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Coalition Autodefense D'Inyursta
Coalition Autodefense D'Inyursta
Participant in Red Insurgency
CADI forces during a show-of-strength outside of Sant Dij'oa, 1997
Active1993
Area of operationsMostly the Southern Territories and parts of Marindino including Costa Arseilles and Marindino Centrèle, some presence in Cuscatlan
Size
  • 6,000 (1998)
  • 4,800 (2004)
  • 2,100 (2016)
Part ofRed Insurgency, Global War on Drugs, Whistleblower Crisis
Originated asACCP, VPS, Peasant Defense Alliance, Community militias
AlliesCV17, Commando Sombre
Opponent(s)Marçon De'Rouje

Ochaca Cartel
Juarez Cartel

Black Skulls Cartel

Coalition Autodefense D'Inyursta or (CADI), known in English as the Inyurstan Self-Defense Coalition is an armed paramilitary group opersting in western Inyursta and occasionally parts of Gran Cuscatlan. It mainly exists to fight the leftist rebel group Marçon De'Rouje as well as various drug cartels, and has in some recent cases made moves to target assets of Western state forces in opposition to Inyursta. Since 2001, CADI has been listed by the Inyurstan government as an illegal organization.

Formation & Structure

CADI is an umbrella organization which was created through the merger of several smaller groups, including both anti-narco vigilantes and local self-defense groups. A major contributing organization was Action Citoyenne Contré-Petain (Citizen Action Against Petain) also called "Les Capas", who existed to sabotage and take vengeance on the Ochaca Cartel and associates of Pedro Esteban Petain. The group Véterans Pur Stabilité (VPS) was made out of former soldiers and policemen aimed to working outside the law to protect rural communities from leftist insurgents. Most contributing groups were small "community militias" who signed on for the largescale support the group could provide. Authorities believe that CADI was officially formed in 1996 shortly after the death of Petain.

CADI has a decentralized structure, with no one absolute leader. Instead, the highest a CADI "Commandante" will control is the given forces in a province. It is currently believed that paramilitary forces in La Suda are under the direction of Cristophe Galvan, while the reclusive Diego, a.k.a. "Don Val" Varennes controls Costa Arseilles while the late Roberte Fernandez was in charge of CADI operations in Ochaca.

File:CADI02.jpg
Two CADI auxiliaries patrol the town of Sant Horacio outside of Mirasousse.

There are three kinds of "soldiers" in CADI: Auxiliary, Stationary and Mobile. Most CADI combatants are auxiliaries ("Auxilarios") who go about normal lives, however will be called up or armed for situations taking place in their locality. Auxilarios also obeserve and report word on the street to their é commanders. Stationary units, also called "guardas" are members paid to protect a given community or facility. Guardas do not travel often, and usually do have lives away from the group. Mobile units, called "Commandos", are the ideological core of the group and its most well-armed combatants. They are almost always hiding out in the mountains or jungles, and are responsible for raids and direct acts of retribution against CADI's enemies. Commandos spend the whole duration of their time with the group in action or service. At the height of CADI's power, it is estimated they had over 900 mobile soldiers across three provinces in Inyursta, while current ISD estimates place the number somewhere around just 100 of such paramilitary forces.

Activities

The majority of CADI's activities are passive in nature, simply guarding and protecting remote rural communities from drug cartels and leftist rebels. Members and supporters claim that by having a permanent, armed presence in these areas they are able to deter a significant level of retribution against civilians by their enemies.

File:CADI03.jpg
CADI militants set fire to cocão leaves found in a Marçon De'Rouje drug lab.

Other activities include raids against Marçon De'Rouje camps and attacks against cartel assets. CADI is also responsible for the largest non-state destruction of cocão crops in the world, the plant used to produce cocaïne. The group is most often involved with violent skirmishes and raids near the town of Mirasousse, where the majority of cartel traffic moves through and the borderlands south of Sant Dij'oa, where their areas of control overlap with leftist rebel territory.

Financing

CADI is also known to be involved with "underground security" contracts, where local paramilitary commanders are paid off by industry (usually agriculture, logging or oil) to establish a presence in their areas of operation in order to stop or dissuade attacks by leftist rebels. It is believed that over 50% of the group's income comes from such black-market security operations. In 2001 the Inyurstan government made it illegal to purchase security from unlicensed sources, however this did little to curb the trend.

Despite their otherwise anti-drug stance, CADI is known to grow and sell marijuana for profit. They have also been known to sell stolen or seized cartel and leftist rebel weapons on the black market.

Gambling and prostitution rings are also alleged sources of profit for CADI operations.

High-Profile Incidents

Aside from common practices, CADI is known for several high profile incidents, including:

  • Assassination of Samuel Drake in a Mirasousse nightclub (1996)
  • Massacre at Camp Unity, a Marçon De'Rouje outpost in the Sierra Polaches (1997)
  • Assassination of a top lawyer working exclusively for the Juarez Cartel (1997)
  • Bombing of a radio station across the border in Tirméno broadcasting leftist messages into Inyursta. (1999)
  • La Cávala Massacre, a large drug lab facility in the Bosque Verté rainforest borderlands (2000)
  • Shoot-out with Marçon De'Rouje terrorists on the E-1 highway outside of Sant Dij'oa (2000)
  • Kidnapping and execution of Pamó Yero, drug trafficker early Black Skulls Cartel founder (2002)
  • Assisted Commando Sombre paranilitaries in attacking an EZLP outpost on the Ochaca-Zavala border (2005)
  • Extrajudicial execution of 16 men from Tirméno alleged to be Marçon De'Rouje terrorists (2009)
  • Burning of a large cocão plantation and several refinery labs in Costa Arseilles (2010)
  • Assassination of Marçon de Rouje commander Pacho De'Viernes (2011)
  • Kidnapping of Senator Fabian Tremblay (2013)
  • Publication of Secret DEN Communications (2013)
  • Brytisc Embassy Siege in Santiago, Cuscatlan (2015)

Collusion Allegations

File:CADI sniper.jpg
A female paramilitary sniper aims her weapon.

Since its inception, it has been claimed that CADI cooperates and acted as a de-facto ally for military and police forces. Allegations began with ACCP receiving not only intelligence but also hit lists and orders from the police. The validity of such claims is disputed, but it is known that connections with both military and police forces continued well after the creation of CADI.

National head of police Dominic Mendoza is known to have openly turned a blind eye to CADI's activities, refusing to devote manpower and resources on an entity with common enemies. Even after his retirement, law enforcement remained reluctant to go after the paramilitaries.

In 2001 the national government officially declared CADI an illegal organization; subsequently police and ISD were ordered to detain and prosecute paramilitaries charged of crimes. However, critics argue that the system is still biased in favor of CADI compared to Marçon De'Rouje as they are still afforded the rights of Inyurstan citizens whereas leftist guerrillas are treated as enemy combatants; additionally, CADI members are only arrested if they are charged of a specific crime (i.e. murder, kidnapping, impersonating an officer, etc.) whereas it's a crime simply to be an armed, active member of Marçon De'Rouje.

Disarmament Process

In 2016, Roberte Fernandez made a public declaration on behalf of the organization stating that CADI would be willing and open to disarm and return to civilian life. Experts believe the move was likely due to the functional end of the Red Insurgency as well as the deescalation of the drug war. Without the ever-looming threat of leftist rebels and narco-cartels, many are coming to view the paramilitaries as little more than outlaw warlords without a real cause.

Newly-elected Président Jean-Baptiste Calderone has expressed his goal to peacefully transition CADI and the much smaller paramilitary Battalión Contré-Rouje back into society; seeking quote: "...a solution which benefits all Inyurstans, law enforcement, parcos and most importantly civilians caught up in the historical violence...". It is widely believed the government will seek some punitive actions against key CADI players found guilty of crimes against innocent Inyurstan and Cuscatlani civilians.

Many also fear the rise of CADI splinter groups which plan to continue their war against the Black Skulls Cartel and leftist rebel holdouts.

Notable Figures

Due to general intrigue of CADI and the Latin American paramilitary and/or vigilante movement as a whole, several figures in CADI have garnered large reputations and become well-known outlaws to Inyursta and associated nations. This figures are often leaders or other fighters known for provocative and attention-gathering actions.

  • Roberte Fernandez: former ACCP fighter and later founder of CADI.
  • Cristoph Galvan: discharged marine sniper who turned into an assassin for CADI. Later rose to become a head Commandante.
  • Diego "Don Val" Varennes:
  • Natalya Vasquez: