Council of Correspondence

Correspondence Council
尚書臺; djang′-st′ja-de
Central government overview
Formed	22 November 265
Jurisdiction	Themiclesia
Headquarters	Kien-k'ang
Employees	322 (council proper)
Annual budget	$560 billion (OSD, 2017 nominal)
Parent central government	Privy Treasury (formally)

The Council of Correspondence (尚書臺, djang′-st′ja-le) is the executive branch of the Themiclesian government. The Council consists of a number of ministers, politically responsible to the Parliament of Themiclesia. The meeting of the prime minister and other senior ministers is referred to as the Cabinet, in the Hadaway system.

Names

The two Shinasthana terms that refer to this body differ in their emphasis. The first describes it as a public body and assembly of individuals, while the second technically refers to the place where the body sits. This second sense overlaps with the first readily when the body is described as an institution, particularly as a static one. Both phrases share the phrase ′djang′-st′ja, meaning "to manage correspondence".

The Council has several names in Hallian and Tyrannian, varying in fidelity to the literal meaning of its name or description of its function. In Hallian, the terms Royal Court, Royal Council, Great Council, Council of Affairs, Council of Letters, and Council of State have all been applied to the body at some point. Some of them have also been applied to other institutions, even by the same authors, generating some confusion. In Tyrannian, the terms Council of State and High Council seem most common, but Privy Council has also been used, probably in analogy to Tyrannian political institutions. In the 19th century, the Tyrannian term Council of Correspondence has been settled as the standard translation of the Shinasthana original.

Current composition

Title			Holder		Party	Portfolio
President of Correspondence Chancellor of Themiclesia	尚書令晉相邦	djang′-st′ja-ringh tsjinh-smjangh-prong	徐貽	Lja Le	Liberal	Head of government
Minister of the Left Foreign Secretary Left Vice Chancellor Comptroller of Embassies	左僕射客曹尚書晉左丞相典客	dzar-bok-ljagh kr′ak-dzaw-djang′-st′ja tsjinh-dzar-djêng-smjangh den′-k.r′ak	蘇賀	Snga Gai	Liberal	Foreign affairs
Minister of the Right Secretary of State for Education Right Vice Chancellor	右僕射祠部侯尚書晉右丞相	gwrje′-bok-ljagh mlje-be′-go-djang′-st′ja tsjinh-gwrje′-djêng-smjangh	枚寬衍	Me Kwan-grên	Liberal	Education
Secretary of State for Public Affairs	左民尚書	dzar-mrjing-djang′-st′ja	司徒長	Slje-da Ntrjang	Liberal	Local government, law and order
Secretary of State for Finance Inner Administrator of Themiclesia Privy Treasurer Comptroller of Waters	度支尚書中内史少府水黃令	dagh-krjê-djang′-st′ja trjung-nubh-srje sm′jaws-pjo′ st′jui-gwrang-ringh	李睢	Rje Sklur	Liberal
Secretary of State for the Environment	虞部尚書	ngwa-be'-djang′-st′ja	楚用初	Sng′rja′ Longh-ts′rja	Liberal	Environment, energy
Secretary of State for Health	紹曹尚書	stjawh-dzaw-djang′-st′ja	奐方	Hwarh Pjang	Liberal	Heath
Secretary of State for Social Services	右民尚書	gwrje′-mrjing-djang′-st′ja	周緄	Tju Kun	Liberal	Social security
Secretary of State for Transport	道途尚書	lu′-la-djang′-st′ja	商其涂	Stjang Gje-lra	Liberal	Roads, railways, aviation
Secretary of State for Technology	藝術尚書	ngjaih-sljut-djang′-st′ja	苡濙倫	Le Gwrjingh-run	Liberal	Technological development, industrial application
Secretary of State for Defence	衛邦尚書	gwrjaih-prjang-djang′-st′ja	沈最	Sdjem Tsodh	Liberal
Secretary of State for Commerce	貿易尚書	mruh-lis-djang′-st′ja	孫之章	Sun Tje-tjang	Liberal	Domestic and international commerce
Secretary of State for Labour	從業尚書	dzjong-ljap-djang′-st′ja	陳徽	Drjen M′jei	Liberal	Labour, employment
Secretary of State for the East Comptroller of Associated States	東國尚書屬邦	tong-kwek-djang-st′ja tjo′-prong	式袞	L′jek Kror′	Liberal	Ethnic minority states
Minister without Portfolio	殿中尚書	ntenh-trjung-djang′-st′ja	王弱	Ghwjang Njakw	Liberal
Minister without Portfolio	殿中尚書	ntenh-trjung-djang′-st′ja	高黎	Kaw Rji	Liberal
Sometimes attending cabinet meetings
Secretary of the Left	尚書左丞	djang-stja-dzar-djêng	何鏞	Gar Long
Secretary of the Right	尚書右丞	djang-stja-gwrje-djêng	余參	La S.r′um
Marshal of Peers	主爵中尉	tjo-tsjakw-trjung-′judh	許佑	Mghja′ Gwrjes	Liberal	Leader of the House of Lords
Royal Secretary of Tribunes	御史中丞	ngjah-srje′-trjung-djêng	羅尚理	Ra Djang′-rje′		Chief Prosecutor
Secretary of Tribunes	御史丞	ngjah-srje′-djêng	琵科	Pri Kar
President of the Privy Council	中大夫令	trjung-ladh-pja-ringh	雷稴	Rui K.rêm	Liberal
First Lord-in-waiting Keeper of Seals	侍中侯典符節	lje′-trjung-go	嫝遂	K.r′ang Luih	Liberal
Usher-in-chief	大謁者	ladh-′jat-tja′	呂麟	P.rja Rjing	Liberal
President of Protonotaries	中書令	trjung-stja-ringh	張懸	Trjang Gwên	Liberal	Leader of the House of Commons

History

Precursor

The Council has its origins in Warring-States Menghe (2nd c. BCE to 3rd c. CE), in which the Correspondence Manager is found in some states as an official responsible for registering and dispatching the ruler's correspondence. During that period, the ruler had a smaller role in governance, most policies made and implemented by officials of the Outer Court, upon an expected approval from the throne. This situation continues into the early Meng dynasty, but later a more assertive emperor began to issue edicts through the Correspondence Manager and sidelined the Outer Court. Becoming the centre of policy, the Correspondence Manager gradually became a department, and officials there specialized into specific portfolios. The department became a college of ministers that become the de facto government, even though the Outer Court still retained administrative function.

Domestic origins

The Correspondence Manager first appeared in Themiclesian history during the Hexarchy, not long after its attestation in Menghe. It is mentioned in the Ran-lang Collection, dating to the 1st century CE and describing the chief officials of the Tsjinh state; however, the Collection provides no description of the office's roles, and no contemporary literature mentions the office at all. Historians attribute this office and a number of others to imitation of the Menghean court, though no direct evidence supports this conclusion. The vessels of investiture, bearing inscriptions recording appointments, yield only a single reference to the Correspondence Manager and then on an ostracon rather than bronze, suggesting that such an appointment was barely worth recording.

During the final century of the Tsjinh dynasty, the Correspondence Manager entered historical narratives as an agent of the Duke of N.rang (唐公), who became the guardian for the entire royal family and made decisions in its name. The Correspondence Manager was important in this case as he controlled the flow of information to and from the throne, whose duties the Duke assumed. In order to circumvent the bureaucracy controlled by the magnates of the demesne land and communicate with nobles beyond it, he appointed a confidant to the position. In 397, N.rang's regency was overthrow by the Duke of Sungh (宋公), who relied on a different mechanism to secure power at court, so the Correspondence Manager again faded into anonymity.

In the middle of the 5th century, the Sungh ruler was compelled by battlefield logistics to reform his army, which hitherto was composed of royal, ducal, and baronial forces, each organizing its supplies. Prolonged warfare necessitated a central distribution of refurbishments and victuals; however, the barons were fearful that the nobles of the demesne land, free of military duty, would exempt themselves from supporting the war effort. Not willing to lose his barons' trust, the Sungh king promised to regulate the distribution of warfare burdens personally. He could not actually do this, so the barons selected a group amongst themselves to act as the Correspondence Manager, which had access to the papers of the Chancellor, the head of the bureaucracy dominated by the demesne nobles. But when the war ended, the demesne nobles forced the king to dissolve the new administration.

The Correspondence Manager, after the 450s, became a standard wartime council on which internal political borders were broken on the pretext of war. Many historians believe the council's purpose during the Sungh era was mediative—resolving the difference between groups of nobles that had divergent expectations or motives. The real operation of the council is difficult to ascertain, as it did not leave many records of itself. It thus followed that the council was not above the Chancellor in authority, and in some instances he dominated the barons appointed to it due to their inexperience, disunity, or his own charisma. In 497, a renewed round of warfare began under the Rjang king, who deposed the Sunghs in 492. The Council appears to have been transformed into a permanent chancery at this point with the power over all correspondence between the king and his subjects. Appointments to the council also evolved from barons to a mixture of demesne nobles and barons.

Institutionalization

The Council of Correspondence emerged as a permanent institution during the reign of King Ngjon of Rjang. It is an emergent view amongst historians that the Council evolved towards a college of ministers that had peacetime administrative functions as much as wartime utility. While its precursors during the Tsjinh and Sungh consisted of one or several undifferentiated "Correspondence Managers", it seems they began to assume different roles during the Rjang. The date for this change cannot be firmly dated, though some tentatively assign it to the 510s. The "Secretary for Dukes" (公), "Secretary for Barons" (侯), "Secretary for Treasuries" (諸府), and "Left Secretary for Envoys" (左客) are three titles attested in an edict of 544, the second year of Emperor Ngjon's reign; judging by his unfamiliarity with politcs, historians disfavour the possibility that he introduced these positions, instead consigning them to the period before his rule.

Historical treatises from the 7th century, with some discrepancies from 6th-century materials, say that the first dealt with the Chancellor's jurisdiction, which was the demesne land of the former Tsjinh area, the second, the barons and their feudal lands, and the third, the affairs of the palatine princes. Scholars infer the existence of a complementary "Right Secretary for Envoys" that dealt with truly-foreign states. This division of duties, once regarded as anomalous, is now regarded as firm support to the mediative function of the original Council. Whatever the original division of duties within it, the first Mrangh monarchs sought to reshape it in the image of Chŏllo's institutions that enabled much more centralized rule. Emperor Ngjon successfully portrayed existing institutions as backwards, but he met limited success in aggregating power to himself.

Departmentalization

The Council of Correspondence underwent some changes at the end of the 6th century, reflecting the Mrangh monarchy's desire for increased authority. Historians note that the secretaryships for "subjects" (民曹) and "appropriations" (度支) appeared in annals in 587. These positions are interpreted as imports from Chŏllo rule, since their portfolios were covered by the Chancellor up to this point. Some writers start using the term "secretary of state" for members of the Council in the Mrangh dynasty to indicate their increased responsibilities, but other hold the Council did not enjoy primacy in policy-making, and thus its members should not be called "secretaries of state". In the post-restoration political scene, much power rested with the barons. They made known their political will in the celebration of the new administrative year, for which they travelled to the royal capital city.

During the early 7th century, the throne wished to dispense with the barons, who up to this point had been supporting him in exchange for baronial autonomy and some control over his royal court. The theme of centralization continues in the Tsjinh area but is reversed under the first handful of Mrangh emperors for the palatine states, where he sought to strenghthen the barons there relative to their rulers. This led to the re-emergence of a politics not unlike the end of the Rjang, where distant allies are sought at the expense of nearby enemies, with the hope the former outnumbered the latter. The cultural import of the Mrangh ruler is canonically thought to explain its success at this time, rather than during the Rjang period; however, modern historians have proposed other theories to explain this development.

In order to establish control over the Council, the ruler began to merge into it some functions of the Chancery. Thus, in 642, the Treasuries secretaryship was merged into that of Appropriations, which unified royal finances with that of the demesne land. The appearance of the Subjects secretaryship heralded the fraying of the Chancellor's power, since the Council then oversaw judicial and census records. In 694, the secretaryship for Forces appeared, which duplicated or subsumed the functions of two departments of the Chancery—the Command Department and Marshal Department. At the same time, the secretaryships also appeared on official bureaucratic ranks, a process of harmonization with the accustomed governance structure of the demesne land. In turn, it meant the emperor now sided with the bureaucracy and tried to extend its influence over baronial sub-polities.

At the end of the Mrangh dynasty, the familiar septimal configuration began to take shape. The Barons secretaryship was renamed Cults, since the chief role of barons during peacetime was contribution to cultic activities. Additionally, the maintenance of the royal ancestral cult was used as a device to control barons' incomes and lands, whose products were permanently assigned to sacrificial ends after rebellion. This deprived them of much of their disposable income but avoided harsh treatment that could have provoked other barons into a unified revolt. In 752, the Cults secretaryship was retro-named Barons, but its role was unchanged.

Structure

All ministers on the Cabinet, as all members of the broader Ministry, are appointed by the sovereign with the confidence of the House of Commons, which can also withdraw confidence. The confidence of the House is effective as far ministerial rank is concerned; the specific portfolios each minister is, legally speaking, not subject to the approval of the House of Commons, though conflicts rarely arise over this discrepancy. Likewise, it is custom that a minister also be a member of either house of Parliament. The leader of the parliamentary party will almost always be the President of the Council, though exceptions have occurred. If party leader has made a commitment to one policy area, he may take that portfolio himself to ensure the implementation of the policy.

President of Correspondence

Rui L′jam, prime minister, with a Hallian military officer, 1960

The head of government is the President of Correspondence (尚書令), though in Tyrannian media this title is universally rendered as "Prime Minister". As the senior member of the Cabinet, he is expected to lead the discussion in interdepartmental matters and to settle disputes between other Cabinet members. Politics prevents him from making new policies and introducing bills without the consensus of his colleages. A prime minister unable to maintain a united Council or Parliamentary confidence is vulnerable to intrigue from within the Council and dissatisfaction in the parliamentary party. If most of the Council chooses to endorse another person as President, they may introduce bills to compel the President to switch places with someone else.

The style and conduct of each prime minister varies considerably. The prime minister is conventionally permitted to make the first and last speeches on any topic, but individual ministers are expected to lead the discussion within their respective portfolios. The prime minister supervises the Council's secretariat, which supports Cabinet deliberation and handles issues not assigned to any specific department. Because originally the Council met in the early morning and reported to the emperor after the meeting, the prime minister has the implied power to constrain time on each debate. As a political weapon, the President could deploy it against an initiative he did not like, though prolonged reliance on this tactic generates acrimony and casts a negative light on his ability to lead the Ministry.

Left & Right Minister

Both the Left Minister and Right Minister are titled "Archery Assistant" (僕射), a title rendered as Deputy Prime Minister, though this can be misleading interpreted literally. This office has nothing to do with archery as a martial skill, but as an important recreational activity in Themiclesia, and the monarch's assistants in archery practice were usually his more trusted advisors. The Left Minister is the responsible minister over foreign affairs, and he does regularly act as President when the latter is absent from regular meetings, which happens frequently. The Right Minister almost always simultaneously holds the title of Rite Secretary. The phonetic similarity exists only in Tyrannian. Though historically this position had more oversight in the maintenance of royal mausolea, state-sponsored temples, and local shrines, these institutions often accumulated large stores of literature and functioned as studies for aspiring scholars. Jurisdiction over them evolved into jurisdiction over education, and today that has become the Right Secretary's function.

Other members

The most senior member less the three above is the Civil Secretary, who is responsible for maintaining the civil service through recruitment, regulation, compensation, and honours. He has the final say in filling positions of the Seventh Class (county magistrate) and lower, which represent more than 99% of all positions. For those higher, he is also expected to nominate competent candidates, and it is not unknown for holders of this position to resign after particularly poor appointments have been made. It should be noted that the Civil Secretary must still abide by statutory restrictions in filling positions in the civil service, and a considerable portion of them do require prior experience in related fields or qualifying through competitive examinations; within these bounds and subject to conscientious practice, the Civil Secretary can generally act according to his own will.

Practices

Gen. Hak Prak-snjon addressing the press corps during the Council's press conference

The Council of Correspondence generally meets every day in the early morning, a custom held over when the Council met the emperor later the same morning to report their conclusions and ask for sanction. Since morning court historically begins at the first instant of dawn (eight ticks or 115.2 minutes before sunrise), Council meetings generally occur in the two hours before that time. Thus, in winter the Council meets 4-5 in the morning and 2-3 in the summer, the actual hours observed have drifted late steadily, sometimes as late as 5-6 in summer and 6-7 in winter, to be better synchronized with modern habits. The canonical hours for Council meetings is still observed a few times a year, ahead of major ceremonies.

Reading bills

Most former-members of the Council agree in their accounts that meetings invariably begin with reading of bills passed the day before, and an open floor to any member who has since developed new opinions or received new information about them. The Left Secretary reads bills relating to finance and foreign policy, while the Right Secretary reads all other bills. If a bill that has been agreed to was not co-signed in the previous day, it will now be before filing with the Protonotaries. For the most part, only bills' titles are read, to conserve time. Specific sections may be read in more detail at members' request. If new information has emerged, the bill may be adjourned to a later time for further discussion. Co-signed bills are then dispatched to the legislature.

Policy discussions

Discussions of policy questions then follow. New policies are tabled after existing policies, though sources contradict what the definition or boundary of what a policy is, in this context. Some analyses provide that, on average, questions that suggest revisions are considered existing, while the cancellation of some policy that is already in statute is considered a new policy. Other sources instead state that existing policies are discussed first, since these tend to take less time and generate fewer disagreements, and what a member think may require a new policy might, after all, be resolved by revising an existing one. A policy question needs only be supported by a simply majority to be adopted as a legitimate subject for drafting a formal bill. It is not unprecedented for a Council member to forward the policy question, obtain its approval, and on the same day reveal (see below) that he has already taken the liberty of drafting a bill on that basis. This is unusual and frowned upon by some Council members as coercive, but for urgent matters it is not esteemed as negatively.

Individuals adjudged capable of giving valuable information may be invited by any two or more members of the Council. This restriction ensures a Council member could not, on account of misjudgment or malice, allow its secrets to be revealed to a stranger invited to listen and speak. Violation of the Council's secrecy (which applies unless lifted specifically) is illegal and, at one point, treasonable. As state policies originate here, the Council historically enforced martial law (臺省戒嚴) around its premises to prevent any unauthorized personnel from spying on its proceedings; anyone without rank could be killed on sight if found within the lines of exclusion, though such instances were very infrequent.

New bills

New bills are then read, in the same wise as previous bills, before the Council. Junior ministers are typically entrusted with this task when it is within their portfolio. The bill may or may not be read verbatim, according to the preference of the Council. Contents of this bill is considered privileged and will not be made public until all members have co-signed the bill; revelation before its official approval as a government bill could be interpreted as a political condemnation of all other Council members. At least four general elections have been held as a result of such political tsunamis. Here, the Council feels its policies have been seriously challenged, and only a general election will settle the matter in one direction or another. If a bill is met with general approval, members will impress their seals on the official copy.

Seat