Domoni
 / | |
|---|---|
 A Domoni family on their boat, 1920 | |
| Total population | |
| ~15,000,000 | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
 Dezevau | 10,000,000 |
| Other | 5,000,000 |
| Languages | |
| Ziba | |
| Religion | |
| Primarily Badi and irreligion | |
The Domoni (Ziba: [dɒmɒni] lit. 'boat people') or Jaujeni (Ziba: [ð̠ɒɯð̠əni] lit. 'river people') are an ethnic group or social class, primarily in Dezevau and the Dezevauni diaspora. They traditionally live on and make their living on water, inhabiting houseboats or similar dwellings, and engaging in activities such as fishing, navigation and freediving, as well as waterborne nomadism.
The Domoni have been an identifiable group since at least the 15th century, and have historically been subject to discrimination, marginalisation, and assimilationist policies, despite their importance as mercantile, civil and naval sailors in the Aguda Empire, and in the navies of later states in and around Dezevau. Folk conceptions of ethnicity in Dezevau conceived of the Domoni as the smallest of three main groupings, the other two being peasants and urbanites. In modern times, economic changes have resulted in the decline of the traditional lifestyle of the Domoni, with many of them migrating away from ancestral waters or settling on land.
Like most people in Dezevau, Domoni generally speak varieties of Ziba, and traditionally practiced Badi. High levels of contact, migration and intermarriage between Domoni and neighbouring groups mean that categorisation is difficult, but it is estimated that there are about 15 million Domoni, mostly in Dezevau, forming about 5% to 10% of the Dezevauni population (a proportion that has been maintained roughly for the last century).
Name
The usual Domoni endonym is (jaujeni), meaning "river people" in Ziba. However, the usual exonym applied is (domoni), meaning "boat people". The terminology can be said to reflect the conceptions of identity; while the Domoni regard themselves as people whose home is the waterways, (in contrast with the juni, urbanites, and the geguoni, peasants) they have been regarded by outsiders as merely inhabitants of vessels on them. In the past, the terms were more charged, but Domoni is now the most common term generally, except as used by Domoni between themselves.
These terms might also be used in a more general, common sense, to refer to people associated with, living on or working with boats or rivers. It should be noted, also, that Domoni did not traditionally only live on or near rivers, but also lakes, seas, and other navigable bodies of water generally.
In Euclean languages, the Domoni were sometimes referred to as "Sea Gypsies", drawing parallels between them and Savaders because of their marginalisation, nomadism, and dispersion. This term, like the term "gypsy" itself, is antiquated, and now considered offensive.
Distribution
Historically, Domoni were distributed across the major river systems and lakes of Dezevau, and its inland seas—mainly the lower Bugunho, Buiganhingi and Doboadane systems, Binhame Inlet and the Bay of Lights. While most today no longer live on waterways proper, most still live in approximately the same regions, which are broadly the most fertile and urbanised regions of Dezevau. States of Dezevau with high populations of Domoni include Bagabiada, Biunhamao and the Binhame Coast. There was no clear distinction between Domoni who lived on freshwater and those who lived on saltwater, as Domoni migrated from place to place frequently, but it might be estimated that around two thirds of Domoni were freshwater-dwelling and one-third were saltwater.
Around 10 million Domoni live in Dezevau, and around 5 million overseas, forming part of the Dezevauni diaspora. A substantial proportion of overseas Domoni live in Lavana, though their presence there is much smaller than in Dezevau due to emigration and integration. In the diaspora, Domoni mostly do not live nomadically or on waterways.
History
Ancient
The precise origins of the Domoni are unclear, but it is generally thought that they are descendant from the same populations which have inhabited Dezevau and the surrounds for the last two millennia, dating back to the nascent urbanisation of the Dhebinhejo Culture. In particular, it is likely that immigrants from other regions, outcasts from the cities and countryside, and landless migrants formed the stock of the Domoni. Economic activities and transport on and around the rivers of Dezevau were very important to societies in the region since time immemorial, but a distinct waterborne population probably did not develop until development spurred the intensification of navigation, the construction of canals and other hydraulic projects, and in general, an intensification of waterborne activities.
Medieval
In the city-states of medieval Dezevau, the Domoni occupied a middle ground in the dichotomy between urbanites and peasants. While they lived their lives outside the symbolic limina of the city walls (most city-states' ports and docking facilities were outside their walls, so that Domoni visiting or near city-states often did not enter them proper for long), they were also not landed. Because of their frequent migration and involvement with commerce and hydraulic infrastructure (Domoni were often employed as temporary labourers on canals and such), peasants viewed them as more urban than rural. On the other hand, as mentioned, they did not live or work within the boundaries of cities, were dispersed in population, and worked in physical, resource-gathering occupations; the inhabitants of the cities regarded them as essentially rural.
Political power was concentrated in the cities in the city-state systems of medieval Dezevau. Like rural peasants, Domoni were typically affiliated with, but not full citizens of city-states; they provided tribute, taxes or services in return for access to facilities (such as for trade or repair) and goods, but the switching of allegiances was relatively lightly done. However, unlike farmers, Domoni had no immovably permanent fixed abode, and also functioned in smaller units than the rural villages; the result was that the relationships between Domoni and city-states tended to be more commercial, more specific, and more often at arm's length. It has been argued that proto-capitalism developed not only in the Dezevauni city-states, but also as a result of their engagement with the Domoni, necessitating complexity as there were large distances, various jurisdictions and various parties (who might not be as tightly bound by social mores) involved.
At times, Domoni were stereotyped or discriminated against, as untrustworthy, strange or dirty. This was not widespread or severe, and there was continuing intermixture and transmigration, and an appreciation of their role as fisherpeople, navigators and such. Additionally, Domoni were seen as allies by urbanites against piracy, which was largely perpetrated by mobile rural groups on land, though some Domoni were pirates as well. Their mobility, however, was important in their developing a shared identity, and being distinguished as a group; if the environment became hostile in one place, they could relatively easily move further afield. It is believed that Domoni may not have broadly become Badist until the medieval era, later than their landed counterparts, which may have contributed to animosity; modern Domoni Badi may retain certain antique characteristics.
Aguda Empire
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Compared to landed populations, Domoni were at first relatively unaffected by the expansion of the Aguda Empire, as commercial and navigational arrangements were largely preserved at the local level. However, the stable and unified markets ushered in by the empire, as well as its material needs for increased shipping, communication and military supplies (only at the frontiers later on) changed Domoni life. Units of organisation larger than houseboat-holds became more common, as agreements involving multiple cities or waterways could be concluded and expected to be upheld, allowing greater coordination and complexity. Piracy in the region, also, essentially vanished. The increased administration of the countryside, in terms of matters such as tax collection and the courts also penetrated to Domoni society. Quickly, Domoni people and associations (often imbued with familial, religious or commercial purpose) became more integrated with urban and territorial commercial pursuits.
By the 17th century, most Domoni were involved in some way with associations, which acted similar to guilds, unions or companies, supplying shipping or stevedoring services or maritime labour. The line between Domoni and maritime or waterside workers (such as merchant sailors, marines and stevedores) eroded significantly; in previous times, cities preferred to use urban natives on warships and for important trade. Around six of the twelve largest shipping organisations in the Aguda Empire in 1749 were affiliated with Domoni. This newfound acceptance into more respectable society was to a significant extent the result of Aguda policies which sought to integrate them more fully. Imperial governments saw them as a valuable source of labour with skills applicable to the empire's highly hydraulic infrastructure, who were also unaffiliated with provincial urban interests. Integration also eliminated the threat that they could pose to the empire's waterways, a threat which was largely unrealised but which could be compared with the disruptive resistance that came at times from fiercely independent peasant communes and the Pelangi in the Panjang Mountains. It should be noted, however, the marketisation of the Domoni was by no means absolute, and most Domoni continued to practice subsistence activities for at least part of their livelihood, and many were never involved with more substantially commercial pursuits.
Also by the 17th century, the Aguda Empire had begun recruiting Domoni into its navy; some rose quickly to higher ranks owing to merit, despite lingering negative attitudes. Scholarship is of several minds on the ethnic demography of the personnel of the late Aguda navy, but it is not in doubt that a very significant proportion became Domoni, such that the traditions and practices of navies in the region were infused by Domoni culture, the influence lasting even through periods where Domoni were a more negligible proportion of navies, up until the present day. Although the personnel requirements of the imperial navy were much less than civilian shipping, naval recruitment was also a significant part of the history of the Domoni people, and also an element of Aguda internal policy.
The idea of the three peoples of the Dezevau region, those living in cities, on the land, and on the water (the Domoni being the last one), was popularised in the Aguda Empire period, possibly as a way to minimise or at restructure weaken ethnic differences and regionalism.
Gaullican Southeast Coius
Aguda society changed as corruption and reliance on foreign funding and firepower became more common. Shipping in further reaches of the empire declined as territory was lost, or was outsourced to foreign mariners, while the traditional occupational preserves of the Domoni were threatened by a growing rural population which increasingly found itself without work, surplus in the traditional economy. Colonial powers, in particular Gaullica (which secured control of most of the empire through Saint Bermude's Company), often preferred to deal with the landed, urbanised elite, whose cultural, political and moral power was complimentary to colonial operations, whereas Domoni commerce was in competition. Patterns of shipping changed to be more extractive, and overall, the robustness of the internal market in the region went into decline; at the Aguda Empire's formal abolition in 1866, phenomena such as gowsa emigration and deurbanisation to less complex primary resource extraction or processing for effort showcased the weakness of the economy. The division of the empire into successor states also disrupted the widely-distributed Domoni (though later centralisation rendered divisions largely symbolic), while Bureau for Southeast Coius policy was no kinder than that of the Company after it was nationalised in 1889. The census taken adminstered in Gaullican Southeast Coius after nationalisation found a population of 2,490,600 Domoni.
Many Domoni continued working in maritime or waterside industries, but increased labour availability and the entrenching of urban privilege and inequality by colonial power significantly reduced their stature and their organisations' significance. Despite policies that displaced Domoni from traditional homes such as wetland-draining, river-canalisation, and canal construction and widening, many Domoni returned to subsistence activities as commercial opportunities became scarcer and less attractive. Nascent import-substitution industrialisation absorbed a significant surplus amount of labour, but after the Great Collapse of 1913, unemployment was worse than ever. In some areas, industrial activities caused pollution which disrupted Domoni gathering. Many Domoni, dissatisfied by the state of affairs, joined the Social Liberation Party (founded 1901), later better known as the Dezevauni Section of the Workers' International. The most significant alleviation of unemployment occurred with the outbreak of the Great War in 1927, where Gaullican Southeast Coius saw little combat, but rather mainly supplied the war effort until the eventual victory of the Grand Alliance.
Decolonisation
Many Domoni were involved with the Dezevauni Section of the Workers' International, and were thus involved with its efforts to liberate the region from colonial domination. The party took an internationalist, ethnically nonsectarian approach, and so it had members not only from the Domoni but also the other ethnicities in the Dezevau region; the most prominent Domoni in the party was Gizega Danome.
In the immediate aftermath of the Great War, the DSWI attempted to assert administration over many areas, taking Gaullican surrenders, accessing wartime materiel and such. However, the official peace agreement provided that Estmere was to accept the Gaullican surrender in Gaullican Southeast Coius, and it was thereafter to be trustee for a Community of Nations mandate over the region until such time as independence was appropriate and viable (in the trustee's opinion). The surreptitious resistance and organisational networks built up during the war emerged to provide stiffer opposition to the mandate, which Estmere was little able or politically willing to maintain in the context of postwar exhaustion and ideological changes. Independence was to come by 1940, but in the period before it, a great deal of migration occurred in the region, along with disruption owing from changing and conflicting attempts at authority. Domoni who were able to rely on waterborne nomadism and traditional subsistence often fared well, often becoming involved with migration transport and small-scale commerce in the scarcely-regulated environment. Their ability to gather from the environment insulated them from food shortages that some urbanites suffered. However, at the same time, administrative marginalisation was an issue, with Domoni failing to receive scarce aid because of their habitation, or not being easily or sufficiently documented.
The partition of Gaullican Southeast Coius was a major event in the history of contemporary Domoni, even though those negotiating it paid relatively little attention to Domoni populations. Many suddenly found themselves in a country they did not necessarily comprehend the basis of, with a new nationality they may not have identified with. Though some attempts were made at helping Domoni move to their desired homes by national governments, the imposition of hard national borders and new governments which did not necessarily have experience in dealing with them were shocks. Many Domoni migrated to cities or settled on land offered them through land reform (as religious and colonial-plantation estates were dismantled), rather than continue to pursue habitats, occupations or lifestyles which seemed insecure and difficult. Most Domoni (around 90%) who did not abandon their identity ended up in Dezevau (where the greatest population already was), rather than any of the surrounding successors to Gaullican Southeast Coius, such as Lavana. However, it was also in and around this period that Domoni regionalism and nationalism reached their zenith, as many asserted a right to nationality in the context of nation-based decolonisation (though the dispersion and nomadism of Domoni made proposals nonviable in the context of internationally received notions of landed sovereignty). The hook-and-quant became a recognised Domoni symbol at or before this time.
Contemporary
With the dismantling of at least the more formalistic class systems and the gradual erosion of ethnic identity in Dezevau, many descendants of Domoni do not identify with the label, or are unaware of their ethnic history. Among those who do consider themselves Domoni, many are older, or are aware of it only in a genetic sense, with no purported cultural identification or traits. Consistently applied, mostly incentive-based assimilationist policies did their work mostly in the mid 20th century to integrate the Domoni into the contemporary Dezevauni economy. A recent revival of interest has turned around the idea that the Domoni are a moribund ethnicity, but on the whole, the social-ethnic identity of the Domoni is much less significant in the past, because of economic, social, cultural, political change; few occupations are still associated with particular ethnicities in Dezevau, and intense urbanisation has left all non-urban dwellers a minority.
Despite occasional antipathy or neglect from the socialist government (which was focused on development through urbanisation as well as agrarian socialism), some Domoni still practice lifestyles which are essentially traditional, in the sense that they are on water, at least capable of nomadism, and engaging in activities such as fishing and freediving. Numbers of people practicing such are decreasing, and in some cases, governments (state and federal) are unsympathetic, even incidentally illegalising certain activities that are part of Domoni lifestyles. Many Domoni themselves find it difficult to take advantage of educational opportunities, to find employment, to use modern appliances, to formalise their property rights, to legally work the waterways, and so forth, while engaging in traditional waterborne nomadism. Domoni form an above average proportion of post-gowsa period emigrants from Dezevau, mainly for economic reasons.
The contributions of Domoni have, however, been celebrated to some extent in Dezevau. In a comparable way to the Aguda Empire's utilisation of Domoni as workers unaffiliated to cities, it has been thought that the political and cultural influence of Domoni was significant in asserting ideas such as aquatic commons, and preventing the privatisation or regionalisation of waterways in postcolonial Southeast Coius, producing a more robust, interconnected, sustainable economic, political and social system around the use of waterways. Furthermore, recent public interest and scholarship has been invigorated to some extent on topics including Domoni religion (mostly Badist sects), cuisine, music, literature, physiology, health and language. Some academic institutions declared 2018 the Year of the Domoni.
Society
Class
While the Domoni are most commonly understood as an ethnic group, their commonalities based on habitation, occupation and social status, and close integration with other peoples in Dezevau give them characteristics of a social class. It could be said that they had a lower status than urbanites (whose city-states were at the peak of hierarchy) and peasants (whose connection to the land was respected and revered), despite being generally wealthier in liquidity than peasants. However, social class was most significant to the detriment of landless migrant workers, often freed slaves, who did not belong to any of the groups associated with water, land or city. People in that demographic more often joined the Domoni than the other groups when they were not indentured to urban projects, creating a weak association.
With the advent of socialism after the Great War, the separation of ethnicities and classes was substantially broken down, such that the main significance of being Domoni is remnant ethnic identification. The Domoni affairs department of the Dezevauni Section of the Workers' International was practically abolished in 1960. Domoni are engaged in society in similar ways to their neighbours, generally having formal (non-traditional) employment and education, fixed abode, and government identification. However, Domoni are on average somewhat less materially wealthy, less formally educated, less represented in positions of power, and more lacking in access to services such as healthcare and emergency services than non-Domoni. For instance, the average Domoni person sees a doctor around 25% less often than the average non-Domoni person, and is more likely to have a curable infectious disease (thought they are likely to be in better health in other aspects). The gap is statistically significant, but gradually closing. Domoni are somewhat disadvantaged to some extent, but they are not widely considered to be particularly marginalised within Dezevau anymore, especially compared to groups such as the Pelangi or the Ndjarendie.
Kinship and relationships
Domoni were historically organised around houseboat-holds, houseboat-based household units created and negotiated through courtship and discussion. This structure can be seen as parallel to the communal villages, the larger organisational units of peasants in Dezevau. From the Aguda Empire onwards, many became involved with larger associations, which might be compared to guilds, unions, companies or benevolent societies. The power of these associations was substantially diminished by colonial-era centralisation and socialist-era councilisation, but many Domoni still loosely identify with or participate in associations. Some of the largest extant include the Fraternity of the Pole, the Bugunho Association, and the Navigational Society of the Eastern Domoni. Notably, apart from these voluntary associations, there were not really any units of organisation for Domoni larger than the houseboat; no substantial indigenous hierarchy ever existed (despite vague and inaccurate stories of "Kings of the Domoni"), except in their relations with more powerful land-based peoples.
Houseboat-holds were of varying size and composition. They could have anywhere between one and several dozen people, but the vast majority fell in between. Inhabitants pooled their resources and money, and divided labour between themselves, including employment off the houseboat, and childrearing. While houseboats were generally robustly built, Domoni euphemisms for someone being of age or propensity to move out made reference to caution for the houseboat's "waterline sitting low", in reference to the growth of the person.
To found a houseboat-hold, typically, two or more people of reproductive age would spend a trial period (the length generally pre-agreed) living together on a small houseboat, often spare or temporary for this purpose. Their home houseboat-holds would remain nearby for the trial period, and might assist to some extent with material needs, though part of the trial was the division of labour. A trial period could be as short as a day or as long as several months. They were not undertaken lightly, though they were no guarantee of a household-founding by any means; it was the last hurdle for people who knew each other beforehand and were seriously considering founding a houseboat-hold together.
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When the trial period was over, the inhabitants would return to their home houseboats to think, and then meet again to decide whether to found a household; if any of the people involved did not wish to do so, they were free to leave, and often only a subset of the trial period inhabitants went ahead. A founding of a houseboat-hold was accompanied by celebration and gift-giving for the houseboat, by acquaintances, friends, community figures and members of the houseboat-holds being departed. Those close to the new houseboat-hold members would then help them construct a sturdier, permanent houseboat to inhabit. Some places were known as ideal for houseboat-founding because of the availability of construction resources, and some of these places are now preserved, and used for conventional weddings by Domoni and others.
The distinction between a houseboat-hold and a familial unit can be difficult to make at times, and indeed, many different familial models existed throughout history and from place to place. Generally, the reproductive-age couple (or more) did engage in reproduction with each other, and regarded their children as one. However, it was not abnormal for several couples (or larger groupings) to exist on a single large houseboat at a contemporaneous age, and to maintain a distinction between their children even as economic resources were pooled. Accounts of favouritism between partners or single parenting where one member departed or died were also exist, and there are also accounts of gay, lesbian, bisexual/romantic, pansexual/romantic, etc. relationships.
Houseboat-holds were not only founded by a few reproductive age people at a time, and would also change over time. For instance, when relationships broke down or otherwise changed, adult inhabitants might split off to found their own houseboats. The elderly or invalid might move into a houseboat because they were unable to live independently anymore. Some people chose to live alone on a houseboat, while participating in the wider community.
It has been argued that the close ties born of and associated with the houseboat-unit, and the variation possible in terms of dwelling configuration and size, meant that Domoni had much more flexible kinship structures than most other peoples. Others, however, emphasise the looseness of familial ties even in the cities of the region, and consider the houseboats to only have been a distinguishing and compartmentalising feature of Domoni culture, rather than a definitive one. Scholarship, especially anthropology and sociology, still regards the field as one of significant interest, because of its unusual definition. Many of the older generations who grew up on houseboats are still alive, but as many are so elderly, primary research has an expiry date.
Societal changes such as intermixture, digital communication, socialist ideologisation, improved construction allowing larger houseboats and Domoni emigration from traditional waterways mean that few people preserve the relationship structures of Domoni past. In the postwar period, Domoni kinship structures followed the same trends followed by the rest of Dezevauni society; monogamy became more usual, marriage was deemphasised in terms of marking coming-of-age, the age of marriage increased, fertility decreased, the importance of non-household relationships increased (e.g. workplace, educational, parasocial), etc. Studies from the 1990s suggest that Domoni (by ethnic definition) kinship and social relations had essentially merged with that of mainstream Dezevauni culture by that time.
Economy
Domoni people engaged in a range of economic activities in the course of their traditional lifestyles, in many arenas: onboard vessels, in the water, on shores, and on dry land, in both the cities and the countryside. They provided for themselves through both subsistence activities and through trading with others.
Perhaps the most important activity was fishing. Both while on the move and while moored, Domoni made use of both net and line techniques to gather fish; often, one part of a Domoni's houseboat was permanently reserved for storage and processing of the catch. Important types of fish include snapper, catfish, eel and carp. Domoni ate a great deal of fish, in a variety of preparations, and being able to remove the flesh from the bones of very small fish was an important part of growing up Domoni. However, they also sold on a large part of what they caught, perhaps a majority of it, to landed peoples. Fishing was done both by rural people and urbanites, but mostly it was easier to trade with the Domoni for their catch, whose expertise was greater and whose overheads were less. Domoni tended to sell the larger, more impressive looking, less bony fish that they caught, as these would tend to fetch higher prices; much Domoni cuisine is based on smaller fish whose tastes might be more acquired. Some landed people did conduct aquaculture, however, which was a source of fish in competition to the Domoni. Overall, the most eaten type of meat in Dezevau is fish.
Domoni kept and sold fresh fish, sometimes keeping them alive right up to the point of sale or cooking by keeping them in cages in the water on the side of the boat, or less commonly, in tanks onboard. However, they also preserved fish, selling or consuming them in preserved form. This might involve drying, salting, smoking, pickling, or some combination of these methods. Hot-smoking was the method used, as there was not enough space on board boats for long-term cold-smoking, whereas the movement of the boat could create a breeze to fan a fire consistently (and it would also disperse the smells).
Apart from fish, Domoni gathered a wide variety of resources from their environment. These might include shellfish (both as food, but also to use the shells in ornamentation, for medicine, as tools or containers, for making lime or other uses), light wood and bamboo, fibre (such as palm fronds, coconut shell, papyrus), bog ore, seaweed, precious or semi-precious stones and pearls.
In particular, the freediving capabilities of Domoni were remarkable. They were known to gather stones, ore, shellfish, aquatic plants or especially pearls in a way that was not possible for those who did not have the characteristics of Domoni, which were mostly acquired by long practice and habit. In some cases,
Onboard, while not actively navigating, or just while moored, Domoni would also engage in a variety of handicrafts. These included textile manufacture (ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, knitting, embroidery, dyeing, etc.), carving (of bone, stone, wood, etc.), ink-making and perfume-making. These might utilise raw materials acquired personally, or purchased, and the goods produced might also be sold for profit, or used personally. For instance, weaving might be done with palm fronds picked up during travel to create a fishnet for personal use, or it might be done with purchased cotton to produce fabric to be sold at a market. The motion of the boat on the water meant that some activities had an added level of difficulty for Domoni, and they specialised in some activities which would not be disrupted so much by slight movements, or would else alight on land to do some things, or else simply compensate with particular care and skill.
Domoni did not only work in the context of their houseboat-hold, but were also frequently hired to labour elsewhere. In particular, they were useful for city-states' efforts in constructing or maintaining ships, canals or other hydraulic infrastructure some distance from the city itself. Domoni had at least a basic understanding of principles relating to boats and waterways, and could also relatively easily arrive and stay at work sites, as well as depart quickly if problems arose (such as military retaliation). Urban workers were often leery of and resistant to travelling far from the city to work, especially where rural peasants might not be supportive, and furthermore, conflicts between and loyalties to city-states might be important, whereas Domoni generally stayed uninvolved, going where the pay was, and typically not being retaliated against for working for an enemy. The Domoni themselves, it should also be noted, had somewhat of a vested interest in making sure that canals proliferated, and stayed in working order.
Apart from construction, Domoni were also hired to convey information, goods or people from place to place. Shipping was conducted by governments or other establishments, but if one wanted something done at low cost, without much regard for expediency, at a small scale, or otherwise in a way that made it inappropriate as a large-scale, organised venture, Domoni services were available. Many poor migrants would hitch a ride with Domoni, which helped facilitate migration in Dezevau, but also created links between Domoni and land-dwellers. Domoni became much more involved in commercial transportation operations during the late Aguda Empire, and some associations became very large, powerful and wealthy, but these operations fell away again with the advent of colonialism.
Today, Domoni people are generally not significantly different from the general Dezevauni population (or the population of the country they inhabit) in terms of economic status. Most are working class or lower-middle. Many still work in waterside industries, but in a more conventional capacity. Mostly, this is a result of socialist policies which did not seek the preserve the distinctiveness of the Domoni, but rather offered opportunity on land, while reorganising management of the waterways along lines that suited industrialism, mechanisation, and generally modern methods of production. The most significant changes, realignments and migrations occurred in the mid and late 20th century.
Nomadism
Domoni houseboats (generally referred to by Domoni only as a "boat", File:ZibaDomo.png domo) are not merely waterborne, but usually capable of travel. In the past, a variety of methods were used, such as poling, sailing, towing (from on land), rowing and drifting with the current, but today, powered motors are most commonly used for distance travel. Travel was a basic part of Domoni life, and continues to be where possible for those living on water.
Houseboats would navigate from place to place for a variety of reasons, but spend a great deal of time stationary to allow activities to occur. Domoni might move because they were contracted to transport goods, people or communications, because the local area was depleted of resources, because the local conditions were unfavourable (either because of nature or because of local inhabitants), to find commercial employment, to make a pilgrimage, to visit friends or family, or even recreationally. On the other hand, they might stay at a place while food or other resources were being gathered, while employment was available, where an event of some sort (perhaps religious, recreational, commercial) was taking place, or to rest.
Domoni often had a region within which they would move about, as many opportunities or hazards were seasonal or occasional; they would become adept at navigation and living in that area, and indeed, the people they knew would also be within that area, such that they might not always be in contact, but through word-of-mouth and major events could find them again. The area in which a Domoni person might live might be a stretch of river, a few tributaries, a few canals, a lake or a few lakes. If a Domoni person were asked where they lived, they would typically describe the extent of these waterways. However, larger scale migrations or relocations were not unknown, especially where entire regions became more or less attractive to Domoni.
In the areas inhabited by Domoni, there also tended to be common gathering places. These were often near other inhabited places such as cities, but were not necessarily known to non-Domoni, as their habitation on the water produced a very different lived geography to that of land-dwellers. These places were not necessarily permanently inhabited by anyone, but they would almost always have some Domoni around. They were places which, because of the characteristics of local inhabitants, because of their morphology and nearby resources and other aspects of natural geography, were well-suited for Domoni to gather at. There, they might moor and rest in safety, exchange goods, information and stories with members of the community, catch up with people and hold celebrations or events, and restock if the gathering place was well-resourced of something. Sometimes, these places were inhabited by non-Domoni, who would often become involved with the Domoni who would pass through; the permanent inhabitants might operate a trading post buying and selling trade goods and providing provisions, and keep and pass on messages. Such people were sometimes regarded by non-Domoni as Domoni themselves, but they did not generally consider themselves Domoni, nor did the Domoni consider them as such, though relationships and intermixture were common where this arrangement arose.
On the part of land-dwellers, both navigable waterways and the banks of navigable waterways (excluding those located within city boundaries) were regarded in some sense as the domain of Domoni, albeit by no means exclusively. Peasants tended to constrain themselves to their defined agricultural and incidental lands, and the cities to an area within a stone's throw of the city walls and any walled outposts. This arrangement allowed Domoni to treat the waterways as commons on which they were the most involved inhabitants.
Religion
Domoni were historically Badist, but there were some peculiarities to Domoni Badi, which it has been suggested are remnants of ancient customs which fell out of favour in mainstream urbanised Badi. The Cult of the Sea is still popular with many coastal Domoni, and exhibits some of these unique features. Many Domoni on or near Lake Zindarud have affiliations with Pure Water Badi.
During the early colonial period, there was an upswing in Domoni conversions to various forms of Sotirianity, but this fell by the wayside as the Sotirian Catholic Church became part of the governing institutions, and lost a great deal of popularity among marginalised peoples. Many Domoni who emigrated to Sotirian countries are Sotirian, having migrated to a country of the same faith or having converted; overall, a substantial proportion of Domoni are Sotirian, mostly Catholic or non-denominational.
Today, in common with contemporary trends in Dezevau, spurred on by socialist agnosticism and atheism, most Domoni are irreligious, even as they practice some cultural customs inherited from Badi. Precise figures are difficult to come by because of the complexity of both religious and ethnic identity in Dezevau, but it has been estimated that half of all Domoni in Dezevau profess no religion.
Language
Domoni generally speak the Ziba language, like their neighbours. Some varieties of Ziba are endemic to Domoni communities, such as the Lower Doboadane and Buiganhingi-Bugunho Domoni varieties, though many of these are in decline; Domoni generally speak several registers or dialects of Ziba, for communicating with other Domoni, and with the non-Domoni Ziba speakers of the region they inhabit. There is evidence that state projects for harmonising dialects are reducing this diversity.
Where Domoni have emigrated, they have generally picked up the local common language or dialect. In turn, Domoni have contributed features to the Ziba languge which are used more broadly, and may even be considered Standard Ziba:
- The idiom of "the boat's waterline being low" meaning that someone ought to find or proceed with a sexual or romantic relationship
- The idiom "patching the boat's back while the front leaks" meaning to do something useless or counterproductive
- Terms used to describe food such as "neutralising, piquant, offsetting" "like the taste of fresh fish or seafood" "sea cucumber"
- Terms used in waterborne navigation such as "quant pole or sett pole" "navigational conditions, nautical or hydrological weather"
- The metaphor of
vajezi "fresh" (in the sense of non-saline) for File:ZibaZebedi.png zebedi "high" and File:ZibaGouvu.png gouvu "salty" for 
gavu "low", and vice versa (albeit less commonly) - The common greeting and farewell pair
jo and 
ja, or 
zo and 
za
Cuisine
The cuisine of Domoni is comparable to Dezevauni cuisine generally in its overall configuration, but strongly influenced by the availability of ingredients and the practicalities of food preparation on the water and while travelling; space is scarce, fire consumes fuel that there is limited space to store, fire is especially dangerous on board, and humidity is high.
The traditional categories of food in Dezevauni cooking are dairy, starch (e.g. wheat, rice, potato), fruit, meat, vegetables and seafood, while nuts/spices and oils are sometimes also included (but are not so much primary foodstuffs). The staple is generally the fruit group, which includes many botanical fruits considered culinary vegetables in the East, and some other foods not conventionally considered fruits elsewhere. Domoni diets substantially incorporate fruit in similar ways to landed cooking, whether raw, mashed, used to improve a soup or stew, roasted, fried or spiced, but access to agricultural products is reduced on water, despite trade. Seafood and preserved foods (such as cheese, meat or vegetables dried or pickled) play a larger role.
Notable ingredients include fish, shellfish, sea cucumber, seaweed and water chestnuts, while notable preparations include smoked meats and fish and high-heat stir-fried or pan-fried fish, fruit, vegetables, etc.
Customs
Influenced by Badi as well as historical lifestyles, Domoni have some cultural customs which are unique, ranging from medical beliefs to stories to physical habits. Much of Domoni culture is undocumented because of their historical status, and may remain so as traditional Domoni communities decline and disperse. However, some recorded positions and elements include:
- A healthy diet must have a balance of foods that float in water and foods that sink
- The end of a quant pole that has fallen off after long use is a lucky item
- One born on water will die on water
- Money should be stored at the front of a boat/ship
- Libations poured in waterways can affect luck and moods; fruit juice might be poured for good provisioning; ink might be poured for logical thinking
- Water that has been still for too long should not be drunk, or should be boiled before drinking (even if stored in a container)
- Flipping should be avoided, as it imitates the motion of a boat capsizing; fish should be eaten by removing the bones in the middle, not flipping over to access the meat
- Eating shellfish makes one beautiful
- Eating fish swim bladders makes one buoyant
- Eating fish scales, tails and fins hardens one's skin
- Black birds beneath white clouds are a sign of good luck
- A contract signed at the threshold of water and land (e.g. a mud flat or a wharf) will not hold; it should be signed clearly on land, or clearly on the water
- Being naturally left-handed is good luck
- Bones (proper, not like cartilage or fishbones) are sacred and should be respected
Genetics and physiology
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Domoni are mostly physically indistinguishable from other Dezevauni people, but some have been noted to have unusually high lung capacities and other adaptations that make them good swimmers and freedivers. It is not entirely clear whether these are a result of nature or nurture; some experiments in upbringing or training have been able to replicate physical characteristics associated with Domoni in non-Domoni. Some common or stereotyped differences between Domoni and non-Domoni, physically speaking, may also be a result of diet (Domoni eat a great deal of seafood) or other environmental factors. A higher rate of green eyes also occurs in Domoni; it is unclear if there is any reason other than chance behind this.
Genetic analysis of Domoni reveals that they, as a group, are in fact more closely related than most Dezevauni are to each other; Dezevauni people are very genetically diverse from one part of the country to the next for historical reasons. This suggests historical reproduction within the Domoni community and the maintenance of a distinguishable population.
Gallery
Some Domoni children and their parent on a pier in North Kabu
Domoni boats on the sea by the shore
A Domoni communal mooring point, now more substantially permanently inhabited
A Domoni houseboat on a lake
A busy section of the Buiganhingi River
A Domoni person
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