Council of Correspondence

Correspondence Council

尚書臺 djang′-st′ja-de
Central government overview
Formed	22 November 265 (265-11-22)
Jurisdiction	Themiclesia
Headquarters	Kien-k'ang
Employees	322 (council proper)
Annual budget	$560 billion (OSD, 2017 nominal)
Parent central government	Privy Treasury (formally)

The Council of Correspondence (尚書臺, djang′-st′ja-le) is the executive branch of the Themiclesian government. The Council consists of a number of ministers, politically responsible to the Parliament of Themiclesia. The meeting of the prime minister and other senior ministers is referred to as the Cabinet, in the Hadaway system.

Names

The two Shinasthana terms that refer to this body differ in their emphasis. The first describes it as a public body and assembly of individuals, while the second technically refers to the place where the body sits. This second sense overlaps with the first readily when the body is described as an institution, particularly as a static one. Both phrases share the phrase ′djang′-st′ja, meaning "to manage correspondence".

The Council has several names in Hallian and Tyrannian, varying in fidelity to the literal meaning of its name or description of its function. In Hallian, the terms Royal Court, Royal Council, Great Council, Council of Affairs, Council of Letters, and Council of State have all been applied to the body at some point. Some of them have also been applied to other institutions, even by the same authors, generating some confusion. In Tyrannian, the terms Council of State and High Council seem most common, but Privy Council has also been used, probably in analogy to Tyrannian political institutions. In the 19th century, the Tyrannian term Council of Correspondence has been settled as the standard translation of the Shinasthana original.

Current composition

Title			Holder		Party	Portfolio
President of Correspondence Chancellor of Themiclesia	尚書令 晉相邦	djang′-st′ja-ringh tsjinh-smjangh-prong	徐貽	Lja Le	Liberal	Head of government
Minister of the Left Foreign Secretary Vice Chancellor Comptroller of Embassies	左僕射 客曹尚書 晉左丞相 典客	dzar-bok-ljagh kr′ak-dzaw-djang′-st′ja tsjinh-dzar-djêng-smjangh den′-k.r′ak	蘇賀	Snga Gai	Liberal	Foreign affairs
Minister of the Right Secretary of State for Education Vice Chancellor	右僕射 祠部尚書 晉右丞相	gwrje′-bok-ljagh mlje-be′-djang′-st′ja tsjinh-gwrje′-djêng-smjangh	枚寬衍	Me Kwan-grên	Liberal	Education
Secretary of State for Public Affairs	左民尚書	dzar-mrjing-djang′-st′ja	司徒長	Slje-da Ntrjang	Liberal	Local government, law and order
Secretary of State for Finance Inner Administrator of Themiclesia Privy Treasurer Comptroller of Waters	度支尚書 中内史 少府 水黃令	dagh-krjê-djang′-st′ja trjung-nubh-srje sm′jaws-pjo′ st′jui-gwrang-ringh	李睢	Rje Sklur	Liberal
Secretary of State for the Environment	虞部尚書	ngwa-be'-djang′-st′ja	楚用初	Sng′rja′ Longh-ts′rja	Liberal	Environment, energy
Secretary of State for Health	紹曹尚書	stjawh-dzaw-djang′-st′ja	奐方	Hwarh Pjang	Liberal	Heath
Secretary of State for Social Services	右民尚書	gwrje′-mrjing-djang′-st′ja	周緄	Tju Kun	Liberal	Social security
Secretary of State for Transport	道途尚書	lu′-la-djang′-st′ja	商其涂	Stjang Gje-lra	Liberal	Roads, railways, aviation
Secretary of State for Technology	藝術尚書	ngjaih-sljut-djang′-st′ja	苡濙倫	Le Gwrjingh-run	Liberal	Technological development, industrial application
Secretary of State for Defence	衛邦尚書	gwrjaih-prjang-djang′-st′ja	沈最	Sdjem Tsodh	Liberal
Secretary of State for Commerce	貿易尚書	mruh-lis-djang′-st′ja	孫之章	Sun Tje-tjang	Liberal	Domestic and international commerce
Secretary of State for Labour	從業尚書	dzjong-ljap-djang′-st′ja	陳徽	Drjen M′jei	Liberal	Labour, employment
Secretary of State for the East Comptroller of Associated States	東國尚書 屬邦	tong-kwek-djang-st′ja tjo′-prong	式袞	L′jek Kror′	Liberal	Ethnic minority states
Minister without Portfolio	殿中尚書	ntenh-trjung-djang′-st′ja	王弱	Ghwjang Njakw	Liberal
Minister without Portfolio	殿中尚書	ntenh-trjung-djang′-st′ja	高黎	Kaw Rji	Liberal
Sometimes attending cabinet meetings
Secretary of the Left	尚書左丞	djang-stja-dzar-djêng	何鏞	Gar Long
Secretary of the Right	尚書右丞	djang-stja-gwrje-djêng	余參	La S.r′um
Marshal of Peers	主爵中尉	tjo-tsjakw-trjung-′judh	許佑	Mghja′ Gwrjes	Liberal	Leader of the House of Lords
Royal Secretary of Tribunes	御史中丞	ngjah-srje′-trjung-djêng	羅尚理	Ra Djang′-rje′		Chief Prosecutor
Secretary of Tribunes	御史丞	ngjah-srje′-djêng	琵科	Pri Kar
President of the Privy Council	中大夫令	trjung-ladh-pja-ringh	雷稴	Rui K.rêm	Liberal
First Lord-in-waiting Keeper of Seals	侍中侯 典符節	lje′-trjung-go	嫝遂	K.r′ang Luih	Liberal
Usher-in-chief	大謁者	ladh-′jat-tja′	呂麟	P.rja Rjing	Liberal
President of Protonotaries	中書令	trjung-stja-ringh	張懸	Trjang Gwên	Liberal	Leader of the House of Commons

History

Precursor

The Council has its origins in Warring-States Menghe (2nd c. BCE to 3rd c. CE), in which the Correspondence Manager is found in some states as an official responsible for registering and dispatching the ruler's correspondence. During that period, the ruler had a smaller role in governance, most policies made and implemented by officials of the Outer Court, upon an expected approval from the throne. This situation continues into the early Meng dynasty, but later a more assertive emperor began to issue edicts through the Correspondence Manager and sidelined the Outer Court. Becoming the centre of policy, the Correspondence Manager gradually became a department, and officials there specialized into specific portfolios. The department became a college of ministers that become the de facto government, even though the Outer Court still retained administrative function.

Domestic practice

The Correspondence Manager first appeared in Themiclesian history during the Hexarchy, not long after its attestation in Menghe. It is mentioned in the Ran-lang Collection, dating to the 1st century CE and describing the chief officials of the Tsjinh state; however, the Collection provides no description of the office's roles, and no contemporary literature mentions the office at all. Historians attribute this office and a number of others to imitation of the Menghean court, though no direct evidence supports this conclusion. The vessels of investiture, bearing inscriptions recording appointments, yield only a single reference to the Correspondence Manager and then on an ostracon rather than bronze, suggesting that such an appointment was barely worth recording.

During the final century of the Tsjinh dynasty, the Correspondence Manager entered historical narratives as an agent of the Duke of N.rang (唐公), who became the guardian for the entire royal family and made decisions in its name. The Correspondence Manager was important in this case as he controlled the flow of information to and from the throne, whose duties the Duke assumed. In order to circumvent the bureaucracy controlled by the magnates of the demesne land and communicate with nobles beyond it, he appointed a confidant to the position.  In 397, N.rang's regency was overthrow by the Duke of Sungh (宋公), who relied on a different mechanism to secure power at court, so the Correspondence Manager again faded into anonymity.

In the middle of the 5th century, the Sungh ruler was compelled by battlefield logistics to reform his army, which hitherto was composed of royal, ducal, and baronial forces, each organizing its supplies. Prolonged warfare necessitated a central distribution of refurbishments and victuals; however, the barons were fearful that the nobles of the demesne land, free of military duty, would exempt themselves from supporting the war effort. Not willing to lose his barons' trust, the Sungh king promised to regulate the distribution of warfare burdens personally. He could not actually do this, so the barons selected a group amongst themselves to act as the Correspondence Manager, which had access to the papers of the Chancellor, the head of the bureaucracy dominated by the demesne nobles. But when the war ended, the demesne nobles forced the king to dissolve the new administration.

The Correspondence Manager, after the 450s, became a standard wartime council on which internal political borders were broken on the pretext of war. Many historians believe the council's purpose during the Sungh era was mediative—resolving the difference between groups of nobles that had divergent expectations or motives. The real operation of the council is difficult to ascertain, as it did not leave many records of itself. It thus followed that the council was not above the Chancellor in authority, and in some instances he dominated the barons appointed to it due to their inexperience, disunity, or his own charisma. In 497, a renewed round of warfare began under the Rjang king, who deposed the Sunghs in 492.

Institutionalization

As opposed to the Outer Court, whose operation was much more charismatic and hierarchical, the Council adhered to a set of customs more resembling that of a committee, since its members were initially (and in terms of court rank even now) equal in status and power. A "prime minister" was not appointed until fairly late in the history of the Meng Dynasty, and even then it was acknowledged as a badge of seniority, not one of authority over other members of the council. It was (and is) customary for its members to meet in the morning to discuss affairs of state and report their conclusions to the emperor afterwards. Even less frequently than in Menghe the monarch vetoed the Council's opinions, though it was not uncommon for members to continue arguments for days before a decision (often bitter) was reached.

The composition of the Council has not changed much since the 3rd c., since Themiclesia's early government revolved around preserving Menghean norms as they stood before the Meng Dynasty fell to civil war. By the following century, the Council acquired the monicker Eight Mattresses in reference to the number of positions in it. The actual membership was often six or seven, but rarely eight, since the portfolios of Minister of the Right and Rites Secretary were customarily bestowed on a single member. Only in the 19th c. were new positions added to address more modern issues, such as industry, commerce, transport, social services, health, and justice. As a rule, Council members lived inside the palace complex, in residences built for them and their families, who lived with them. The office section was separate from the residential one. Until the previous century, members of the council also regularly hosted debates and feasts within the residential quarters, though recently such events rarefied in prominence.

Structure

All members of the Council are appointed by edict and thereby with the confidence of the Council of Protonotaries. Visa versa that body can also pass an edict to withdraw confidence in the Council. The confidence of the Protonotaries is effective as far the status of Council member is concerned; the specific portfolios that each member takes is, legally speaking, not subject to the approval of the Protonotaries, though in practice conflicts rarely arise over this discrepancy. Likewise, there is no legal requirement that a minister also be a protonotary, but this is most often observed. The leader of the parliamentary party will almost always be the President of Correspondence, though exceptions have occurred. If party leader has made an especially clear commitment to one policy area, he may take that portfolio himself to ensure the implementation of the policy, since amalgamating two portfolios for this purpose has been feared to attract criticism. If this situation is true, then the President may not be the powerful member on the Council.

President of Correspondence

The head of government of Themiclesia is the President of Correspondence (尚書令), though in Tyrannian media this title almost universally is rendered as "Prime Minister". As a Tyrannian analogy, the translation is hardly inappropriate. As the senior member of the Council, he is expected to lead the discussion in interdepartmental matters and to settle disputes between other Council members. Custom dictates that he cannot unilaterally formulate new policies and introduce edict drafts to the Protonotaries without the consensus of his colleages. A President unable to maintain a united Council and the confidence of the Protonotaries is vulnerable to intrigue from within the Council and dissatisfaction in the parliamentary party. If most of the Council chooses to endorse another person as President, they may introduce bills to compel the President to switch places with someone else. This last happened in 1896, and its constitutionality has been challenged in view of the consensus requirement. Most jurists recognized the right for any protonotary, including members of the Council, to introduce bills as long as they do not alter public policy or increase taxation.

The style and conduct of each President varies considerably. The President is conventionally permitted to make the first and last speech on any topic relating to public policy. Some leaders, such as the reviled Ga Trjed (presided 1778–1785), regularly argued with colleagues and interrupted them while they spoke; this issue was serious enough that multiple ministers complained of it in their diaries and other publications. Ga's immediate predecessor, Mru' (1771–1778), in contrast, rarely spoke. One of the President's main prerogatives was the supervision of the Council's secretariat, which was responsible for drafting policy papers and bills for the Protonotaries; he could influence these documents substantially, even after a consensus has been reached over the issue in question. His colleagues are free to refuse to countersign the drafts if they considered the President's emendations grossly repugnant to the original agreement. Such objections may create lasting fissures in the Council, and it seems acceptable for the head of government to make minor changes if he can cite an overlooked or emergent fact. Because originally the Council met in the early morning and reported to the emperor after the meeting, the President has the implied power to constrain time on each debate. As a political weapon, the President could deploy it against an initiative he did not like, though prolonged reliance on this prerogative generates acrimony and casts a negative light on his ability to matintain unity in the Council.

By statutory description, all members of the council have the same set of powers and responsibilities; this is the source of the fluidity in portfolio-switching.

Left & Right Minister

President of Correspondence visiting an unidentified Columbian c. 1953

Both the Left Minister and Right Minister are titled "Archery Assistant" (僕射), a title rendered as Deputy Prime Minister, though this can be misleading interpreted literally. This office has nothing to do with archery as a martial skill, but as an important recreational activity in Themiclesia, and the monarch's assistants in archery practice were usually his more trusted advisors. The Left Minister is the responsible minister over foreign affairs, and he does regularly act as President when the latter is absent from regular meetings, which happens frequently. The Right Minister almost always simultaneously holds the title of Rite Secretary. The phonetic similarity exists only in Tyrannian. Though historically this position had more oversight in the maintenance of royal mausolea, state-sponsored temples, and local shrines, these institutions often accumulated large stores of literature and functioned as studies for aspiring scholars. Jurisdiction over them evolved into jurisdiction over education, and today that has become the Right Secretary's function.

Other members

The most senior member less the three above is the Civil Secretary, who is responsible for maintaining the civil service through recruitment, regulation, compensation, and honours. He has the final say in filling positions of the Seventh Class (county magistrate) and lower, which represent more than 99% of all positions. For those higher, he is also expected to nominate competent candidates, and it is not unknown for holders of this position to resign after particularly poor appointments have been made. It should be noted that the Civil Secretary must still abide by statutory restrictions in filling positions in the civil service, and a considerable portion of them do require prior experience in related fields or qualifying through competitive examinations; within these bounds and subject to conscientious practice, the Civil Secretary can generally act according to his own will.

Practices

Gen. Hak Prak-snjon addressing the press corps during the Council's press conference

The Council of Correspondence generally meets every day in the early morning, a custom held over when the Council met the emperor later the same morning to report their conclusions and ask for sanction. Since morning court historically begins at the first instant of dawn (eight ticks or 115.2 minutes before sunrise), Council meetings generally occur in the two hours before that time. Thus, in winter the Council meets 4-5 in the morning and 2-3 in the summer, the actual hours observed have drifted late steadily, sometimes as late as 5-6 in summer and 6-7 in winter, to be better synchronized with modern habits. The canonical hours for Council meetings is still observed a few times a year, ahead of major ceremonies.

Reading bills

Most former-members of the Council agree in their accounts that meetings invariably begin with reading of bills passed the day before, and an open floor to any member who has since developed new opinions or received new information about them. The Left Secretary reads bills relating to finance and foreign policy, while the Right Secretary reads all other bills. If a bill that has been agreed to was not co-signed in the previous day, it will now be before filing with the Protonotaries. For the most part, only bills' titles are read, to conserve time. Specific sections may be read in more detail at members' request. If new information has emerged, the bill may be adjourned to a later time for further discussion. Co-signed bills are then dispatched to the legislature.

Policy discussions

Discussions of policy questions then follow. New policies are tabled after existing policies, though sources contradict what the definition or boundary of what a policy is, in this context. Some analyses provide that, on average, questions that suggest revisions are considered existing, while the cancellation of some policy that is already in statute is considered a new policy. Other sources instead state that existing policies are discussed first, since these tend to take less time and generate fewer disagreements, and what a member think may require a new policy might, after all, be resolved by revising an existing one. A policy question needs only be supported by a simply majority to be adopted as a legitimate subject for drafting a formal bill. It is not unprecedented for a Council member to forward the policy question, obtain its approval, and on the same day reveal (see below) that he has already taken the liberty of drafting a bill on that basis. This is unusual and frowned upon by some Council members as coercive, but for urgent matters it is not esteemed as negatively.

Individuals adjudged capable of giving valuable information may be invited by any two or more members of the Council. This restriction ensures a Council member could not, on account of misjudgment or malice, allow its secrets to be revealed to a stranger invited to listen and speak. Violation of the Council's secrecy (which applies unless lifted specifically) is illegal and, at one point, treasonable. As state policies originate here, the Council historically enforced martial law (臺省戒嚴) around its premises to prevent any unauthorized personnel from spying on its proceedings; anyone without rank could be killed on sight if found within the lines of exclusion, though such instances were very infrequent.

New bills

New bills are then read, in the same wise as previous bills, before the Council. Junior ministers are typically entrusted with this task when it is within their portfolio. The bill may or may not be read verbatim, according to the preference of the Council. Contents of this bill is considered privileged and will not be made public until all members have co-signed the bill; revelation before its official approval as a government bill could be interpreted as a political condemnation of all other Council members. At least four general elections have been held as a result of such political tsunamis. Here, the Council feels its policies have been seriously challenged, and only a general election will settle the matter in one direction or another. If a bill is met with general approval, members will impress their seals on the official copy.