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| =Lost Decade (Pulacan)= | | =14th of February Coalition (Maroudia)= |
| | The '''14th of February Coalition''' (Maroudian: ''Coaliçona quatordiç do fevrayu''), also known as the '''Valentinians''', the '''Valentinian Coalition''' or by the initialism '''14dF''' or metonymically as "the Coalition" is the {{wp|Dominant-party_system|dominant}} {{wp|Ruling_party|ruling party}} in the [[Maroudia|Grand Union of Maroudian Republics]]. Nationally, the Coalition operates as a big tent, representing several Republic-level parties. |
| | {{Infobox political party |
| | | name = 14th of February Coalition |
| | | native_name = Coaliçona quatordiç do fevrayu |
| | | native_name_lang = Maroudian |
| | | lang1 = |
| | | name_lang1 = |
| | | lang2 = |
| | | name_lang2 = |
| | | lang3 = |
| | | name_lang3 = |
| | | lang4 = |
| | | name_lang4 = |
| | | logo = Red_rose_02.svg |
| | | logo_size = 90px |
| | | logo_upright = |
| | | logo_alt = |
| | | caption = PLACEHOLDER IMAGE |
| | | colorcode = maroon |
| | | abbreviation = 14dF |
| | | leader = |
| | | president = Artur Scoç |
| | | chairperson = <!-- or | chairman = --> |
| | | secretary = |
| | | general_secretary = Ceylia Aldaqyeza |
| | | first_secretary = |
| | | secretary_general = |
| | | presidium = |
| | | governing_body = |
| | | standing_committee = |
| | | spokesperson = <!-- or | spokesman = --> |
| | | leader1_title = |
| | | leader1_name = |
| | | leader2_title = |
| | | leader2_name = |
| | | leader3_title = |
| | | leader3_name = |
| | | leader4_title = |
| | | leader4_name = |
| | | leader5_title = |
| | | leader5_name = |
| | | founder = <!-- or | founders = --> |
| | | founded = {{start date|1932|02|14}};<br/>{{start date|1968|02|29}} (''current form'') |
| | | registered = |
| | | legalised = <!-- or | legalized = --> |
| | | dissolved = <!-- or | banned = or | dissolution = use {{end date|YYYY|MM|DD}} --> |
| | | merger = |
| | | split = |
| | | predecessor = |
| | | merged = |
| | | successor = |
| | | headquarters = Cagle Casçilu 665, [[Farros]], [[Maroudia]] 1800-012 |
| | | newspaper = ''Lu valençignanu'' (The Valentinian) |
| | | think_tank = |
| | | student_wing = ''L'aza revoluçonagra do etudantus valençignani'' (L'aRdEV)<br/>("Valentinian Student Revolutionary Wing") |
| | | youth_wing = ''La çovamtud valençignana'' ("Valentinian Youth") |
| | | womens_wing = |
| | | wing1_title = |
| | | wing1 = |
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| | | wing3 = |
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| | | wing4 = |
| | | membership_year = 2022 |
| | | membership = 8,464,238 |
| | | ideology = {{wp|socialism of the 21st century|Februarianism}}<br/>Collectivism<br/>Pan-Maroudianism |
| | | position = Left-wing |
| | | religion = |
| | | national = |
| | | regional = <!-- or | regional affiliation = --> |
| | | continental = Congress of Revolutionary !EUROPEAN !Socialists/Communalists or whatever |
| | | international = |
| | | affiliation1_title = |
| | | affiliation1 = |
| | | affiliation2_title = |
| | | affiliation2 = |
| | | colors = {{color box|maroon|border=darkgray}} Maroon |
| | | slogan = Juntus per lu bom comúm |
| | | anthem = |
| | | blank1_title = |
| | | blank1 = |
| | | blank2_title = |
| | | blank2 = |
| | | blank3_title = |
| | | blank3 = |
| | | blank4_title = |
| | | blank4 = |
| | | seats1_title = |
| | | seats1 = <!-- {{Infobox political party/seats|50|100|hex=#ff0000}} --> |
| | | seats2_title = |
| | | seats2 = |
| | | seats3_title = |
| | | seats3 = |
| | | seats4_title = <!-- up to | seats11_title = --> |
| | | seats4 = <!-- up to | seats11 = --> |
| | | symbol = |
| | | flag = |
| | | flag_title = |
| | | flag_alt = |
| | | website = |
| | | state = <!-- or | country = --> |
| | | country = Maroudia |
| | | country_dab1 = |
| | | parties_dab1 = |
| | | elections_dab1 = |
| | | country2 = |
| | | country_dab2 = |
| | | parties_dab2 = |
| | | elections_dab2 = |
| | | footnotes = |
| | }} |
| | ==History== |
| | ==Ideology== |
| | As a coalition of multiple republic-level parties, the Coalition's stated ideology is deliberately broad. Generally, the party adheres to five general principles, as outlined frequently in party mantras, programs and manifestos: |
| | # A representative democracy based first and foremost on granting citizens life, liberty, minority protections and total social security; |
| | # An economic democracy under workers' control in line with the {{wp|labor theory of value}} in {{wp|base and superstructure|conjunction with political democracy}}; |
| | # A permanent priority toward developing educated, rational, socially engaged and community-minded citizens; |
| | # A discarding of cultural values related to elitism, prejudice or economic oppression and an embrace of {{wp|Sumak_kawsay|ancestral values based on communalism}}; and |
| | # A drive to develop a pan-Maroudian state as a bulwark around which other like-minded peoples of the region may rally, as opposed to existing regional powers. |
| | These ideas broadly reflect the current governing philosophy of the Grand Union, illustrating the level of political dominance that the Coalition has continually enjoyed since the 1968 Revolution. |
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| The '''Lost Decade''' was a time of protracted {{wp|economic recession}} in [[Pulacan]]. Beginning in 1992 with the collapse of the MAUN Steel industrial [[Calpollism|''calpolleh'']] conglomerate, the ensuing contraction spread to connected economic sectors and neighboring countries as a series of Pulatec governments were unable to provide long-term aid to affected workplaces and industries. The recovery was slow, and affected sectors of the [[Pulacan#Economy|economy of Pulacan]] only returned to pre-recession growth rates in 1999; repercussions continued until 2002.
| | ==Leadership structure== |
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| The steel industry in Pulacan, already in decline before 1992, would never recover to pre-1992 levels of production. A lack of mass orders for cheap steel from [[Zilung Chen]] in the early 1990s caused over-leveraged steel plants to overproduce, flooding the market with so much steel that prices became unprofitable. The steel industry was forced to heavily downsize, and became a much smaller part of the Pulatec industrial economy from the 2000s onward. The Lost Decade prompted a dramatic shift in industry for much of the Pulatec industrial sector, with additional focus on manufacturing finished products such as automobiles and on emerging work in the digital sector in order to "future-proof." The Lost Decade forced a political reckoning, with many political parties either reshuffling, rebranding, or disbanding entirely. Pulatec political society polarized during this period as diverging methods for resolving the economic slump grew in popularity then came into conflict.
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| ==Background== | |
| [[File:Voelklingen 1948-1955 27-0174a.jpg|right|thumb|200px|A steel mill near Ghanzi, one of the main cities for steel production, 1948]]
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| For much of the twentieth century, Pulacan's industrializing economy was buoyed by the twin pillars of resource extraction and steel production. With the help of state aid and a rapid influx of urban workers after the [[Hanaki War]], the Pulatec steel industry underwent a period of rapid expansion. By the 1940s it had become one of the dominant manufacturing sectors in Pulacan; peak steel production was reached in fiscal year 1965, when up to 28.9 million tons of steel were being manufactured annually by all Pulatec steel firms. This growth had been in part nurtured by the national government, which had aided in consolidating the steel ''calpolleh'' into various groupings based on region. In 1936, these firms then were placed under a quasi-governmental body, the MAUN Steel conglomerate, to regulate prices for the consumer and to promote sensible growth. This policy was kept in place for several decades during the peak decades of steel production. By the 1970s, however, the National Jubilee government under Coyolton Acolmiztli began a process of deregulating major industries, including the steel industry. The MAUN Steel conglomerate was almost fully privatized and heavily restructured into a private association of the Pulatec steel producers throughout the year 1973. During this process, several smaller ''calpolleh'' groups broke away from MAUN Steel, forming a smaller, rival business association. By 1973, the Pulatec steel industry had been past its peak by almost a full decade. The {{wp|shock therapy (economics)|shock treatment}} meant to make the steel industry competitive again instead sank many firms, slowing the decline of some but hastening others'.
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| Zilung Chen derived much of its steel intake from the neighboring nation of [[Dzhuvenestan]]. While Dzhuvenestan was a convenient location for cheap steel, by the late 1970s, cracks were beginning to show in its political system that made the long-term stability of the state come into question. To resolve the risk this posed to Zilung industry, several Zilung firms reached out to newly-privatized MAUN Steel to secure a new import route. The prospect of supplying Zilung Chen's steel needs not only buoyed the hopes of MAUN Steel, but also surrounding industries. For the first time in decades, overall steel production rose and investments were made into reactivating downsized and mothballed plants to meet new demand. Critically, loans from both domestic and international sources were secured, backed by promises of future shares in the profits from steel exports. While some of the short-term loans and investments were made good, this only prompted further solicitation of investment by the steel cartel, eventually far outpacing the production capacity that could reasonably be generated from trade with Zilung Chen by the 1980s. This coincided with a general economic upswing in Pulacan that saw many more eager to invest, in hopes of replicating previous financial successes. Additionally, the 1980s saw turmoil within Dzhuvenestan reach a fever pitch, impacting its steel production significantly and opening a wider niche for Pulacan to fill. The sudden lack of cheap steel caused prices to rise substantially. Investments, combined with subsidies from the national government, were acquired by MAUN to fund long-term projects to expand production. However, by the end of the decade, Zilung firms and state agencies realized that the economy was spending far more on imports and services than it could hope to generate, especially to pay off its ballooning national debt. Several spending cuts were made in the early 1990s, inducing a sharp decline in steel orders from Pulacan. Though MAUN was developing a foothold in several major markets in competition with nations such as Dzhuvenestan, none were as large as in Zilung Chen; as such, the number of interested customers were now below predicted levels; production targets for the following fiscal year (1992) were now far in excess of predicted demand. MAUN directors were now left with a choice: either their ''calpolleh'' could produce as planned, producing a steel glut and flooding the market; the other option was to ask subsidiary ''calpolleh'' to slash production, potentially leaving many of these workplaces without enough money to provide services or pay their members. The problem was further compounded by a sudden lack of capital to reimburse or compensate investors. The sheer size of MAUN, as well as the number of industries interconnected with steel manufacturing, meant that a collapse or decline in MAUN would have high risk of {{wp|financial contagion|contagion}}.
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| ==Political situation==
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| [[File:Bank_of_Central_African_States_2014_front.JPG|left|thumb|180px|The Republican Palace in Mabesekwa, site of M.T. Chabaya's suicide]]
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| The 1990s saw more general elections than in any other decade in Pulatec history. As the steel crisis unfolded into a wider economic recession, chief ministers became increasingly short-lived; as they were unable to achieve lasting economic improvement early in their terms, they were often forced to resign or voted out of office. The cycling between parties and failure to form a long-term strategy engendered a sense of {{wp|voter fatigue}} within the Pulatec population, in turn radicalizing several groups within the country either towards extraparliamentary political groups, anti-government groups or new religious movements. Those that remained politically invested became increasingly polarized as fighting over Pulacan's economic future grew increasingly bitter amidst the backdrop of a paralyzed government.
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| Chief Minister Motlasi Themba (M.T.) Chabaya of the National Jubilee Party had built a political career off of the economic gains of the late 1980s. Additionally, under his government, the Pulatec {{wp|central bank}} had offered several low-security loans to the MAUN Steel conglomerate from 1987 to 1990 in addition to subsidies ostensibly designed to fund expansion. As the conglomerate collapsed, Chabaya was left with no plan of action; public support for his regime collapsed as the situation spiraled faster than the government could feasibly act on it. The timing of several financial injections, coming right before MAUN collapsed, also served to raise public suspicion that the Chabaya government was somehow aware of the imminent collapse in steel prices and failed to act accordingly to insulate the conglomerate. (Even if they had known beforehand, the potential effectiveness of preventative measures remains in dispute.) As Chabaya failed to rouse a comprehensive plan to rescue the MAUN ''calpolleh'' or otherwise rectify the economy, the calls for his resignation grew. The National Jubilee Party even suffered defections and resignations, while several politicians (including an aging Coyolton Acolmiztli) came forward to challenge Chabaya's party leadership. By the start of 1993, piecemeal changes had been made, but they were not sufficient to stem popular unrest. In March, a multiparty collection of parliamentarians began calling for criminal investigations into Chabaya's Secretariat of Finance. On April 9th, 1993 the House of Delegates voted to begin procedures for a {{wp|motion of no confidence|vote of no confidence}}. Chief Minister Chabaya rose to challenge the vote; his speech was constantly interrupted by jeering from the assembly. During the middle of the speech, he appeared to suffer a nervous breakdown, and nearly collapsed over the podium mid-sentence. Overcome by grief and conflicted emotions, he chose not to complete the speech and instead committed suicide via {{wp|Suicide_by_jumping_from_height#Self-defenestration_(jumping_out_of_a_window)|autodefenestration}}, the only Pulatec politician to successfully do so. Chabaya fell from near the top of the Legislative Assembly building, and died on impact with the street below. President Capanilla Tezozomoctli chose to appoint Esau Moremi of the now-defunct Pulatec Party of Rights as caretaker Chief Minister until such time as general elections could be held. Because the Party of Rights was junior partner in coalition with National Jubilee; it was hoped that such an appointment would allow for continuity of government while preventing any one Jubilee notable from receiving an undue incumbency advantage. Because the National Jubilee internal elections were forced to occur at roughly the same time as compete in the election, it was unable to form a cohesive electoral strategy.
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| The national shock and remorse at the unprecedented suicide of a head of government overshadowed all other issues during the subsequent October 1993 general election. The end result was one of the largest upsets in Pulatec electoral history: the National Jubilee and Party of Rights were both wiped out; their combined majority was reduced to minor {{wp|crossbench|crossbench status}}.
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| ==Repercussions==
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| ===Zilung Chen===
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