Prime Minister of Themiclesia: Difference between revisions

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==Terminology==
==Terminology==
The term ''smjangh'' (相; [[Old Menghean language|Old Menghean]]: *s- prefix from 望 *''mang-s'') that is translated as "prime minister" is a general appellation of the most powerful advisor or executive of the monarch.  While it is derived from the word ''smjangh-prong'' "chancellor", the prime minister is not always the chancellor.  Instead, the position of prime minister shifted to different offices several times in Themiclesian history as the government structure changed to respond to political realities at court.  This is not to say that the monarch was free to many any official his prime minister: existing hierarchies were, for the most part, respected by the crown, as they represented accumulated administrative experience and were buttressed by aristocratic interests.
The term ''smjangh'' (相; [[Old Menghean language|Old Menghean]]: *s- prefix from 望 *''mang-s'') that is translated as "prime minister" is a general appellation of the most powerful advisor or executive of the monarch.  While it is derived from the word ''smjangh-prong'' "chancellor", the prime minister is not always the chancellor.  Instead, the position of prime minister shifted to different offices several times in Themiclesian history as the government structure changed to respond to political realities at court.  This is not to say that the monarch was free to many any official his prime minister: existing hierarchies were, for the most part, respected by the crown, as they represented accumulated administrative experience and were buttressed by aristocratic interests.
==Selection==
According to a 19th-century political maxim, a government minister's "primary task is the procurement and prolongation of parliament's confidence for the administration that is charged to his authority"; according to some commentators, this characterization is still accurate and defines the office of prime minister as a political instead of administrative one, and there are no statutory qualifications or duties associated with the office.  Given the partisan nature of Parliament, the prime minister will almost always be the leader of the dominant party in Parliament; otherwise, that party can easily unseat any government minister by withholding his or her budget.  In the 19th and early 20th centuries, adequate support must be found in both chambers of Parliament; however, the House of Commons has become the primary determiner of a government's fate between 1920 and 1950, democratic legitimacy being recognized over parliamentary sovereignty.<ref>According to some, this outcome is inevitable after the franchise has been made universal in 1907.  By that point, the House of Lords can no longer claim to represent the interests, however obliquely and dishonestly, of classes excluded from the franchise: the House of Commons now represented the interests of virtually all Themiclesians.  This argument was once the upper house's standard defence, that they represented the interests of their tenants and even the entire agrarian economy.</ref>
Every government since 1845 has included at least one member of parliament and one peer; this allows both chambers to hold the government to account by questioning members serving as ministers and the government formally to present its views to both chambers.  Since it would be exceptionally difficult to lead parliamentary debates, like prime ministers are expected to do, without a seat in either chamber, all have been parliamentarians in the modern era.  Party leaders that do not have a seat are expected to demonstrate their power by immediately procuring an MP's resignation, which results in a by-election the leader must then win; if he could not procure and win a by-election, a different prime minister may be appointed.  Modern convention holds that the party leader must procure a resignation before assuming office, being allowed to hold it as the by-election, always in a safe seat, occurs.
All prime ministers since 1931 have been members of the House of Commons, with the exception of the [[Lord of Srong-sngrjar]] between 1971 – 72.  After the 1971 general election, the Conservative leader suddenly died, and the party believed that Srong-sngrjar, as a peer, had a seat in Parliament and did not need to seek a by-election; however, the issue of his legitimacy was exploited by the Liberals and Progressives in opposition and haunted the government, resulting in its early demise after only ten months.  His inability to participate in the House of Commons has only compounded the inefficacy of his administration and weakened his control over Conservative MPs.  In view of these difficulties, no peer has since been prime minister except in a {{wp|caretaker government|caretaker}} capacity (where a change of government is imminent), this last occurring in 1989.


==Roles==
==Roles==

Revision as of 08:12, 23 August 2020

Prime Minister of Themiclesia
震旦相, tjerh-tanh-smjangh
Lee Teng-hui (president 5).jpg
Incumbent
Lja Le (徐貽)
since 2016
Typehead of government
Member ofCabinet
Reports toThe Emperor
ResidenceCouncil Residences
SeatCourt Hall (Themiclesia)
AppointerThe Emperor
Term lengthunlimited
Constituting instrumentStanding Order of Administrators (吏令)
Customary usage
Formationc. 550
DeputyRight Minister, Left Minister

The Prime Minister of Themiclesia (震旦相, tjerh-tanh-smjangh) of Themiclesia is the head of the Themiclesian government. Historically, the head of government was the most powerful individual or individuals holding authority in the name of the monarch and over all his possessions. Several offices have been in this position, but the current is the President of Correspondence (尚書令, ′djang′-st′ja-ringh). The incumbent is Lja Le, who assumed office in 2016 after the retirement of St′ang Krugh.

Terminology

The term smjangh (相; Old Menghean: *s- prefix from 望 *mang-s) that is translated as "prime minister" is a general appellation of the most powerful advisor or executive of the monarch. While it is derived from the word smjangh-prong "chancellor", the prime minister is not always the chancellor. Instead, the position of prime minister shifted to different offices several times in Themiclesian history as the government structure changed to respond to political realities at court. This is not to say that the monarch was free to many any official his prime minister: existing hierarchies were, for the most part, respected by the crown, as they represented accumulated administrative experience and were buttressed by aristocratic interests.

Selection

According to a 19th-century political maxim, a government minister's "primary task is the procurement and prolongation of parliament's confidence for the administration that is charged to his authority"; according to some commentators, this characterization is still accurate and defines the office of prime minister as a political instead of administrative one, and there are no statutory qualifications or duties associated with the office. Given the partisan nature of Parliament, the prime minister will almost always be the leader of the dominant party in Parliament; otherwise, that party can easily unseat any government minister by withholding his or her budget. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, adequate support must be found in both chambers of Parliament; however, the House of Commons has become the primary determiner of a government's fate between 1920 and 1950, democratic legitimacy being recognized over parliamentary sovereignty.[1]

Every government since 1845 has included at least one member of parliament and one peer; this allows both chambers to hold the government to account by questioning members serving as ministers and the government formally to present its views to both chambers. Since it would be exceptionally difficult to lead parliamentary debates, like prime ministers are expected to do, without a seat in either chamber, all have been parliamentarians in the modern era. Party leaders that do not have a seat are expected to demonstrate their power by immediately procuring an MP's resignation, which results in a by-election the leader must then win; if he could not procure and win a by-election, a different prime minister may be appointed. Modern convention holds that the party leader must procure a resignation before assuming office, being allowed to hold it as the by-election, always in a safe seat, occurs.

All prime ministers since 1931 have been members of the House of Commons, with the exception of the Lord of Srong-sngrjar between 1971 – 72. After the 1971 general election, the Conservative leader suddenly died, and the party believed that Srong-sngrjar, as a peer, had a seat in Parliament and did not need to seek a by-election; however, the issue of his legitimacy was exploited by the Liberals and Progressives in opposition and haunted the government, resulting in its early demise after only ten months. His inability to participate in the House of Commons has only compounded the inefficacy of his administration and weakened his control over Conservative MPs. In view of these difficulties, no peer has since been prime minister except in a caretaker capacity (where a change of government is imminent), this last occurring in 1989.

Roles

Head of government

The Prime Minister of Themiclesia is the most senior member of the Cabinet, which oversees the executive branch of government and is collectively accountable to Parliament. Convention and standing orders of the Cabinet, usually agreed upon its formation, grants the Prime Minister the power to chair Cabinet meetings and set its agenda. Additionally, the Prime Minister oversees the two Cabinet Secretaries, who jointly lead the Cabinet Office and execute Cabinet resolutions relative to the preparation of reports, collection of information, and drafting of legislation that are not within the remit of any other government department. A number of minor departments, when not assigned to a specific portfolio, are considered within that of the Prime Minister.

History

During the late Hexarchy, the Tsjinh state disestablished most of its fiefdoms (內諸侯, nubh-tja-go) to enlarge the demesne land (縣官, gwenh-kwar), directly controlled and taxed by the ruler; this enlarged the jurisdiction of the Chancellor of Tsjinh. Following the Treaty of Five Kings, the Tsjinh monarch acquired primacy over the other four states and sought to influence their courts, but in reality every court sought to influence another, through marriage alliances and secret diplomacy. The chancellor thus sometimes became suspect, since he could be a very well-regarded and able administrator but have connections to other states. Additionally, the Tsjinh monarch actively encouraged the vassals of the other princes to defect (外諸侯, ngwadh-tja-go), sometimes permitting them autonomy beyond the chancellor's jurisdiction. Titles were offered to courtiers for their prolonged support, if a hostile court offered competitive terms. What had been a relatively unitray state in the 2nd century became pluralistic by the early 5th as it expanded without resorting to force. The jurisdiction of the Chancellor of Tsjinh thus fragmented, and active monarchs dealt with several autonomous leaders.

In 420, the Tsjinh was overthrown by King Mjen of Sungh. Having himself been Chancellor of Tsjinh, Mjen left the office vacant in case a usurper imitated his rise to power. In its stead, the two Vice Chancellors, Right (右丞相, gwrje′-djeng-smjangh) and Left (左丞相, dzar-djeng-smjangh), became collegiate ministers.[2] The Right Vice Chancellor was regarded as the more senior, but the two were co-equals in power and access to the monarch. Only during very brief periods was a full chancellor appointed over them. During the final decades of the Sungh dynasty, the Council of Correspondence emerged as a keystone department to administer the many types of resource towards warfare, working in the name of the king. While this was only done during warfare initially, the Council's power grew in the absence of an active monarch.

The Council of Correspondence emerged at the royal court as a measure to replace the Chancellor of Tsjinh as the monarch's prime minister. The former had an important advantage over the latter: since it was outside of the ordinary bureaucratic structure and a collegiate office, the monarch could freely appoint his supporters without worrying that they hold too much responsibility.


Modernization

Peerage problem

In many dynasties, it was customary for the prime minister to be a peer, ensuring that the head of the government be a figure agreeable to the peers. Peers were frequently from generations of counsellors to the monarchy and therefore enjoyed preferrment to the crown. While peers do not always form a political party, the monarch usually strived to maintain a working relationship with them if for nothing more than a check on the power of the civil service. If the throne was strong, prime ministers were automatically made peers; if not, the prime minister was usually selected from the ranks of the peers. The wider court usually agreed with this arrangement, as peers were a conservative influence on the court, while bureaucrats could be more eager for achievements. The benefit of stability was also conferred by having a peer in charge, since other peers effectively formed his council; drastic policies were made less likely.

Following the Great Settlement, the peers behaved as a political party and gained an upper hand at court against the pro-war civil service. The crown attempted without success to wrest power from the peers on several occasions; as a response, the peers made it a legal requirement that the President of Correspondence must be a peer in 1801. In the previous century's continuous warfare, many commoners have distinguished themselves and become the emperor's prime minister. The peers in the 18th century were weary that the balance of power was shifting to the military or bureaucrats supported it; they enacted measures to keep commoners from the higher ranks in the forces. While the military has become a tool of social mobility to some extent, ministers were still chosen from bureaucrats with a long family history of public service; the "self-made" men were still considered far too callow to be trusted with higher dignities.

While the peers' party was popular for the first two decades of the 19th century, the negative effects of disarmament were beginning to manifest on merchants. Without a strong navy, Themiclesian ships were frequently damaged or raided by foreign forces. This sentiment combined with Camian successes with democracy

List of positions

  • Tsjinh and before (to 420): chancellor
  • Early to mid-Sungh (420 – 465): vice chancellors
  • Late Sungh (465 – 491): president of correspondence
  • Rjang (491 – 542): president of correspondence
  • Mrangh (542 – 752): president of correspondence
  • Early Dzi (752 – 945): president of protonotaries
  • Late Dzi (945 – 1080): council of peers
  • Drjen (1080 – 1210): council of peers
  • Ngwrjedh (1210 – 1464): president of correspondence
  • Tsjinh (1464 – 1800): president of correspondence
  • Modern period (1800 – now): president of correspondence

List of holders

Before 1800

  • Lord of Nja-nem, Ghwjang Lu′ (汝南侯王道), fl. 255? – 270, prime minister and Chancellor of Tsjinh; negotiated the Treaty of Five Kings that nominally unified Themiclesia.
  • Lord of Kaw-nêng, Tsaw Groh (高寧侯曹冓), fl. 430s, prime minister during the Sungh dynasty.

Since 1800

Party Prime minister Shinasthana Appointed Dismissed Seat
C Lord of Gar-lang 河陽侯 Oct. 2, 1800 Jan. 14, 1814 Council of Peers
Ind. Lord Kjarh-djêng 建成君 Feb. 5, 1814 Nov. 27, 1817
C Lord of Mjenh-lang 文陽侯 Dec. 1, 1817 May 22, 1819
Imp. Lord Sghjang 庠君 May 22, 1819 Jul. 29, 1821
C Lord of Mjenh-lang 文陽侯 Jul. 31, 1821 Oct. 12, 1825
C Lord Hrus-mrjang 孝明君 Nov. 10, 1825 Apr. 2, 1826
C Lord of Tubh 薱侯 Apr. 21, 1826 Sep. 30, 1833
Ind. Lord of Ran 闌侯 Oct. 5, 1833 Feb. 22, 1838
C Lord Hrus-mjen 孝文君 Mar. 10, 1838 Dec. 5, 1838
Ind. Lord of Stsrungh 淙侯 Dec. 5, 1838 Nov. 1, 1839
Ind. Lord of Ran 闌侯 Nov. 1, 1839 Apr. 27, 1845
After 1845, all ministers must have a seat in Parliament.
L Lord of Rjai-lang 漓陽侯 Apr. 29, 1845 Jun. 10, 1859 House of Lords
C Lord of Ghor 桓侯 Jun. 14, 1859 Feb. 4, 1861 House of Lords
L Lord of Sng'rja 楚侯 Feb. 11, 1861 Nov. 30, 1866 House of Lords
C Lord of Nja-'rjum 女陰侯 Nov. 30, 1866 Mar. 5, 1869 House of Lords
L Lord of Sng'rja 楚侯 Mar. 7, 1869 Dec. 1, 1873 House of Lords
L Lord Tl'jang-mjen 昌文君 Dec. 1, 1873 Mar. 22, 1878 Kien-k'ang West
C Lord of M'i 迷侯 May 15, 1878 Jul. 21, 1880 House of Lords
L Lord L'ong-mjen 通文君 Jul. 22, 1880 Nov. 25, 1886 Sng'rja
C Lord of M'i 迷侯 Nov. 25, 1886 Jan. 22, 1889 House of Lords
L Lord L'ong-mjen 通文君 Jan. 27, 1889 Feb. 4, 1891 Sng'rja
C Lord of Snur-ljang 綏陽侯 Feb. 4, 1891 Oct. 5, 1894 House of Lords
C Lord of Krungh 洚侯 Oct. 6, 1894 May 10, 1907 House of Lords
C Lord of Rjem-'an 臨安侯 May 12, 1907 Mar. 10, 1909 House of Lords
L Lord of Mik 邲侯 Mar. 22, 1909 Jan. 15, 1912 House of Lords
L Goh Mjanh-kje 冓萬基 Jan. 15, 1912 Nov. 22, 1915 Gwreng
L Lord of Mik 邲侯 Nov. 22, 1915 Apr. 30, 1916 House of Lords
L Goh Mjanh-kje 冓萬基 Apr. 30, 1916 Jul. 13, 1918 Gwreng
C Lord of Sloi 隨侯 Jul. 13, 1918 Oct. 7, 1921 House of Lords

Notes

  1. According to some, this outcome is inevitable after the franchise has been made universal in 1907. By that point, the House of Lords can no longer claim to represent the interests, however obliquely and dishonestly, of classes excluded from the franchise: the House of Commons now represented the interests of virtually all Themiclesians. This argument was once the upper house's standard defence, that they represented the interests of their tenants and even the entire agrarian economy.
  2. In situations where two similar things require differentiation, opposite descriptors were frequently used; the words "right" and "left" have no physical relevance, except to provide a contrast.

See also