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The Corponation of Kursibar
Ul Tethhan-Mra'at Ul-Lukursibar
Motto: Ul-Lukursibar: Uur a'a Tu'anset Della'a
Kursibar: For a Better Tomorrow
Anthem: ''For the Workers''
Location of Kursibar in Laurentia
|Recognised national languages||Quoman |
|Ethnic groups |
Other Diaspora Kursibari
|Religion||Violetism (89%) |
Kursibari Christianity (1%)
|Government||Representative Semi-Direct Corpocratic State|
|Margo Abbadis |
• Speculated formation of the G'yeth Dynasty
• Speculated Formation of the Alledhas Kingdom
• Combination of the G'yeth and Allhedas into the Ul-Koma Naval Kingdom
|August 12, 1279|
• Founding of the Colony of Kursibar under Kursi colonists
|May 29, 1602|
• Founding of the Free State of Kursibar
|June 1, 1802|
• Foundation of the Peaceable Dominion of Kursibar
|June 5, 1951|
• The Kusibad Tragedy and the Independence of Kadiver
|November 13, 1971|
• Foundation of the Corponation of Kursibar
|August 1, 1989|
|1,210,516.73 km2 (467,383.12 sq mi)|
• Water (%)
• 2024 estimate
|1.48/km2 (3.8/sq mi)|
|GDP (PPP)||2024 estimate|
|3,881,510,936 FLC |
• Per capita
|2,162 FLC |
|GDP (nominal)||2024 estimate|
|2,703,479,689 FLC |
• Per capita
|1,504 FLC |
|Gini (2024)|| 25.1|
|HDI (2024)|| 0.853|
|Time zone||UTC-07:00 (KST)|
|Date format||DD-MM-YYYY FY (Fiscal year)|
The Corponation of Kursibar (historically known as Quoma, commonly called Kursibar) is a democratic corporation-state in South Laurentia. The island portion of the nation is bordered on all sides by the Olic Ocean. Kursibar covers 1,210,517 square kilometres and has an estimated population of 1,794,603 people. Nominally, Kursibar is a semi-direct democracy and a corporation unto itself; however, in recent history, its government has experienced a period of military dictatorship. Kursibar comprises of two city-states and six other semi-autonomous federations of city-states. The national capital is Kuruk, and the most populous city is Sibbarra.
Various peoples migrated from southwestern South Laurentia to Kursibar in prehistoric times, however, the oldest known mention of their presence in the region by the exonym Quoma dates to the 12th century. Documented contact between natives and the wider world began in 1589 with a Kingishngali diplomatic mission to Ul-Tenna, which became a regional power by the end of the 15th century. Ul-Tenna reached its peak during the colonization of Kursibar in the 1600s, gradually declining thereafter until being ultimately destroyed in the 1767 Tsunami. The fragmented nation was quickly reunited by the signing of the First Charter of Sovereignty in 1802.
Throughout the era of imperialism in Olic states, Kursibar remained the only nation in the region to avoid being eliminated by foreign powers, although it was often forced to cede both territory and trade concessions in unequal treaties. The previous colonial system of government was centralised and transformed into a standard representative democracy in the presidency of Gedon Temitope Telladha. In the early 1950s, a military coup under President Iyasr Valens revived the nation's then-flagging military and industrial resources. Kursibar became a communist totalitarian state and became a major threat to most South Laurentian nations. The Kusibad Tragedy in 1971 ended Valens's reign, however, leading to a thirty-year period of reconstruction and reform known as the Reformation. In 1991, Kursibar was united under the Corporation of Kursibar, a company that voluntarily assumed the roles and responsibilities of a normal socialist government. Most recently, Kursibar has pursued re-opening its borders and gaining foreign allies to help assuage numerous resource shortages, culminating in the complete removal of export restrictions in 2024.
Kursibar is a middle power in global affairs, and a second generation member of the Pact of Nie Rhendham; ranking high in the Human Development Index. It has the second-largest economy in South Laurentia, and one of the largest in the world by PPP. Kursibar is classified as a newly industrialised economy; manufacturing, research and development, and tourism are leading sectors of the economy.
- 1 Etymology
- 2 History
- 3 Geography
- 4 Politics
- 5 Economy
- 6 Infrastructure
- 7 Demographics
- 8 Culture
Kursibar was formerly known as the exonym Quoma by outsiders prior to 1802. The word Kursi means 'free man' in the Kursi language, differentiating the indigenous people of the Ul-Koman Naval Kingdom from the previously encountered barbarian groups.
Kursibari often refer to their country using the polite form Lukursibar, but they also use the more colloquial term K'bar; the word Lukursibar, archaically referring to the island itself, is commonly used to refer to the people, the land, and the national spirit of Kursibar itself. The popular Hymn of the Island, written by Stallan Treveand during the nationalistic 1950s, refers to the nation as Lukursibar: 'Lukursibar is the unity of Kursibari flesh and blood'. The former name Quoma may have originated from the Ul-Koma Naval Kingdom, where Ul-Koma was the name for the bureaucratic system underlying the greater kingdom. The names Koma and Quom seem to be variants of the same word. Another theory is the name derives from the Nordesians calling this region 'Komn.' The name Quoma was depreciated in 1802 with the signing of the First Charter of Sovereignty.
Fossilised remains of Homo Quomas, once popularly known as the "Sibba Man", suggest Kursibar was inhabited two million to 500,000 years ago. Though H. Quomas was widely distrubuted throughout Kursibar, they were driven to extinction by a prehistoric eruption of Mount Kusibad. There is evidence of continuous human habitation in present-day Kursibar from 45,000 years ago to the present day. Homo sapiens reached the region around 43,000 BCE. Stone artefacts dating to 40,000 years ago have been recovered from sites such as the Tha'am Lod rockshelter and the Lau'un Gran Rockshelter in what are now the Ashlands. The archaeological data between 18,000–6,000 years ago primarily derive from cave and rock shelter sites, and are associated with prehistoric foragers. The earliest evidence of rice growing is dated at 5,000 BCE. Bronze appeared circa 1250–1000 BCE. The site of Ul-Qualgo'oth in the Demarcation Zone currently ranks as the earliest known centre of copper and bronze production in southwest Laurentia. Iron appeared around 500 BCE, concurrent with the arrival of the Alledhas. The G'yeth, a sociocultural group native to Kursibar, would remain in complete control of the southern half of the island until 1279. The G'yeth and their Dynasty was the first and most powerful authority at the time. They established the principalities of the Kingdom of Seven Suns and Kingdom of Radiant Pleasure in northern Kursibar during the 3000s BCE.
Ideal agricultural conditions and the mastering of wet-field steelwheat cultivation as early as the 4500 BCE allowed villages, towns, and small kingdoms to flourish under the reign of the G'yeth, leading to such innovations as ironworking, gunpowder, and primitive paper production. The island's strategic sea-lane position fostered inter-island trade, including with less-advanced native groups, from several centuries BCE. Trade has since fundamentally shaped Kursibari history. Alledhan peoples, who form the majority of the island's genetic makeup today, migrated to Kursibar by the way of the Olic Ocean from an unknown part of Telrova. They arrived on the island around 1000 BCE from greater South Laurentia, becoming established as a civilization through their robust system of bureaucracy.
The modern Kursibari people are primarily of the Alledhas ethnic group, characterised by common linguistic roots. G'yeth chronicle the first mention the Alledhas peoples in the 6th century BCE. While there are many assumptions regarding the origin of Alledhas peoples, Ba'srat Telladha, a historian of Kursibar, argued that their ancestors which at the present inhabit Kadiver and greater Laurentia came from the Daralnese peninsula between the 8th and the 5th century BCE, predating Nordesian expansion by centuries.
According to Oktadonian historian Armand Cœdès, "The Kursibari first enter history of Laurentia in the eleventh century with the mention of Komn in Nordesian epigraphy", and "in the twelfth century, the bas-reliefs of the West Nordesians" where "a group of warriors" are described as Komni.
The Free State of Kursibar
Kursibar Under Valens
On June 2nd, 1951, Iasyr Valens was elected to the presidency with 79% of the popular vote and the backing of the Great Families on a reform platform. On June 5th, 1951, the Action for Kursibari Futures gave Valens the ability to override the Concerns, amended the constitution, and created the Peaceable Dominion of Kursibar. His government established a strong system of central economic control and rapid armnent. His government also enacted an employment program focused on the construction of public works, the most famous of which is the Sharp Well Bunker Complex. Civil rights abuses abounded by the Police Concern, culminating in events like the Night of Weeping Stones.
The Decade of Misery lasted from 1957 to 1971 and was marked by increasing financial austerity and totalitarianism. In 1963, it was made illegal to vote for any other figure than Valens. The Kursibari Nuclear Program saw extensive funding, as did Kadivi death camps.
Kadiver was annexed in 1954 with minimal resistance from Kadivi forces. Kadiver's governance was turned over to the newly formed Kadivi Colonial Concern from the old Semi-Autonomous Kadiver Concern, leading to systemic denial of human rights on Kadivi soil, including the burning of Shezetka and Lansish.
Following the Kusibad Tregedy, Kursibar signed the Seclusion and Surrender Document on November 13, 1971, ending the Kadivi Conflict the Peaceable Dominion. Following the end of the country, the country adopted a harshly isolationist stance and left the world stage for almost fifty years.
The Kusibad Tragedy
In late 1970, geologists noticed that seismic activity on the island had begun to increase. Increased fumarole activity, deposition of sulfur on the summit of the volcano, and phreatic eruptions also alerted geologists to the possibility of an eruption. Phreatic events, when rising magma encounters water, continued well into September 1971 (one major event took place on September 4, 1971), shooting steam high into the air. Activity began to decline in October, probably because the new magma had finished ascending Mt. Kusibad's volcanic edifice. With volcanic eruption being an unexpected and unwanted threat, warnings by prominent Kursibari scientists were either supressed, incorrect, or ignored.
The day of the eruption, black ash columns erupted from the volcano at approximately 3:00 pm local time. The local Civil Defense director in Qomabad was promptly alerted to the situation. He contacted the Civil Defense Concern's Main Office, which ruled that the area should be evacuated; he was then told to contact the Civil Defense directors in Kuruk and Sibbarra. Between 5:00 and 7:00 p.m., the ash stopped falling, and local officials instructed people to "stay calm" and go inside. Around 5:00 pm an emergency committee meeting was called, and when it ended at 7:00 pm, several members contacted the regional authorities over the intended evacuation efforts.
At 9:09 p.m., on November 13, 1971, Kusibad ejected dacitic tephra more than 30 kilometres (20 mi) into the atmosphere. The total mass of the erupted material (including magma) was 35 million metric tons. The eruption produced pyroclastic flows that melted summit glaciers and snow, generating four thick lahars that raced down river valleys on the volcano's flanks and destroying cities across the island of Kursibar.
In total, more than 46,000 people were killed, approximately 5,000 were injured, and 12,000 homes throughout thirteen cities were destroyed. The entire biosphere of Kursibar was significantly impacted. The Kusibad Tragedy, as the event came to be known, was the deadliest volcanic disaster of the 20th century.
The country has a total area of 1,210,516.73 km2 (467,383.12 sq mi), of which 255,419.03 km2 (98,617.84 sq mi) is land and 955,097.70 km2 (368,765.28 sq mi) is water. Northern Kursibar lies on a glacial plain and is generally level, with flatlands being broken by conical hills and glacial moraines usually not more than a hundred meters tall. It is divided by a low water divide running east to west. The southern half of the island, however, is highly mountainous and geologically active. The highest point is at Mt. Kusibad's peak, at 1,510 meters (4,970 ft) above sea level, whereas is the lowest is near Kuruk at 16 meters (52 ft) below sea level.
The island of Kursibar is built from five separate shield volcanoes that erupted sequentially, one overlapping the other. These are (from oldest to youngest): Kule'a, Kusite'a, Hutibad, Quomada, and Kusibad. Geological evidence from erosion of old surfaces on the south and west flanks of Quomada led to the proposal that two ancient volcanic shields were buried by the younger Mauna Loa. Geologists now consider these "outcrops" to be part of the earlier building of Quomada. Because Kusibad is still an active volcano, the island of Kursibar is still growing. Between January 1990 and September 2024, lava flows added 95 km2 to the island. Lava flowing from Kusibad has destroyed several towns, including Quomabad during the Tragedy. In 1987, lava filled in the "Pool of Sorrows", a mountain lake that once supplied water several Ashlander tribes. Another 875 acres were added in May 2024 by the 2024 Olic Fault Slip Event.
The Olic Fault Zone is a developing subductive tectonic plate boundary where the Mau Quoma Plate is in the process of subducting under the Laurentian and Tagreaen plates at a rate of 8 mm per year. The OFZ is the largest seismically active rift system on Earth today. The majority of earthquakes occur near the Fields of Sorrow in Southern Kursibar, with the largest typically occurring along or near major border faults. Seismic events in the past century are estimated to have reached a maximum moment magnitude of 7.0. Tsunamis are also frequent.
The climate of Kursibar is influenced by the large bodies of water that surround it on every side. These seas constitute a reservoir of heat and humidity for Kursibar. Within the southern temperate zone, they determine a temperate climate with local differences due to the geomorphology of the territory, which tends to make its mitigating effects felt, especially in high pressure conditions. The Ashfall, in particular, is a famous example of weather affected by this pressure system.
Because of the mostly mountainous hinterland and variations in elevation, the climate of Kursibar is highly diverse. In most of the inland regions, the climate ranges from arid steppe to hot semi-arid and hot desert. The climate of the Rut Mak'aa valley geographical region is mostly Hot-summer Mediterranean climate, with cool winters and hot summers.
Conditions on the coast are different from those in the interior, particularly during winter months when the higher altitudes tend to be cold and dry. The coastal regions have mild winters and hot and generally dry summers; lowland valleys are hot in summer. Average winter temperatures vary from around 0 °C (32 °F) in Kuruk to 12 °C (54 °F) in the Demarcation Zone, so average summer temperatures range from 20 °C (68 °F) to over 25 °C (77 °F).
Winters can vary widely across the country with lingering cold, foggy and snowy periods in the north and milder, sunnier conditions in the south. Summers are hot across the country, except for at high altitude, particularly in the south. Northern and central areas can experience occasional strong thunderstorms from spring to autumn.
Ecology and Biodiversity
Kursibar's geographic isolation for 80 million years and island biogeography has influenced evolution of the country's species of animals, fungi and plants. Physical isolation has caused biological isolation, resulting in a dynamic evolutionary ecology with examples of distinctive plants and animals as well as populations of widespread species. The flora and fauna of Kursibar were originally thought to have originated from the island's fragmentation off from greater Laurentia, however more recent evidence postulates species resulted from dispersal. About 82% of Kursibars's indigenous vascular plants are endemic, covering 1,944 species across 65 genera. The number of fungi recorded from Kursibar, including lichen-forming species, is not known, nor is the proportion of those fungi which are endemic, but one estimate suggests there are about 2,300 species of lichen-forming fungi in Kursibar and 40% of these are endemic.
Before the arrival of humans, an estimated 80% of the land was covered in grasslands, with only high alpine, wet, infertile and volcanic areas without ubiquitous long grasses. Massive deforestation occurred after humans arrived, with around half the forest cover lost to fire after G'yeth settlement. Much of the remaining savannah fell after Kingishngali settlement, being cleared to make room for pastoral farming, leaving grasslands occupying only 23% of the land.
The grasslands were dominated by lizards, and the lack of mammalian predators led to some like the spitting turtle and syrna developing gigantism. The arrival of humans, associated changes to habitat, and the introduction of rats, ferrets and other mammals led to the extinction of many lizard species.
Since the Tragedy, almost half of the country's vertebrate species have become extinct, including at least fifty-one birds, three frogs, three lizards, one freshwater fish, and one bat. Others are endangered or have had their range severely reduced. However, Kursibari conservationists have pioneered several methods to help threatened wildlife recover, including island sanctuaries, pest control, wildlife translocation, fostering and ecological restoration of islands and other protected areas.
The Kursibari Charter System is a matter of necessity for the far-flung and largely self-sufficient population of Kursibar. Citizens are usually subject to two levels of governance: local authorities and the corporations. In almost all cases, local officials are elected by a plurality vote of citizens by city. The overarching corporate government is regulated by a system of stakeholder clauses defined by the Charter and Employee Action Agreement, which serve as the country's supreme guiding documents. The original text of the Charter establishes the structure and responsibilities of the government and its relationship with the individual cities, states, and dependencies. The overarching corporate structure is made up of an elected board of directors that appoints the CEOs of major subsidiaries and makes major economic decisions. The Board reports directly to the CEO, who is elected every five years.
The government itself is made up of smaller companies (called Concerns)that are partially or fully owned by Kursibar. The corponation makes money off these companies and in return provides a large dividend. More successful companies' CEOs typically are promoted to the board of directors. Employee-citizens for Kursibar and its subsidiaries are entitled to a one-time share to afford payments of the dividend. An exception to these rules are contractors, who are paid by Kursibar but are not strictly employees. The Board possesses a 49% stake in the company, and the citizenry the other 51%. Despite superficial similarities to national governments, the corporation's lawyers have always maintained that it has no legal obligation to its 'employees', but voluntarily elects to take on the roles usually served by a democratically elected government.
|Administrative Region||Status||Capital City||Population||Head of Government|
|Kursibar (state)||State||Kuruk||1,319,562||Gideon Ul-Koma|
|Ashlands||Special Administrative Region||N/A||52,138||N/A|
|Liberty||Platform-State||Platform A||172,856||Jayanta Bahar Jamshidi|
|New Hope||Platform-State||N/A||12,408||Theophilus Kovalchuk|
|Nicodemus||Platform-State||Station A||11,592||Xia Jieng|
|Deep Blue||Platform-State||N/A||3,073||Richard Greebling|
Kursibar has an extensive public relations network, holding relations with more than 80 countries. Kursibar is a member of the Telrovan Assembly and is an observer state of the Nordesian Union. Since abandoning the long-held export ban in 2024, Kursibar has rapidly pursued an aggressive economic trade policy. It has maintained close relations to Ziroxeut, Cle Brait, Supero Omnia, and Tanah Raya.
Kursibar's trade policy focuses on maximising international trade, with tariffs and other trade barriers only rarely being present outside the agricultural sector. Economic sanctions by the country are only very rarely used, and are usually enforced via APS-N patrol boats.
The Kursibari Army, Navy, and Air Force collectively form the Treaty Compliance Operational Force and are under the command of the Board and presided over by the CEO, as established by article 55 of the Charter. According to article 55, the Board has the authority to declare a state of war and vest the necessary powers in the government.
Despite not being a branch of the armed forces, the Asset Protection Services have a military status and are organized along military lines. In 2024, the Kursibari armed forces had 293,202 personnel on active duty, of which 208,778 are APS.
The APS-L is the national ground defence force. Its best-known combat vehicles are the Kettle infantry fighting vehicle, the Melammu tank destroyer and the Doric tank, and among its aircraft the K113 attack glider. It also has at its disposal many leftover Arlos. It was formed in 1989 from what remained of the Peace Concern after the Kusibad Tragedy.
The APS-N is a blue-water navy. In modern times the APS-N engages priarily in anti-piracy operations around the globe. It was formed in 1989 from what remained of the Peace Concern's naval assets, as well as hundreds of private contractors. The APS-N in 2024 operates 754 vessels in service, primarily minor auxiliary vessels.
The APS-A in 2024 operates 219 combat jets. A transport capability is guaranteed by a fleet of 27 Habin TP-1s. The APS-A was founded as an independent service arm on September 30 after the APS-L completed a survery of remaining aeronautical assets.
12.8% from 2024 to 2025. Although a number of core elements of Kursibar's trading infrastructure were built on the back of the arms industry, revenues from arms exports account for less than 5% of the corponation's revenues. Biotechnology (22.6%), trade (16%), construction (15%) and heavy manufacturing (11%) are the largest contributors to Kursibar's economy.
Kursibar's non-arms foreign trade stood at R20 trillion in 2024. Of the overall trade volumes, imports had the biggest share with a value of R11 trillion while exports and re-exports to the corponation stood at R6 trillion and R3 trillion respectively.
Historically, Sibbarra and Kuruk were important ports of call for manufacturers. Most of the country's banking and financial centres were headquartered in the port area. Kursibar maintained its importance as a trade route through the Reclaimation 1970s and 1980s. Kursibar's anarchic period led to a free trade in contraband and, until crackdowns were made in the 1990s, was the hub of a brisk smuggling trade. Kuruk's Ala'ang port, constructed in the early 2000s, has the one of the largest man-made harbours in the world and was ranked seventh globally for the volume of container traffic it supports. Kursibar is also a hub for service industries such as information technology and finance, with industry-specific free zones throughout the corponation. Sibbarra Electronic Development Zone, combined with Sibbarra's Entertainment District is one such enclave, whose members include IT firms such as KursInt, Godhead Technology Services Inc., Vyrant Telecom, Naviron, and Xiao Telecom. Various programmes, resources and value-added services support the growth of startups in Kursibar and help them connect to new business opportunities.
The Kursibar Free Exchange Board (MKFE) was established in March 2020 as a secondary market for trading foreign and local securities and bonds. As of the fourth quarter 2024, its trading volume stood at about 550 billion shares, worth R95 billion in total. The MKFE has a market capitalisation of about $87 billion.
Income, Wealth, and Poverty
At R50,125 Rova in 2024, Kursibari citizens have the highest median income in the world. Despite the fact that they only account for 1.24% of the global population, Kursibari collectively possess 10.2% of the world's total wealth as of 2024, the largest percentage ratio of any country. Kursibar also ranks first in the number of rova billionaires and millionaires in the world, with 724 billionaires and nearly a half million millionaires (2024).
Renewable sources— geothermal and nuclear— provide effectively all of Kursibar's electricity and around 85% of the nation's total primary energy consumption, with most of the remainder consisting of imported oil products used in transportation and in the commercial fleet. The Platform-States primarily use a mix of geothermal and expansive offshore wind turbine fields. A 2000 report from the Sibbarra Workman's Institute suggested that Kursibar could potentially convert from oil to bio-diesel manufacturing byproducts by 2040. Kursibar's largest geothermal power plants are Omn'an and Selyan Pakut, while the Sibbarra Breeder Reactor Plant is the country's largest nuclear power station.
Despite this, Kursibari emitted 16.9 tonnes of CO2 per capita in 2022, the highest in Laurentia, mainly resulting from transport and heavy manufacturing. Nevertheless, in 2010, Kursibar was reported by UFT sources as "the Greenest Country", reaching the highest score by the Environmental Sustainability Index, which measures a country's water use, biodiversity and adoption of clean energies, with a score of 93.5/100.
On 22 January 2024, Kursibar announced its first round of offshore licences for companies wanting to conduct hydrocarbon exploration and production in a region northeast of Kursibar, known as the Greyharbour Energy Exploration Area. Three exploration licences were awarded but all were subsequently relinquished.
As of 2024, the government of Kursibar was in talks with the government of Kadiver about the possibility of constructing KursLink, a high-voltage direct-current connector for transmission of electricity between the two countries. Such a cable would give Kursibar access to a market where electricity prices have generally been much higher than those in Kursibar. Kursibar has considerable renewable energy resources, especially geothermal energy and wind resources, and most of the potential has not been developed, partly because there is not enough demand for additional electricity generation capacity from the residents and industry of Kursibar; Kadiver is interested in importing inexpensive electricity from renewable sources of energy, and this could lead to further development of the energy resources.
Kursibar's transport system has been shaped over time by the economic resource base of the island and the distribution of its population highly concentrated in the Kuruk-Sibbarra area and on the platforms. All transport modes play a role in the country's transport system and are generally complementary rather than competitive. In 2024, the transport sector generated about 8.3% of GDP.
Kursibar has a road system covering roughly 3,356 kilometers (2,085 mi), which includes 161 kilometers (100 mi) of expressway on the Island Route 1 and over 1009 kilometers (626 mi) of unimproved roads in the Ashlands. As with most Laurentian countries, vehicles on the road and people walking on the streets keep to the left.
Common alternatives to private vehicles include bicycles, bus, taxis, and train (MRT or LRT). Two companies run the train transport system, KursiDynamics inc. and Godhead Mass Transit. Four companies run public buses under a 'Bus Contracting Model' where operators bid for routes. There are six taxi companies, who together put out over 44,000 tuk-tuks on the road. Tuk-tuks are a popular form of transport in Kursibar, as the fares are relatively affordable when compared to many other developed countries. In the Ashlands, privately-owned all-terrain vehicles are far more common.
Kursibar has two rail lines, totalling about 250 kilometres (155 miles) of 1750mm gauge track. The lines run from the west edge of the Demarcation Zone to Rut Ma'aka. After 20 years of work, regular rail services between the Kuruk and the ruins of Quomabad restarted recently, offering a safer option than road for tourists.
Kursibar's largest airport, Mierra International Airport, is among the least busy major airports in the Western Hemisphere, serving a million passengers in 2024. Liberty Heliport and Sin'ha Memorial Aerodrome are the country's second-and third-busiest airport, respectively, servicing a majority of the platform states with light aircraft. AeroKurs, the country's flag carrier since 2022, is one of the world's only airlines to utilize turboprop aircraft in any significant manner due to the island's continuous ashfall. Kursibar has two major ports at Sibbarra and New Hope, and five minor ones. The Port of Ul-Kuruk is the busiest and most advanced Kursibari port, handling more than 50% of Kursibars's trans-shipment cargo traffic.
The print media industry is highly developed in Kursibar, with more than sixty newspapers. The major national ones include The Kuruk Herald, The National Rag, Kursibar Today, The Sibbarra Sun-Messenger, The Kursibar Foreign Newsletter, and two specialized divisions dedicated solely to publishing internal and external documents.
Kursibar began its first regular radio broadcasting on 27 August 1920, when Haan Ul-Sinaak's Catharsis Knife-Dance was aired by a team of medical students in Quomabad's Theater of Joys Unknown. By 2022, there were 12 SW, 45 AM, and 10 FM radio stations in the country.
The Kursibari television industry is relatively small and underdeveloped, but has obtained a cult following throughout Laurentia. Many productions and TV formats have been exported abroad. Kursibari have some of the lowest rates of television ownership in Laurentia as of 2020, totaling 47.4% of the country's households. Kursibar also has some of the lowest coverage of networked telecommunications among Laurentian powers, with barely 10% of the island being covered by a relatively primitive 3G network.
The first official census conducted by the Free State of Kursibar was in 1821; however, only men aged 20 to 60 were counted as its purpose was for the collection of taxes. After the 1971 population census was conducted, the collapse of the government led to a 27-year-long gap before the country could have another official census in 1998.
At present, fifty percent of the Kursibari population is younger than 22 years old. At a 1.04 female to male ratio, Kursibar has the most female-biased sex ratio in South Laurentia. Among the Kursibari population aged over 65, the female to male ratio is 1.6:1.
The total fertility rate in Kursibar was 1.944 children per woman in 2010, which increased 2.012 children in 2024. Women in urban areas have 1.6 children on average, compared with 2.4 children per woman in the Ashlands.
The vast majority of Kursibar's population is of ethnic Alledhan origin (over 95%) who are speakers of the Quoman language, the country's official language. Kursibar's population is largely homogeneous. Its minority groups include ethnic G'yeth (1.2%), Kingishngali (0.9%), Oktadonian (0.1%), Braitian (0.1%), and Ziroxian (0.1%).
The largest ethnic group in Kursibar are the Alledhas, who comprise around 95% of the total population in Kursibar. They are likely descended from neolithic migrations via southern Laurentia. Being more open to trade on the north face of the island, they became adept traders and quickly overtook the G'yeth in numbers.
The indigenous ethnic groups of the mainland are called the G'yeth, after the G'yeth Dynasty, and are indigenous to the highland southern subregion in which they inhabit. The G'yeth historically have lived near the lower Maka'a River in a contiguous diagonal arc.
The Kingishngali are the third-largest ethnic minority in Kursibar, with an estimated 16,000 living in urban Kursibar, having arrived in Kursibar in the 1400s. Ethnic tensions between the Alledhas and the Kingishngali can be traced to the Colonial Era (from the 15th to 19th centuries), during which time Kingishngala attempted to vassalise a weakened Kursibar and effectively dominate all of Southwest Laurentia.
Other ethnicities makeup approximately 0.1% of the population each, due to a history of colonialism and the post-Tragedy ban on immigration. Most of these peoples are descended from 1900s settlers who came in search of trade and commerce opportunities during the time of the Free State of Kursibar. Most are urban dwellers, engaged primarily in commerce.
Largest cities in Kursibar
|5||New Hope||New Hope||12,408|
|9||Deep Blue||Deep Blue||3,073|
The official language of Kursibar is Quoman, a language isolate closely related to Kadiveri and numerous smaller languages spoken in southwestern Laurentia. It is the principal language of education and government and spoken throughout the country. The standard is based on the dialect of the northern Kursibari, and it is written in the Quom alphabet, a boustrophedon script that evolved from an earlier G'yeth alphabet.
Sixty-two languages were recognized by the Board of Kursibar. For the purposes of the national census, four dialects of Quoman exist; these partly coincide with regional designations, such as Ashlander Quoman and Platform Quoman.
The largest of Kursibari's minority languages is the Kursibari dialect of Ziromnian spoken in the southern half of the Ashlands. Although sometimes considered a dialect of Native Okchonian, it is a Ziromnian dialect, and the region where it is traditionally spoken was historically part of Ziromnian Quoma. In the far south, Kursibarie Oktadonian is the primary language of descendants of the ill-fated Colony of Oktadonian Quomadae. Varieties of Braitian are also spoken by the large Kursibari Braitian population, with the Havenbarrow dialect best-represented.
Education in Kursibar is free and mandatory from ages six to sixteen, and consists of three stages: Heia (equivalent to primary school in other countries), Ua-Heia (similar to secondary school in other countries), and Employment School (similar to a two-year university). Additional education is available in a variety of sponsored schools and universities
Heia lasts eight years. Students are given a basic education in Quoman dialects mathematics, natural sciences, history, geography, engineering, physical education and visual and musical arts. Ua-Heia lasts for three years and includes three traditional types of schools focused on different subjects: the Quallan prepares students for university studies with a classical or scientific curriculum, while the Qua-Ste'a and the Qua-So'an prepare pupils for vocational education. The Employment School is solely focused on forming apprenticeships and finding students careers.
Tertiary education in Kursibar is divided between public universities and private universities. 7 Kursibari universities were ranked among the world's top 100 in 2024. Ul-Hedda Quallan at the Sharp Temple, founded in approximately 300 AD, is the oldest university in continuous operation, as well as one of the leading religious institutions in Laurentia. The Asethetodrome, Deep Blue Academy of Oceanographic Studies, L'École Oktadon d'Extrême-Nord, and the Sibbarra Workman's Institute are also ranked among the best in the world.
Kursibar has no state religion; Section III.1.iv of the Kursibari Charter prohibits the corponation from making any law to establish any religion, impose any religious observance, or prohibit the free exercise of any religion. In 2024, 89.2% of Kursibari were counted as Violetist, including 72.3% as non-syncretic and 13.3% as Violetist-Christian; 10.2% identify with non-Violetist religions, the largest of these being G3 (9.1%), followed by Kursibari Christianity (1.1%). The remaining 0.6% of the population did not provide an adequate answer. Kursibar has one of the highest levels of religious adherence in the world. In 2024, 93% of women and 92% of men reported attending church at least weekly.
Ul-Koman Platform contains the central government of Violetism. It is recognised by other subjects of international law as a sovereign entity, headed by the Grand Mauve, with which diplomatic relations can be maintained. Ul-Koman came into existence only in 1977.
Certain groups, such as all Nordesian religions are considered cults ("Han'ese" in Quoman); therefore they do not have the same status as recognised religions in Kursibar. Han'ese is considered a pejorative term.
Health and medical care is overseen by the Kursibar subsidiary KursHealth alongside some of its larger competitors, with total national expenditures on health amounting to 21.2 percent of GDP in 2024. Congenital diseases, ashfall-related mortalities, and surgery addiction form major problems, while infectious diseases like tuberculosis as well as vehicular accidents are priorities in the Ashlands. However, Kursibar has enjoyed a high standard of medical technological advancement and knowledge compared to the rest of the world, including the development of artifical kidneys and anti-rejection measures. Cosmetic surgery, in particular, is popular among Kursibari, and unlicensed clinics form a major hazard. Despite the high level of healthcare in the country, the life expectancy of the average Kursibari has not breached 70 in the past 50 years (partially due to the intense drug culture).
Painting is one of the oldest arts in Kursibar, stretching back to the Mesolithic. Cave paintings in Kursubari territory have been dated to be about 7500 years old and has been found in lava tubes all over the island. Pre-colonial Kursibari art is represented in G'yeth codices, in ceramics, and in garments. Prominent surviving examples of this are the mural paintings of South Temple, or those of the Sharp Temple. Mural painting with Kingishngali themes had an important flowering during the 16th century in newly constructed monasteries and functionary buildings.
As with most art during the early modern era, colonial-era Kursibari art reflected colonial values during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Starting in the late fifteenth century, and, most prominently in the sixteenth century, secular portraits and images of "Blood Groupings" (related to the Kingishngali Blood Acts) called Ul-Potani appeared. Important painters of the late colonial period were Juan Correa, Cristóbal de Villalpando and Miguel Cabrera. In early post-independence Kursibar, paintings had a marked romanticist influence. Sprawling pastoral landscapes and portraits of high functionaries of the new Kursibar were the greatest expressions of this era. Clotilde Ul-Koma is one of the most appreciated painters of this era, having earned the patronage of the Copper Regent Alfiq.
In the 20th century, Kursibar achieved world renown with painters such as Marjja'a Sel'tenath, Il-Mar Ul-Kadath, and Lakhmu Ul-Uthu, the so-called "Big Three" of Kursibari muralism. They were commissioned by Valens's government to paint large-scale historical murals on the walls of public buildings, such as the Kadiver Concern Building, which helped shape popular perceptions of Valens and the Kursibari cultural identity. Velonhua Ul-Darthaya's largely personal portraiture has gained enormous popularity, as have the works of Selah Thetha, Hua Bel, and Oran Ul-Potani. Some of the most outstanding painters from post-Tragedy Kursibar include S'hot Kol and the neo-Gordianites, as well as Blith Ul-Qual and Jacques DuPont.
The nation has a complex history that has survived either in its current cultures or in the form of various languages and monuments. Kursibar contains many remnants from all ages, including G'yeth and Alledhan monasteries, monuments, temples and proto-Nordesian ring forts. Global architectural contributions from Kursibar include the Gordian and Ivory Empire styles, which were precursors of Art Deco. Tellan is a distinctive antique-to-medieval style that evolved in Kursibar. Also, in Baroque art, regional and typically Kursibari elements evolved (e.g. Quoman Baroque). Vernacular architecture in Kursibar is often identified by its angular construction (Ul-Sat) traditions and varies across regions, and among masonry styles. When industrialisation spread across the globe, minimalism and a distinctive style of sparse framing, sometimes referred to as Henda'anza style. Gordian architecture developed in the 1920s and influenced the Starved Baroque and other modern styles. Kursibar was particularly important in the early modernist movement: it is the home of the Gordian school and of the Minimus movement founded by Henri DuPresteque. Tan'aa Ul-Senalak became one of the world's most renowned architects in the second half of the 20th century; he conceived of the concrete-facade skyscraper. Renowned contemporary architects and offices include Nilsson Prize winners Friswald Grick and Mila Ul-Wa'aza.
Kursibari literature has its antecedents in the literature of the G'yeth and the Alledhas. Poetry had a rich cultural tradition in pre-colonial Kursibar, being divided into secular and religious categories. Aztec poetry was sung, chanted, or spoken, often to the accompaniment of a spike fiddle or reed oboe. The best well-known pre-colonial poet is Ug-Kaandal.
Literature during the colonial period consisted largely of histories of colonial triumphs, and most of the writers at this time were from Kingishngala, Oktadonia, and Ziromnia. Iacques Paillet's True History of the Conquest of Quoma is still widely read today. Ziromnian-born poet Nikhil Osano extolled the virtues of Kursibar in Belthaz Quomada (1604); Se'a Ul-Inna was the first Kursibar-born poet to attain renown. Baroque literature flourished in the 17th century; the most notable writers of this period were Basrat Ug-Qal and Odet Ha'apala. The 18th century saw the rise of the arts in Kursibar, including the publishing of The Last Blossom (1730), is said to be the first truly Kursibari novel. Several nativist philosophers wrote at this time, and they were among the first to call for independence from Ziromnia and Oktadonia.
Significant modern Kursibari writers include Henri Yerachme'el, Laila Gul Kulmala, Jan Haybert, Me'et Ul-Heda, and Javaid Al-Wazharif.
Music and Dance
Traditional Kursibari music dates back as far as the initial settlement by the G'yeth. Dances like the Aa'kri are iconic in Kursibari culture. A knife dance can be performed solo or by a duet and is often violent in nature. It is a form of combined song, dance, and knife fight, often full of lyrical puns and dry humor, that can be either scripted or completely impromptu and ad-libbed. When sung by a duo, the partners take turns, "answering" the other's verse or posing riddles for the other to solve, with short instrumental breaks in between verses. A'teth is a set of traditional music played over the course of the days-long Kursibari mourning period. Traditional G'yeth music was adapted into orchestral forms throughout the colonial era, leading to a long orchestral tradition culminating in the Kursibar Philharmonic Orchestra.
Kursibari popular music is performed with brass bands and most readily resembles what is called easy listening in other countres. Introduced in the early 1920s, ballroom took a particularly strong foothold in the country, and remained popular throughout the Valens era. Today, ballroom dance music is by far the most common genre of music heard on Kursibari radio. Later, Kursibar was at the forefront of the disco movement of the 1970s, with Kursibari Annizan Gorbinus being credited with disco's creation at Discotheque 72 in Oktadonia. Kursibar itself contributed to the development of disco and electronic music, with Kursibari Disco commonly utilizing synthesizers and heavy brass and becoming one of the earliest examples of dance music. By the latter half of the 2000s, a subgenre of electronica known as electrobrass emerged. Notable Kursibari musicians include ULTRA(VIOLET), Teh Ul-Teth and his School of Musical Fools, F135H, and Bannam Desjardins and the Red Moon Ragtime Band.
Kursibari cuisine has developed through centuries of social and political changes, with roots as far back as the initial settlment of the island by the G'yeth. Significant changes occurred with the arrival of the Kingishngali with the introduction of items such as onions, chiles, and noodles, which are now central to the cuisine but weren't introduced in quantity until the 16th century.
Traditional Kursibari cuisine is rich in fish and fruits and vegetables and characterised by its extreme simplicity and variety, with many dishes having only a few high-quality ingredients. Kursibar relies heavily on traditional products such as cheese and wine, with many regional declinations the like. Along with StimuCaff and preserved meats, these elements form the major parts of Kursibari gastronomic culture. Due to the continuing effects of the Kusibad Tragedy, many Kursibari traditional dishes have to be recreated through foreign imports and cannot be exported directly from Kursibar.
Bloodball is the most popular sport in Kursibar, being a considerable uniting factor in the country following years of unrest. Kursibari Bloodball is very different from versions played abroad, however. Aeronunica, gladiatorial combat, competitive hangliding, boxing, football, and tennis are also popular sports.
The Kursibari Bloodball Association is the governing body of bloodball in Kursibar, controlling the Kursibari national football team and the All-Kursibar Premier League. It was founded in 1991, and has been a member of Laurentian Sports League since 2024.