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The '''Labor Underground''' ({{wp|Danish language|Delkoran}}: ''Arbejde Underjordisk'') is an association of autonomous, {{wp|far-left}} militant groups in [[Delkora]]. Formed in the years leading up to the [[Delkora#Economic depression|depression]] of the 1950's, the original Labor Underground groups were revolutionary in nature and had as their explicit goal the overthrowing of the Delkoran government. Although the most violent organizations slowly lost influence throughout the 1960's as a result of police prosecutions and the success of the [[Economy of Delkora#New Kingdom Program|New Kingdom]] program, many AU groups continue to exist to the present-day, and are most known for their use of {{wp|direct action}}, including protection of striking workers and leftist protesters, assaults of far-right demonstrators, and property damage.
The '''Labor Underground''' ({{wp|Danish language|Delkoran}}: ''Arbejde Underjordisk'') is an association of autonomous, {{wp|far-left}} militant groups in [[Delkora]]. Formed in the years leading up to the [[Delkora#Economic depression|depression]] of the 1950's, the original Labor Underground groups were revolutionary in nature and had as their explicit goal the overthrowing of the Delkoran government. Although the most violent organizations slowly lost influence throughout the 1960's as a result of police prosecutions and the success of the [[Economy of Delkora#New Kingdom Program|New Kingdom]] program, many LU groups continue to exist to the present-day, and are most known for their use of {{wp|direct action}}, including protection of striking workers and leftist protesters, assaults of far-right demonstrators, and property damage.


==Formation==
==Formation==
Although the term "Labor Underground" was not coined until the 1950's, many in the movement trace its origins back to the 1870's, when radical industrial unions in the major cities began forming "Protection Committees" (''Beskyttelsesudvalg''), which were responsible for providing security at picket lines and protecting union members from police and employer violence.
Although the term "Labor Underground" was not coined until the 1950's, many in the movement trace its origins back to the 1870's, when radical industrial unions in the major cities began forming "Protection Committees" (''Beskyttelsesudvalg''), which were responsible for providing security at picket lines and protecting union members from police and employer violence.


[[Birgit Klausen]], a militant socialist who later turned to anarchism, is regarded as one of the movement's most important founders. In 1942, she and several associates founded what is generally considered to be the first AU group, the Gothendral Popular Defense Committee (''Gothendral Populær Forsvarudvalg''). The Gothendral PF engaged in small-scale sabotage against corporations in the city, as well as physical assaults of CEOs, managers, and {{wp|strikebreakers}}. It made national headlines during the [[1946 Delkoran Steel Strikes|1946 Steel Strikes]] for its violent confrontations with the [[Førelskov State Police]]. Klausen would spend much of the 1940's traveling throughout the country forming contacts with other anarcho-syndicalist groups and working to build a common platform.
[[Birgit Klausen]], a militant socialist who later turned to anarchism, is regarded as one of the movement's most important founders. In 1942, she and several associates founded what is generally considered to be the first LU group, the Gothendral Popular Defense Committee (''Gothendral Populær Forsvarudvalg''). The Gothendral PF engaged in small-scale sabotage against corporations in the city, as well as physical assaults of CEOs, managers, and {{wp|strikebreakers}}. It made national headlines during the [[1946 Delkoran Steel Strikes|1946 Steel Strikes]] for its violent confrontations with the [[Førelskov State Police]]. Klausen would spend much of the 1940's traveling throughout the country forming contacts with other anarcho-syndicalist groups and working to build a common platform.


In 1950, Klausen met [[Arthur Søgaard]], a student at the University of Norenstal and leader of the radical leftist group Students Against Austerity. The two spent the next three years working to organize radical student labor groups on university campuses with great success; in 1953, a coalition of these groups successfully occupied dozens of administration buildings around the country in protest against a cut in federal education spending.   
In 1950, Klausen met [[Arthur Søgaard]], a student at the University of Norenstal and leader of the radical leftist group Students Against Austerity. The two spent the next three years working to organize radical student labor groups on university campuses with great success; in 1953, a coalition of these groups successfully occupied dozens of administration buildings around the country in protest against a cut in federal education spending.   
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Emboldened by its growing public support, the movement became increasingly more militant. Members began to appear at strikes and protests armed with rifles, and started to rely on more overt intimidation tactics. The movement's increasing visibility in turn resulted in more news coverage. By 1954, newspapers and television reporters had started referring to its associated groups as "underground labor organizations"; many embraced the term and began referring to themselves collectively as ''Arbejdet Underjordisk'' ("The Labor Underground").  
Emboldened by its growing public support, the movement became increasingly more militant. Members began to appear at strikes and protests armed with rifles, and started to rely on more overt intimidation tactics. The movement's increasing visibility in turn resulted in more news coverage. By 1954, newspapers and television reporters had started referring to its associated groups as "underground labor organizations"; many embraced the term and began referring to themselves collectively as ''Arbejdet Underjordisk'' ("The Labor Underground").  


Public disillusionment with the Albendor government's handling of the depression came to a head in 1956 with the outbreak of mass protests and rioting in the major cities and on university campuses. After a confrontation on the campus of Abenvard University ended with [[Royal Delkoran Armed Forces|Home Guard]] troops opening fire on student protesters, killing three and wounding seven, Klausen and Søgaard organized a meeting of several AU groups in the town of Bjerlegen, where they signed on to a declaration of war against the Delkoran government, agreeing to wage a campaign of protracted {{wp|guerilla warfare}}.
Public disillusionment with the Albendor government's handling of the depression came to a head in 1956 with the outbreak of mass protests and rioting in the major cities and on university campuses. After a confrontation on the campus of Abenvard University ended with [[Royal Delkoran Armed Forces|Home Guard]] troops opening fire on student protesters, killing three and wounding seven, Klausen and Søgaard organized a meeting of several LU groups in the town of Bjerlegen, where they signed on to a declaration of war against the Delkoran government, agreeing to wage a campaign of protracted {{wp|guerilla warfare}}.


==Late 1950's civil unrest==
==Late 1950's civil unrest==
Line 60: Line 60:
The Labor Underground consists of an association of at least 157 autonomous militant groups throughout Delkora. Scholars have long noted the difficulty in studying and classifying the group due to its decentralized structure. According to one observer, "The Labor Underground is not a single cohesive organization, but rather a broad coalition of groups united only by their broadly anarcho-syndicalist politics, coordinated use of direct action, and adoption of the 'Labor Underground' label and its associated iconography."
The Labor Underground consists of an association of at least 157 autonomous militant groups throughout Delkora. Scholars have long noted the difficulty in studying and classifying the group due to its decentralized structure. According to one observer, "The Labor Underground is not a single cohesive organization, but rather a broad coalition of groups united only by their broadly anarcho-syndicalist politics, coordinated use of direct action, and adoption of the 'Labor Underground' label and its associated iconography."


The last major violent action attributed to the Labor Underground was the 1986 bombing of the corporate headquarters of [[Banforth-Galderok]]. Present-day AU groups largely describe themselves as primarily defensive organizations focused on protecting their local communities from state violence, fascism, and capitalist exploitation. This most commonly takes the form of members appearing en masse at strikes and leftist protests, often armed with melee weapons and wearing masks to conceal their identities, and physically assaulting police officers and other individuals that attempt to arrest or otherwise accost demonstrators.  
The last major violent action attributed to the Labor Underground was the 1986 bombing of the corporate headquarters of [[Banforth-Galderok]]. Present-day LU groups largely describe themselves as primarily defensive organizations focused on protecting their local communities from state violence, fascism, and capitalist exploitation. This most commonly takes the form of members appearing en masse at strikes and leftist protests, often armed with melee weapons and wearing masks to conceal their identities, and physically assaulting police officers and other individuals that attempt to arrest or otherwise accost demonstrators.  


Many AU groups are known to organize attacks on far-right demonstrations and some have engaged in {{wp|hacktivism}} against known or suspected fascists in recent years, including {{wp|doxing}} campaigns. AU groups also commonly engage in targeted property destruction. A notable example of this occurred in the city of Felbørden in 2012, when members of the Felbørden Labor Committee destroyed nearly a million NSD worth of construction equipment to prevent the demolition of a section of affordable housing on the city's impoverished east side.  
Many LU groups are known to organize attacks on far-right demonstrations and some have engaged in {{wp|hacktivism}} against known or suspected fascists in recent years, including {{wp|doxing}} campaigns. LU groups also commonly engage in targeted property destruction. A notable example of this occurred in the city of Felbørden in 2012, when members of the Felbørden Labor Committee destroyed nearly a million NSD worth of construction equipment to prevent the demolition of a section of affordable housing on the city's impoverished east side.  


Most AU groups are organized geographically, with each claiming to represent a particular town, neighborhood, or university campus. All function according to democratic and localistic principles. According to one expert, "There is no top-down hierarchy within the Labor Underground; there is no 'leader' or 'central committee', nor is there any procedure by which one AU group can command another to do something against its will. Although different groups can and often do collaborate, this is done strictly on a voluntary basis." Likewise, within each group, there is no leadership structure; decisions are made collectively through consensus-building and voting.
Most LU groups are organized geographically, with each claiming to represent a particular town, neighborhood, or university campus. All function according to democratic and localistic principles. According to one expert, "There is no top-down hierarchy within the Labor Underground; there is no 'leader' or 'central committee', nor is there any procedure by which one LU group can command another to do something against its will. Although different groups can and often do collaborate, this is done strictly on a voluntary basis." Likewise, within each group, there is no leadership structure; decisions are made collectively through consensus-building and voting.


==Cultural influence==
==Cultural influence==
Sociologists have noted that beyond its political activities, the Labor Underground has also made an important impact on local culture in many cities. Many of the mutual aid networks formed by the organization during the 1950's  continue to exist to the present day, and continue to play an important role in working class neighborhoods. Some AU groups have endeavored to create alternative economies over the years, by means of {{wp|local currencies}}, {{wp|food cooperatives}}, and free community spaces.
Sociologists have noted that beyond its political activities, the Labor Underground has also made an important impact on local culture in many cities. Many of the mutual aid networks formed by the organization during the 1950's  continue to exist to the present day, and continue to play an important role in working class neighborhoods. Some LU groups have endeavored to create alternative economies over the years, by means of {{wp|local currencies}}, {{wp|food cooperatives}}, and free community spaces.


==Legal status==
==Legal status==
The Federal Constitutional Court ruling in ''[[Decision no. 129 of 1953]]'' established that the government cannot ban organizations on the basis of a professed ideology, but must instead demonstrate that an organization exists primarily to engage in illegal activity. In practice, this has hampered law enforcement efforts targeting the Labor Underground because while some groups routinely employ acts of violence, others function solely as cultural organizations that engage in non-violent political or labor activism. As a result, it is insufficient in most cases for police to demonstrate that a group or individual is associated with the Labor Underground when seeking warrants for surveillance.  
The Federal Constitutional Court ruling in ''[[Decision no. 129 of 1953]]'' established that the government cannot ban organizations on the basis of a professed ideology, but must instead demonstrate that an organization exists primarily to engage in illegal activity. In practice, this has hampered law enforcement efforts targeting the Labor Underground because while some groups routinely employ acts of violence, others function solely as cultural organizations that engage in non-violent political or labor activism. As a result, it is insufficient in most cases for police to demonstrate that a group or individual is associated with the Labor Underground when seeking warrants for surveillance.  


A handful of AU organizations, mostly those having connections to extremist actions resulting from the 1956 declaration, have been labeled terrorist groups by the Ministry of the Interior. In 2016, [[Internal Security Directorate (Delkora)|ISD]] director Klaus Mølgaard acknowledged in testimony to the [[Delkoran Federal Parliament|Chamber of Representatives]] Committee on Intelligence and Domestic Security that the agency has conducted surveillance against "numerous" Labor Underground groups.
A handful of LU organizations, mostly those having connections to extremist actions resulting from the 1956 declaration, have been labeled terrorist groups by the Ministry of the Interior. In 2016, [[Internal Security Directorate (Delkora)|ISD]] director Klaus Mølgaard acknowledged in testimony to the [[Delkoran Federal Parliament|Chamber of Representatives]] Committee on Intelligence and Domestic Security that the agency has conducted surveillance against "numerous" Labor Underground groups.


[[Category:Delkora]]
[[Category:Delkora]]

Revision as of 05:10, 29 December 2019

Labor Underground
Arbejde Underjordisk
Foundation1940's
Dates of operation1942-present
CountryDelkora
IdeologyAnarcho-syndicalism
Anti-fascism
Anti-globalization
Political positionFar-left
Major actionsHistorical: Bombings, assassinations
Present-day: Rioting, assault, property damage, doxing
StatusVarious groups still active
Size9,250 (estimated)

The Labor Underground (Delkoran: Arbejde Underjordisk) is an association of autonomous, far-left militant groups in Delkora. Formed in the years leading up to the depression of the 1950's, the original Labor Underground groups were revolutionary in nature and had as their explicit goal the overthrowing of the Delkoran government. Although the most violent organizations slowly lost influence throughout the 1960's as a result of police prosecutions and the success of the New Kingdom program, many LU groups continue to exist to the present-day, and are most known for their use of direct action, including protection of striking workers and leftist protesters, assaults of far-right demonstrators, and property damage.

Formation

Although the term "Labor Underground" was not coined until the 1950's, many in the movement trace its origins back to the 1870's, when radical industrial unions in the major cities began forming "Protection Committees" (Beskyttelsesudvalg), which were responsible for providing security at picket lines and protecting union members from police and employer violence.

Birgit Klausen, a militant socialist who later turned to anarchism, is regarded as one of the movement's most important founders. In 1942, she and several associates founded what is generally considered to be the first LU group, the Gothendral Popular Defense Committee (Gothendral Populær Forsvarudvalg). The Gothendral PF engaged in small-scale sabotage against corporations in the city, as well as physical assaults of CEOs, managers, and strikebreakers. It made national headlines during the 1946 Steel Strikes for its violent confrontations with the Førelskov State Police. Klausen would spend much of the 1940's traveling throughout the country forming contacts with other anarcho-syndicalist groups and working to build a common platform.

In 1950, Klausen met Arthur Søgaard, a student at the University of Norenstal and leader of the radical leftist group Students Against Austerity. The two spent the next three years working to organize radical student labor groups on university campuses with great success; in 1953, a coalition of these groups successfully occupied dozens of administration buildings around the country in protest against a cut in federal education spending.

These activities began to attract the attention of the government of Veidnar Albendor, which in 1952 passed the Domestic Security Act, which made it illegal to belong to organizations engaged in "political violence" or advocating the overthrow of the Delkoran government. The following year, Søgaard and dozens of others were arrested and later convicted for their membership in radical labor organizations. Søgaard appealed his case to the Federal Constitutional Court, which found the law unconstitutional and vacated the convictions.

These groups saw a sharp increase in their membership in the wake of the 1953 Banking Crisis, which ushered in the worst economic depression the country had seen in decades. In response to the deteriorating economic conditions, they began to provide poverty relief to their local communities in the form of mutual aid networks. These activities helped legitimate the groups in the eyes of the larger working-class and those outside of the radical labor movement.

Emboldened by its growing public support, the movement became increasingly more militant. Members began to appear at strikes and protests armed with rifles, and started to rely on more overt intimidation tactics. The movement's increasing visibility in turn resulted in more news coverage. By 1954, newspapers and television reporters had started referring to its associated groups as "underground labor organizations"; many embraced the term and began referring to themselves collectively as Arbejdet Underjordisk ("The Labor Underground").

Public disillusionment with the Albendor government's handling of the depression came to a head in 1956 with the outbreak of mass protests and rioting in the major cities and on university campuses. After a confrontation on the campus of Abenvard University ended with Home Guard troops opening fire on student protesters, killing three and wounding seven, Klausen and Søgaard organized a meeting of several LU groups in the town of Bjerlegen, where they signed on to a declaration of war against the Delkoran government, agreeing to wage a campaign of protracted guerilla warfare.

Late 1950's civil unrest

Organization and activities

The Labor Underground consists of an association of at least 157 autonomous militant groups throughout Delkora. Scholars have long noted the difficulty in studying and classifying the group due to its decentralized structure. According to one observer, "The Labor Underground is not a single cohesive organization, but rather a broad coalition of groups united only by their broadly anarcho-syndicalist politics, coordinated use of direct action, and adoption of the 'Labor Underground' label and its associated iconography."

The last major violent action attributed to the Labor Underground was the 1986 bombing of the corporate headquarters of Banforth-Galderok. Present-day LU groups largely describe themselves as primarily defensive organizations focused on protecting their local communities from state violence, fascism, and capitalist exploitation. This most commonly takes the form of members appearing en masse at strikes and leftist protests, often armed with melee weapons and wearing masks to conceal their identities, and physically assaulting police officers and other individuals that attempt to arrest or otherwise accost demonstrators.

Many LU groups are known to organize attacks on far-right demonstrations and some have engaged in hacktivism against known or suspected fascists in recent years, including doxing campaigns. LU groups also commonly engage in targeted property destruction. A notable example of this occurred in the city of Felbørden in 2012, when members of the Felbørden Labor Committee destroyed nearly a million NSD worth of construction equipment to prevent the demolition of a section of affordable housing on the city's impoverished east side.

Most LU groups are organized geographically, with each claiming to represent a particular town, neighborhood, or university campus. All function according to democratic and localistic principles. According to one expert, "There is no top-down hierarchy within the Labor Underground; there is no 'leader' or 'central committee', nor is there any procedure by which one LU group can command another to do something against its will. Although different groups can and often do collaborate, this is done strictly on a voluntary basis." Likewise, within each group, there is no leadership structure; decisions are made collectively through consensus-building and voting.

Cultural influence

Sociologists have noted that beyond its political activities, the Labor Underground has also made an important impact on local culture in many cities. Many of the mutual aid networks formed by the organization during the 1950's continue to exist to the present day, and continue to play an important role in working class neighborhoods. Some LU groups have endeavored to create alternative economies over the years, by means of local currencies, food cooperatives, and free community spaces.

Legal status

The Federal Constitutional Court ruling in Decision no. 129 of 1953 established that the government cannot ban organizations on the basis of a professed ideology, but must instead demonstrate that an organization exists primarily to engage in illegal activity. In practice, this has hampered law enforcement efforts targeting the Labor Underground because while some groups routinely employ acts of violence, others function solely as cultural organizations that engage in non-violent political or labor activism. As a result, it is insufficient in most cases for police to demonstrate that a group or individual is associated with the Labor Underground when seeking warrants for surveillance.

A handful of LU organizations, mostly those having connections to extremist actions resulting from the 1956 declaration, have been labeled terrorist groups by the Ministry of the Interior. In 2016, ISD director Klaus Mølgaard acknowledged in testimony to the Chamber of Representatives Committee on Intelligence and Domestic Security that the agency has conducted surveillance against "numerous" Labor Underground groups.