the while incident, including an extended video of EMP fighters lining up POWs, and shooting them in the head at point blank ranges into pre-made trenches. Fountoukidis would smuggle this video out of the country and to outside journalist, which would prompt her emigration to Lyngaard as a political refugee. Many Revolutionary Armed Forces leaders would hand over duties to NVF units, usually as a scapegooat so that action could be taken wothout culpability or oversight. It is estimated that of the 17,000 POWs captured during the liberation of Dzherokhabl, nearly 7,600 would be subject to mass killings and extra judgicial execution by various NVF forces as they came into the city to help preform rear guard duties.

On April 3rd 1995 the last of the GPA district would be liborated, giving the USFK full control of the city since 1992. General Secritary Mkrtchyan would visit the State Council Building, however the distruction of the city was total, nearly 83% of all buildings in the city suffered some sort of damage from military action. nearly 73% of that was Damage that made a building functionaly unusable. The Government would remain in Antenkh perminently and would begin to finance a rebuilding stratagy for the city.

Battle of Muğanabad

Politics

Government

Khefanestan is a Socialist Federal Republic made up of 32 Autonomous Socialist Republics. the Constitution of 1922 proclaimes that the nation is "Guided by the spirit of revolution, and by the desires of a free and dignified working people". The government is broken up into four entities. The Communist Party, The Congress of the Republics, The Republican Council, and the Politburo. The General Secritary of the United Mountain Dwellers Communist Party is tasked with heading the Politburo and acting as the nations international reprasentative. The Congress of the Republics is headed by the speaker who organizes the Congress and works to pass legislation to be sent to the Politburo. The Republican Council is chaired by the 32 Presidents of the Autonomous Socialist Republics, it is led by the Minister President, who is elected as a sitting member of the council and is proclaimed "first amongst equals". They are tasked with coordinating verious domestic policies and coordinating policy between the verious republics. The Politburo is tasked with signing or vetoing legislation passed by the Congress of the Republics, it is also exerts executive authority on areas not expressly given to the other political organs, as well as the desision making body in times of emergency.

Military

Main article: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Khefanestan

Soldiers of the Mountain Reconnaissance Rifle Brigade during the 2019 May Day Parade.

Geography

Mount Avkaz, 2009

Demographics

Ethnic groups

People of Khefanestan

Culture

Cinema

The Long March Home, Directed by Norayr Kazanyan won the 2021 International Workers Film Festival