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==Concepts== | ==Concepts== | ||
===Class System=== | ===Class System=== | ||
{{main|wp:Class analysis}} | |||
[[File:Capitalist pyramid 1900.jpg|200px|thumb|Proletarian social philosophy analyzes the world in the terms of {{wp|economic class|classes}}, a vertical system in which the lesser majority suffer under the power of the superior minority.]] | |||
The Proletarian view of history and society is fundamentally grounded between the relations of the upper and lower classes. For most of civilized history, the majority of the world population exists in a state of oppression and precarity which was established by dominant social relations of the upper classes. In a sense, this analysis is a formalized expression of the global trend of anti-noble sentiment which fueled the {{wp|republican}} movement. For the most part, this principle is first established by conservative philosopher [[Ansgar Tyrgaard]] in his book ''[[The Foundations of Civilization]]'' in which he establishes it as simply a natural outgrowth of expanding societies in order to maintain {{wp|Confucianism#Relationships|order between individuals}} of {{wp|meritocracy|varying moral fiber}}. | |||
Classical Proletarian scholarship follows the demotist school that sees human history as a conflict of aggression between the lower and upper classes. In Astrid Hofgaard's anti-monarchist pamphlet ''[[Theft of the People's Due]]'' saw the paternalistic, Atrunean society as a "constant imposition of unfounded authority", arguing that the rise of the noble upper class was actually grounded on the accumulation of {{wp|social capital|social}} and {{wp|economic capital}} than any sort of meritocratic achievement, evident not only in their suppression of any sort of situation in which their economic power was threatened ({{wp|enclosure}} of common property and taxation), but also in their constant prevention of any social development in the lower classes through paternalistic cultural values. If it cannot be helped, the upper classes will only adapt and alter the prevailing social relations in order to maintain its own power. This extends to relations between societies, where the [[Cavilismo|Cavilist]] [[Marcu Zapateru]] postulates the "imperial model", wherein powerful {{wp|metropoles}} only exist to aggrandize itself under the constant misery of the {{wp|peripheries}} it has hegemony under. Cherakhi scholar [[Shishir Ojha]] believed that the dominance of these upper classes contributes to a "moral decay", and a "fettering" of the total capacities of societies. In order to maintain their power the bourgeoisie degenerates worker culture, and becomes complacent in their own regard. They reorganize all of society around the quest for money and the individual self, as to not allow the working class to reap the benefits of modern industrial production. Thus Proletarianism calls for the moral rejuvenation of the working class, through "myths" that make them lead them towards partaking in a glorious struggle. | |||
In Aldinean proletarianism where historical romanticism plays a huge part in its development, the idea that a semblance of consenting democracy within earlier societies begged the question of the inherent validity of the upper classes. In principle, modern society is structured around a domineering system in which a majority did not necessarily consent to... | |||
This idea of conflict and domination forms the nucleus of proletarian politics. Classical Proletarians argue for the {{wp|majoritarianism|primacy of the many}}; however, other movements such as the so called [[Movement of Technical Professionals]] advocated for modes such as industrial democracy, where instead of elections by the population as a whole, each sector of industrial society would elect the most competent technicians to run that particular sector. Many modern Proletarianist states have adopted undemocratic methods, causing many modern Proletarians to believe these states are merely bourgeois states not doing away with class domination. | |||
===Revolution=== | ===Revolution=== | ||
====Myths==== | |||
====General Strike==== | |||
===Politics and Economy=== | ===Politics and Economy=== | ||
Proletarian thinker Astrid Hofgaard idealized the ancient Germanic society in which Kings were elected {{wp|Germanic Kingship|as keepers of order and rites to the gods}}. She proposed a modernized "lýðveldi"... | Proletarian thinker Astrid Hofgaard idealized the ancient Germanic society in which Kings were elected {{wp|Germanic Kingship|as keepers of order and rites to the gods}}. She proposed a modernized "lýðveldi"... | ||
Proletarians argued for the power of the producing class above all, preferring to organize the economy along the grounds of collective institutions. | Proletarians argued for the power of the producing class above all, preferring to organize the economy along the grounds of collective institutions. | ||
==History== | ==History== | ||
==Assessment== | ==Assessment== | ||
==Criticism== | ==Criticism== |
Latest revision as of 14:37, 7 December 2019
Proletarianism is a socio-political ideology that derives from various significant revolutionary movements during the 19th and 20th centuries. They commonly believe in achieving political and social equality by armed or social revolution against the oppressive class system and replace it with a syndicalist and democratic society. Taking from its most significant writers, Arnold Brand, Astrid Hofgaard, and XXX, modern Proletarianism is defined mainly by the Manifesto of Social Revolution (MSR), a collection of their key works.
Starting from the Hitotami Revolution in XX, Proletarianism has since become a major factor in world affairs. Proletarian nations and movements are found throughout the world in various levels of acceptance. Today, Proletarianism is politically represented in the world stage by the the International.
Concepts
Class System
The Proletarian view of history and society is fundamentally grounded between the relations of the upper and lower classes. For most of civilized history, the majority of the world population exists in a state of oppression and precarity which was established by dominant social relations of the upper classes. In a sense, this analysis is a formalized expression of the global trend of anti-noble sentiment which fueled the republican movement. For the most part, this principle is first established by conservative philosopher Ansgar Tyrgaard in his book The Foundations of Civilization in which he establishes it as simply a natural outgrowth of expanding societies in order to maintain order between individuals of varying moral fiber.
Classical Proletarian scholarship follows the demotist school that sees human history as a conflict of aggression between the lower and upper classes. In Astrid Hofgaard's anti-monarchist pamphlet Theft of the People's Due saw the paternalistic, Atrunean society as a "constant imposition of unfounded authority", arguing that the rise of the noble upper class was actually grounded on the accumulation of social and economic capital than any sort of meritocratic achievement, evident not only in their suppression of any sort of situation in which their economic power was threatened (enclosure of common property and taxation), but also in their constant prevention of any social development in the lower classes through paternalistic cultural values. If it cannot be helped, the upper classes will only adapt and alter the prevailing social relations in order to maintain its own power. This extends to relations between societies, where the Cavilist Marcu Zapateru postulates the "imperial model", wherein powerful metropoles only exist to aggrandize itself under the constant misery of the peripheries it has hegemony under. Cherakhi scholar Shishir Ojha believed that the dominance of these upper classes contributes to a "moral decay", and a "fettering" of the total capacities of societies. In order to maintain their power the bourgeoisie degenerates worker culture, and becomes complacent in their own regard. They reorganize all of society around the quest for money and the individual self, as to not allow the working class to reap the benefits of modern industrial production. Thus Proletarianism calls for the moral rejuvenation of the working class, through "myths" that make them lead them towards partaking in a glorious struggle.
In Aldinean proletarianism where historical romanticism plays a huge part in its development, the idea that a semblance of consenting democracy within earlier societies begged the question of the inherent validity of the upper classes. In principle, modern society is structured around a domineering system in which a majority did not necessarily consent to...
This idea of conflict and domination forms the nucleus of proletarian politics. Classical Proletarians argue for the primacy of the many; however, other movements such as the so called Movement of Technical Professionals advocated for modes such as industrial democracy, where instead of elections by the population as a whole, each sector of industrial society would elect the most competent technicians to run that particular sector. Many modern Proletarianist states have adopted undemocratic methods, causing many modern Proletarians to believe these states are merely bourgeois states not doing away with class domination.
Revolution
Myths
General Strike
Politics and Economy
Proletarian thinker Astrid Hofgaard idealized the ancient Germanic society in which Kings were elected as keepers of order and rites to the gods. She proposed a modernized "lýðveldi"...
Proletarians argued for the power of the producing class above all, preferring to organize the economy along the grounds of collective institutions.