Chawpisuyu: Difference between revisions
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'''Chawpisuyu''' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|tʃ|ɔː|p|ɪ|s|ə|j|u}}), officially the '''Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu''' and also known as the '''Free Territories''' ({{wp|Spanish language|Palian}}: ''Territorios Libres'', {{wp|Quechuan language|Runasimi}}: ''Qespiq llaqtakuna''), is a {{wp|de facto}} {{wp|autonomous region}} in southern [[Rocia]] comprising of the territories under the protection of the [[Popular Liberation Forces (Chawpisuyu)|Popular Liberation Forces]]. The political status of Chawpisuyu is heavily debated: it is almost universally recognised as a part of the Rocian [[Saxasaxa (province)|Saxasaxa Province]] and parts of [[Puerto Esperanza (province)|Puerto Esperanza Province]], and while it is often referred to as an {{wp|unrecognised state}} it has never declared independence proper, and furthermore rejects classification as a {{wp|state}} as part of its {{wp|Anarchism|anarchistic}} ideology. Chawpisuyu has an estimated population of 4,757,000 people and a controlled territory of X km² (Y sqmi). | '''Chawpisuyu''' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|tʃ|ɔː|p|ɪ|s|ə|j|u}}), officially the '''Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu''' and also known as the '''Free Territories''' ({{wp|Spanish language|Palian}}: ''Territorios Libres'', {{wp|Quechuan language|Runasimi}}: ''Qespiq llaqtakuna''), is a {{wp|de facto}} {{wp|autonomous region}} in southern [[Rocia]] comprising of the territories under the protection of the [[Popular Liberation Forces (Chawpisuyu)|Popular Liberation Forces]] in the [[Chawpisuyu Conflict]]. The political status of Chawpisuyu is heavily debated: it is almost universally recognised as a part of the Rocian [[Saxasaxa (province)|Saxasaxa Province]] and parts of [[Puerto Esperanza (province)|Puerto Esperanza Province]], and while it is often referred to as an {{wp|unrecognised state}} it has never declared independence proper, and furthermore rejects classification as a {{wp|state}} as part of its {{wp|Anarchism|anarchistic}} ideology. Chawpisuyu has an estimated population of 4,757,000 people and a controlled territory of X km² (Y sqmi). | ||
The Autonomous Administration has its roots in Rocian insurgencies of the 20th century, and more directly the [[Chawpisuyu conflict#First uprising|first Mirandista uprising]] in 1990, a popular uprising by the [[Mirandista Protection Army]] (EMP) against the long-lasting repression of indigenous people, institutional corruption, rampant poverty, and the sale of {{wp|mineral rights}} to international companies in Chawpisuyu. The conflict continued until the election of [[Fernándo Ortolano]] allowed for renewed talks, leading to the [[Chawpisuyu conflict#Ceasefire of Ica|Ceasefire of Ica]] in 2003 and cooperation between the Rocian government and the EMP. Following the ousting of Ortolano in 2012, the EMP joined multiple other groups to form the [[Popular Liberation Forces (Chawpisuyu)|Popular Liberation Forces]] (FPL) and started a [[Chawpisuyu conflict#Second uprising|second uprising]], officially declaring the formation of the Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu on 11 November 2012. | The Autonomous Administration has its roots in Rocian insurgencies of the 20th century, and more directly the [[Chawpisuyu conflict#First uprising|first Mirandista uprising]] in 1990, a popular uprising by the [[Mirandista Protection Army]] (EMP) against the long-lasting repression of indigenous people, institutional corruption, rampant poverty, and the sale of {{wp|mineral rights}} to international companies in Chawpisuyu. The conflict continued until the election of [[Fernándo Ortolano]] allowed for renewed talks, leading to the [[Chawpisuyu conflict#Ceasefire of Ica|Ceasefire of Ica]] in 2003 and cooperation between the Rocian government and the EMP. Following the ousting of Ortolano in 2012, the EMP joined multiple other groups to form the [[Popular Liberation Forces (Chawpisuyu)|Popular Liberation Forces]] (FPL) and started a [[Chawpisuyu conflict#Second uprising|second uprising]], officially declaring the formation of the Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu on 11 November 2012. | ||
Revision as of 07:54, 27 July 2020
Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu | |
|---|---|
 Flag
 Emblem
| |
Anthem:
| |
| Status | Partially recognised polity |
| Capital | Patamarca |
| Largest city | Puerto Esperanza |
| Official languages | Palian • Runasimi |
| Recognised regional languages | Amarakaeri • Araona • Huachipaeri • Tacana • Tatinawa |
| Demonym(s) | Chawpisuyan |
| Government | Libertarian socialist confederation under a semi-direct democracy |
| Amaru Wankawari | |
| Lucinda Contreras | |
| Sunquyuq Chiwan | |
| Legislature | Popular Assembly |
| Autonomy from Rocia | |
| 10 April 1990 | |
• Declaration of communal autonomy | 6 March 1994 |
| 14 January 2003 | |
| 22 September 2012 | |
• Declaration of confederal autonomy | 11 November 2012 |
| Population | |
• 2020 estimate | 4,757,000 |
| GDP (PPP) | 2018 estimate |
• Total | $31.420 billion |
• Per capita | $6,605 |
| GDP (nominal) | 2018 estimate |
• Total | $10.603 billion |
• Per capita | $2,229 |
| HDI (2018) |  0.728high |
| Currency | Rocian florin (ROC) |
Chawpisuyu (/ˈtʃɔːpɪsəju/), officially the Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu and also known as the Free Territories (Palian: Territorios Libres, Runasimi: Qespiq llaqtakuna), is a de facto autonomous region in southern Rocia comprising of the territories under the protection of the Popular Liberation Forces in the Chawpisuyu Conflict. The political status of Chawpisuyu is heavily debated: it is almost universally recognised as a part of the Rocian Saxasaxa Province and parts of Puerto Esperanza Province, and while it is often referred to as an unrecognised state it has never declared independence proper, and furthermore rejects classification as a state as part of its anarchistic ideology. Chawpisuyu has an estimated population of 4,757,000 people and a controlled territory of X km² (Y sqmi).
The Autonomous Administration has its roots in Rocian insurgencies of the 20th century, and more directly the first Mirandista uprising in 1990, a popular uprising by the Mirandista Protection Army (EMP) against the long-lasting repression of indigenous people, institutional corruption, rampant poverty, and the sale of mineral rights to international companies in Chawpisuyu. The conflict continued until the election of Fernándo Ortolano allowed for renewed talks, leading to the Ceasefire of Ica in 2003 and cooperation between the Rocian government and the EMP. Following the ousting of Ortolano in 2012, the EMP joined multiple other groups to form the Popular Liberation Forces (FPL) and started a second uprising, officially declaring the formation of the Autonomous Administration of Chawpisuyu on 11 November 2012.
Chawpisuyu is officially an union of freely associated communes. Each commune has three main administrative structures: the commissariat responsible for the everyday administration, the land commission in charge of natural resources and territorial delimitation, and the militia being a community policy agency. The communes form federations that are the basis for the Chawpisuyan eight regions, each electing members to constitute the Popular Assembly. The Popular Assembly serve as the main legislative body for the Autonomous Administration, appoints ministers to the Executive Assembly, and elect a figurehead president. The FPL officially serve as the armed forces of Chawpisuyu, but do not hold power at any level of government and its members are formally forbidden to by the constitution.
The Autonomous Administration ideology reflects libertarian socialism and promotes anti-imperialism, decentralisation, direct democracy, environmentalism, indigenous rights, pluralism, and gender equality. Supporters claim that those values are represented in its constitution, society, and politics, and that Chawpisuyu has the potential to be a viable model to Rocia and Marceaunia as a whole. Conversely, opponents to the Autonomous Administration have raised various criticisms, such as the perceived influence of the FPL and particularly of the EMP, excessive indigenous favoritism, believed transnational ambitions, claimed repression of dissidents, and allegations of war crimes in their fight against Rocian governmental forces and the Western Self-Defence Groups.