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The '''Gylian consensus''' is a {{wpl|public policy}} model that forms the mainstream of [[Politics of Gylias|Gylian politics]] since independence. It is the basis of economic and social policy in [[Gylias]] and commands broad support among the public and [[List of political parties in Gylias|political parties]], thus creating a [[Political culture of Gylias|largely cooperative political scene]].

The consensus has played a role in pushing the centre of political gravity heavily {{wpl|left-wing politics|leftwards}}. Key features include {{wpl|regulated market|strongly-regulated markets}}, generous [[Social security in Gylias|social security]], low inequality, a large public sector, and {{wpl|cybernetics}}-based [[Economy of Gylias#Planning|decentralised planning]] and [[Economy of Gylias#Markets and distribution|distribution]].

==Background==
The consensus emerged during the [[Liberation War (Gylias)|Liberation War]], based on the experience of [[Alscia]] and the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]]. 

The prosperity and [[Alscia#The "hurried province"|modernisation]] Alscia experienced as part of the [[Cacertian Empire]] was connected to the [[Donatellism|strongly activist]] policies of the [[Donatella Rossetti]] government, which included vigorous {{wpl|economic inteventionism}} and {{wpl|progressivism|progressive}} social reforms. These produced a marked contrast to the neglect and marginalisation Gylias experienced under [[Xevden]], while Donatella's [[Popular Progressive Front|dominance]] of [[Alscia#Politics|Alscian politics]] attracted broad support for interventionist policies, with ''{{wpl|laissez-faire}}'' policies being correspondingly marginalised.

Having spread among a receptive public during the [[Gylian ascendancy]] and Alscian period, radical ideologies such as [[Anarchism in Gylias|anarchism]], [[Communism in Gylias|communism]], [[Socialism in Gylias|socialism]], and [[Feminism in Gylias|feminism]] played a leading role in the Liberation War. Anarchism became the foundation of the [[Free Territories (Gylias)|Free Territories]], which engaged in widespread experimentation under a framework of autonomous self-governance throughout the war. 

The framework of the Free Territories was sufficiently flexible to accommodate a variety of theories and ideologies. During the second phase of the war, the Free Territories [[Free Territories (Gylias)#Amalgamation of the opposition: 1948-1958|united the opposition behind them]] in a straight fight against Xevden, and anarchists formed a {{wpl|popular front}} to fight {{wpl|authoritarian socialism|authoritarian socialists}} and {{wpl|reactionary|reactionaries}}.

By the end of the war, the Free Territories had thus consolidated a popular consensus behind anarchist principles and a certain model of [[Economy of Gylias#Independence|economic organisation]] that provided a high level of well-being while guaranteeing the [[Gehenta|space for continued experimentation]]. Broad acceptance of these tenets was created among [[Liberalism in Gylias|liberals]], centrists, and [[Conservatism in Gylias|conservatives]], thus producing the Gylian consensus.

==Features==
The Gylian consensus mainly focuses on politics and economy, and its features can be summarised as support for [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|direct democracy]], [[Economy of Gylias#Economic organisation|an anti-capitalist economy]], and radical [[Liberalism in Gylias|social liberalism]].

Politically, the consensus includes:

* [[Politics of Gylias#Direct democracy|Direct democracy]] as the foundation of governance, with [[Communal assemblies (Gylias)|communal assemblies]] as their main instrument.
* A {{wpl|subsidiarity}}-based model of {{wpl|federalism}}, with [[Local government in Gylias|local]] and [[Cabinet of Gylias|federal]] levels of government exercising only responsibilities delegated to them, and {{wpl|concurrent powers|shared capacities}} among all levels.
* Support of a [[Gylias#Culture|powerful]] {{wpl|civil society}} and [[Politics of Gylias#Politicians|political involvement by ordinary people]].

Economically, the consensus includes:

* Use of {{wpl|Lange model}} {{wpl|market socialism}}, including [[Economy of Gylias#Pricing|prices set]] by the [[National Prices Board]].
* {{wpl|Decentralised planning}} as the [[Economy of Gylias#Planning|basis of economic management]].
* {{wpl|Workers' self-management}}, {{wpl|social ownership}} of the means of production, and [[Economy of Gylias#Cooperatives|cooperatives]] as the basis of the economy.
* An anarchist [[Economy of Gylias#Markets and distribution|conception of markets]].
* Combatting inequality and poverty as the main priority of economic policy.
* Strong regulation of markets, particularly through {{wpl|competition law}}, to prevent creation of monopolies or concentration of wealth.
* A powerful [[Economy of Gylias#Labour|labour movement]], [[Economy of Gylias#Consumers|consumer movement]], and similar movements in order to safeguard {{wpl|economic democracy}}.
* A large {{wpl|public sector}}, including {{wpl|public ownership}} of key sectors through [[Gylian administrative agencies#Public organisations|public organisation]]s and a comprehensive {{wpl|social safety net}}, including [[Education in Gylias|public education]], [[Health in Gylias|universal healthcare]], [[Social security in Gylias|social security]] and {{wpl|social services}}.
* A high level of taxation to fund public services, [[Tax Day|celebration of taxation as a contribution to society]], and [[Economy of Gylias#Public policy|complete transparency of tax returns]].
* Use of various {{wpl|local currency|local}}, {{wpl|regional currency|regional}}, and {{wpl|complementary currency|complementary}} [[Economy of Gylias#Currency|currencies in parallel with]] the [[Gylian þaler]].

Socially, the consensus includes:

* Radically progressive and liberal {{wpl|social norm}}s, particularly on [[Gender and sexuality in Gylias|gender, sexuality, and nudity]].
* A community-based [[Human rights in Gylias|conception of human rights]], accepting that rights can be limited in certain situations to protect the greater good.
* {{wpl|Multiculturalism}}, including support of [[Demographics of Gylias|Gylian ethnocultural diversity]] ([[Margot Fontaine#Writer and theorist|''l'belle mosaïque'']]) and [[Gylian nationalism|guaranteeing the rights of minorities]].
* {{wpl|Secularism}} in the public sphere, coupled with support of [[Religion in Gylias|religions that integrate into Gylian society]].
* Broadly [[Demopolis|demopolitan]] approaches to {{wpl|urban planning}} and {{wpl|quality of life}} issues.

==Challenges==
The broad agreement on these policies did not complete its consolidation in federal politics until the 1970s. Before then, Gylian conservatism was weakened by the struggle between [[Conservatism in Gylias#Free Territories|"constructive" conservatives]] and Xevdenite reactionaries of the {{G-CC/meta/shortname}}. The dissolution of the CC in 1969 allowed the consolidation of {{wpl|progressive conservatism|progressive}} and moderate conservatives into the {{G-NB/meta/shortname}}, which accepted the consensus and even boasted they could do a better job of running it.

Having been marginalised and ridiculed, the CC's dissolution also removed social policy from the political agenda, ensuring broad agreement on {{wpl|social liberalism}}. No Gylian political formation since has attempted to support {{wpl|social conservatism}}.

The consensus came under pressure during the [[wretched decade]], during which the crises and malaise caused a rise in support for forces challenging it, particularly the authoritarian socialist {{G-RR/meta/shortname}} and {{wpl|far-right politics|far-right}} {{G-FROS/meta/shortname}}, which had itself adjusted to the consensus by basing its identity on [[Religion in Gylias#Religion and politics|religious sectarianism]] and {{wpl|palingenetic ultranationalism}} under an {{wpl|national anarchism|anarchist veneer}}. The beginnings of economic recovery under the [[Filomena Pinheiro government]] and a stronger legal crackdown on anti-constitutional activities succeeded in removing them from politics by the [[Gylian federal election, 1990|1990 federal election]].

Various [[Populism in Gylias#Right-wing populism|right-wing populist]] parties, known as [[Populism in Gylias#History|"molehill parties"]], emerged over several decades as {{wpl|single-issue party|single-issue parties}} attacking certain aspects of the consensus. These included the {{G-PFT/meta/shortname}}, {{G-PFF/meta/shortname}}, {{G-AFP/meta/shortname}}, {{G-CRFP/meta/shortname}}, and {{G-PCF/meta/shortname}}. These parties ultimately went [[Dérive au droite|too far to the right and ended up being shut down]] for anti-[[Constitution of Gylias|constitutional activities]].

During the late 1980s, a struggle between left-wing market anarchists and [[Megelan|Megelan]]-inspired {{wpl|anarcho-capitalism|anarcho-capitalists}} culminated in the {{G-UFP/meta/shortname}} breaking off from the NB. The UFP's right-wing economics have severely limited its appeal to the Gylian public, and in federal elections since they have been the smallest {{wpl|electoral bloc}} represented in the [[Gylian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]].

==Comparisons==
The Gylian consensus can be compared to the [[Megelanese model]]. Both the Gylian consensus and the Megelanese model share certain traits, including a strong emphasis on direct democracy, {{wpl|localism (politics)|localism}}, and social ownership. 

There are key differences: 
* [[Megelan]] has a more [[Megelan#Urbanisation|rural culture]], reflected in the focus on a simple life, while Gylias' is notably urbanised.
* The foundations of the Civitas date back to the {{wpl|Middle Ages}} while the Gylian consensus is distinctively modern in conception, even when drawing on the [[Liúşai League]]'s democratic heritage.
* The Megelanese economy is based on {{wpl|distributism}} and {{wpl|voluntaryism}} to a greater extent, while the [[Constitution of Gylias|"miserable compromise"]] between anarchists and liberals on independence fostered a broad Gylian acceptance of the public sector.
* Megelan's smaller and more homogenous population produces different political currents compared to Gylias' [[Gylian nationalism|larger and more multi-ethnic one]].

The Gylian consensus represents a more extreme manifestation of the broad multi-partisan agreements that exist in [[Common Sphere]] states over economic and public policy, such as the [[Yurikarism#Yurikaran consensus|Yurikaran consensus]] in [[Akashi]] or the Economic Rights Amendment in [[Delkora]].

A similar, though less sweeping, degree of political convergence exists in [[Ossoria]], as the {{wpl|paternalistic conservatism}} of the [[Crown Nationalist Party (Ossoria)|Crown Nationalist Party]] translates into a willingness to accept and co-opt policies and ideas of the Social Progressive Party that prove popular. Certain Gylian groups look to Ossoria's fostering of ''{{wpl|noblesse oblige}}'' among its [[Nobility of Ossoria|aristocracy]] as a model, which has influenced the [[Social Partnership Program]] and [[Decleyre Summit]].

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