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{{Infobox event
'''Zorasani government redux 2.0'''
| title                    = Hurricane<br>طوفان<br>Turfan
| image                    = HurricaneMontage.png
| image_size              = 290
| caption                  = ''From the top clockwise:'' Women protesters in Faidah March 2005; Komiteh members in [[Borazjan]]; Komiteh member protesting near Inqelabe Tower in [[Zahedan]]; [[Hamid Alizadeh]] with supporters following his rise to the State Presidency in July; Police standing by during protests in [[Sadah]].
| date                    = 16 February 2005 – 19 July 2008
| time                    =
| place                    = {{flag|Zorasan}}
| coordinates              =
| also known as            = Revolutionary Rejuvenation Mission
| cause                    = * {{wp|Economic stagnation}}
* {{wp|Austerity}}
* {{wp|Mass unemployment}}
* Factionalism within the [[National Renovation Front]]
| first reporter          =
| filmed by                =
| participants            = * [[People's Revolutionary Committees]]
*[[Politics of Zorasan|Government of Zorasan]]
*[[Wolves (organisation)|Wolves]]
*[[Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army]]
| outcome                  =
*Dominance of the [[Sattarism#Neo_Sattarism|Neo-Sattarist]] faction and military
*Systematic purge of rival factions from the [[National Renovation Front]]
*2008 constitution
*[[2007-2011 Chanwan Conflict]]
| reported deaths          = Uncertain; estimates range between 3,500-10,000
| reported injuries        =
| reported missing        = Uncertain; estimates range between 3,530-15,500
| reported property damage =
| burial                  =
| inquiries                =
| inquest                  =
| coroner                  =
| suspects                =
| accused                  =
| convicted                =
| charges                  =
| verdict                  =
| convictions              =
| publication bans        =
| litigation              =
| awards                  =
| url                      =
| blank_label              =
| blank_data              =
| blank1_label            =
| blank1_data              =
| blank2_label            =
| blank2_data              =
| website                  = <!-- {{URL|example.com}} -->
| notes                    =
}}


The '''Turfan''' (lit. Hurricane), also known within Zorasani historiography as the '''Revolutionary Correction Mission''' ({{wp|Farsi language|Pasdani}}: اصلاح انقلابی مأموریت; Ma'muriyat-ye Enqelâbi-ye Eslah; {{wp|Arabic language|Rahelian}}: مهمة التصحيح الثوري; Muhimma al'Taṣḥīḥ at'Ṯawriyy), was a sociopolitical movement and period of upheaval in [[Zorasan]] from February 2005 to July 2008. Long suspected to have been launched the [[Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army|Zorasani military]] and allies among the [[Sattarism#Neo-Sattarism|Neo-Sattarist]] right of the [[National Renovation Front]], it began with a series of incidents in several universities where students established Revolutionary Committees (Khomiteh-ye Enqelâbi) to attack and denounce academics linked to the ruling faction of the NRF and those promoting "alien thought." Coinciding with a serious economic crisis, the initial actions of the Khomiteh's spread to wider society, sparking a period of violent civil disorder, which led to the removal of the ruling faction and the establishment of a provisional government which ultimately restored order, economic stability and in 2008 a new constitution.   


The origins of the Turfan lay in the [[2000 Revolutionary Command Congress]] which elected [[Fayzulla Khodzhayi]] as State President and [[Daryush Hemko]] as First Minister, as leaders of a second "Centrist-Reformist" leadership generation. They initially remained restrained to completing the economic reforms of their predecessors ([[Muhammad Al-Fayez]] and [[Hamad Niavarani]]), though by 2002 they opted to go further and introduced more radical neo-liberal economic reforms, the same year their government began to announce plans to reform the country politically and socially which provoked concern and tension between it and the right-wing Neo-Sattarist faction. The economic reforms were poorly executed and deepened underlying socioeconomic tensions between the urban classes and the wider poor toward a wealthy and often exuberant middle and professional class. By 2004, the NRF's right-wing together with the [[Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army|Zorasani military]] agitated the populace, provoking the emergence of the Khomiteh movement in February 2005.
== Executive branch ==


On the 14 February 2005, a Khomiteh based at the Sardar Javad Jahandar School of Economics in [[Zahedan]] seized control of the main building, attacking violently a number of academics linked to the "Centrist-Reformist" faction of the NRF. They forced a televised confession by academics, denouncing the centrist leadership and demanding forgiveness for "spreading alien thought to dilute the nation's spirit." Televised by pro-hardliner outlets, Khomiteh's emerged in every university and incidents seen at JJSE were repeated across the country. In late March, Khomiteh groups began to emerge among the urban working classes, in factories and other businesses, they in turn began to agitate popular protests on the streets demanding economic stability and the resignation of the Khodzhayi-Hemko administration. These protests turned violent in early April as civil disobedience, rioting, looting and score settling erupted across the country, made possible by the refusal of law enforcement and paramilitary units to follow the orders of the Khodzhayi-Hemko administration. Fearing the country was slipping into {{wp|anarchy}}, the Khodzhayi-Hemko administration promised emergency economic support for the poor and a new legislative agenda. This had no effect on the deteriorating situation, but enabled hardline accusations of poor government and incompetence. On 19 July, a meeting between the senior leaders of the Khodzhayi-Hemko administration and the military resulted in the former's agreement to resign, that night the military alongside Neo-Sattarists announced the establishment of a [[Provisional National Authority]] which was to last three years, during which time order would be restored, the economy stabilised and a new constitution adopted. Violence would continue until late August, while a systematic purge was conducted targeting centrist and leftist factions of the NRF. A new constitution consolidating Neo-Sattarist control over the party and granting the military considerable power was adopted, harsh crackdowns on ethnic nationalism would spark the [[Chanwanese War]] and an intensification of the [[Zorasani insurgency]], though both would be defeated by 2011.
'''State President of the Union''' (military): Serves for a single ten year term (subject to review vote at 5th year - here may be removed by two-votes at the Revolutionary Command Congress)<br>
'''First Minister of the Union''' (civil): Appointed by the State President from candidates presented by the United Front - becomes Chairman of the UF, serves at pleasure of the SP.<br>
'''Deputy First Minister of the Union''' (military): Appointed by the State President from candidates presented by the Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces.<br>


The Turfan was characterised by {{wp|violence}}, {{wp|anarchy|chaos}} and {{wp|civil unrest|mass civil unrest}}. The death toll varies widely depending on the inclusion of figures from the PNA-led purge or restricting it to February-August 2005. Accordingly, the period from February to August, an estimated 4,649 people were killed, primarily from score settling, assassinations and looting. Over 1,000 party members were killed during this period for real or suspected ties to the Centrist-Reformist faction. Dating from July 2005 to 2008, an estimated 15,000-20,000 people are believed to have died as a result of incarceration by the Provisional National Authority, this figure includes the disappeared. At least 3,500 were officially sentenced to death by the [[Provisional Security Tribunal]]. Various Khomiteh groups used the chaos to attack cultural and religious sites belonging to Zorasan's minorities or groups identified by the Neo-Sattarist state media machine as being "seditionist", notably destroying what few [[Badism|Badist temples]] were legally permitted. Hundreds of thousands were persecuted by either the Khomiteh movement or the PNA, notably State President [[Fayzulla Khodzhayi]], First Minister [[Daryush Hemko]], [[Majid Abdullah]] and [[Servan Khordani]] among other party members and civil servants; thousands were accused of being "seditionist" or "propagators of falsehoods" suffering public humiliation, imprisonment, torture, hard labor, seizure of property, and sometimes murder or harassment into suicide; scholars and academics accused of spreading "alien thought" were also targeted, with a large number of academics involved in economics or social sciences exiled abroad or disappeared.
'''Central Committee of State''': Remains the ultimate collective decision making body - membership: SP (chair) FM, DFM, Chiefs of Military Branches (4/5), Finance Min, Foreign Min, Interior Min, Defence Min, Pres of Central Bank, Chief Justice, UF Chiefs for Policy and Research, Representatives of State to URs. Guaranteed majority to be military officers.<br>
↓<br>
'''Council of Union Ministers''' (civil-military): Non-military members are appointed by the FM, mil-members appointed by the SP. Tasked with implementing CCS decisions. <br>
Military to hold: Interior, Defence and Media ministries, civilians the rest - Foreign Minister subject to mutual agreement between FM and SP. No intel ministry.  


The Provisional National Authority's purge coupled with the 2008 constitution established the near total control of government at all levels by the [[Sattarism#Neo-Sattarist|Neo-Sattarist faction]] of the [[National Renovation Front]]. A number of state owned by pro-reformist media outlets were shutdown and the media landscaped became monopolised by the hardliners, while the military was granted a considerable presence through its own outlets. The PNA oversaw dramatic reforms to the economy, rolling back many of the neoliberal policies of the previous two governments and introduced [[Patriotic Economic Development]] as its guiding principle, a {{wp|mercantilism|neomercantilist}} form of {{wp|state capitalism}}. By 2007, Zorasan's economy became one of the fastest growing globally as the developed world struggled with the [[2005 Economic Crash]]. This economic boom was balanced out by increased repression and a return to near totalitarianism that defined the first decade of the UZIR's existence and remains today. Many historians note that the Turfan remains the most consequential event of post-unification Zorasan.
'''Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces''': Political mirror to the Chiefs of the Defence Staff, same members.<br>
↓<br>
'''General Intelligence Service''': {{wp|military intelligence}} body but also tasked with protecting the state from internal and external threats. Completely carte blanche in terms of operations<br>
'''Department for State Intelligence and Security''': Domestic and external spy service<br>
'''Department for National Spiritual Mobilisation''': Tasked with propaganda, mass popular mobilisation<br>
'''Department for National Renovationist Propagation''': Tasked with overseeing Zorasan's state media - all newspapers, radio stations, digital outlets and TV are ostensibly military controlled.<br>
↓<br>
'''Public mobilisation organisations are under the purview of the SCRAF but operate using UF members as leaders:'''
'''Young Pioneers of the Union'''<br>
'''Students of the Union'''<br>
'''Sole trade union forgot the name'''<br>
'''Union of Mothers and Daughters of the Union'''<br>


== Origins ==
== Legislative branch and United Front ==
=== "Centrist-Reformist Faction" and the Saffron Era ===
{{Main|Saffron Era}}


Following the Zorasani victory in the [[Second Rahelian War]] and the eventual unification of the country in 1980, as the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics, the ruling [[National Renovation Front]] afforded itself ten years of totalitarian control over the country to “facilitate the stabilisation and rebirth of the homeland.” During the early to mid-1980s, it faced several failed revolts and uprisings in the former [[United Rahelian People’s Republic]] as the country consolidated itself. A series of crackdowns and purges retained firm control over the populace and by 1986, the situation had stabilised to such a degree that the military was steadily withdrawn from the former URPR states of Riyadha and Irvadistan.  
'''Supreme Assembly of the Union''': XXX members, appointed for five-year terms unlimited by the Front Department for Public Administration, drawn from UR assemblies. More power than current - has legislative power, holds civil and military office holders to account (ministers and agency heads). Between Revolutionary Command Congresses, the SAU is the principal forum for the hearing of reports by UF and government bodies. Limited power of purse, cannot reject defence budgets as proposed by the military.  


In 1984, State President [[Javad Jahandar]] died and was succeeded by [[Attallah Shahedeh]]. He would oversee the final stages of the Consolidation Period and in the late 1980s began to implement economic reforms aimed at liberalising the economy and reducing state control. This was coupled with a steady repeal of the many draconian measures introduced post-war to stabilise the country. One such element of this effort was the “Opening of the Floor” – a policy of enabling freer debate within the NRF on the country’s direction during the 1990 Revolutionary Command Congress. The reforms of the late 1980s served to birth a faction dubbed the “Centrist-Reformist Group” (CRG) which advocated greater economic reform, closer ties to the developed world for investment opportunities and a more technocratic-authoritarian regime over the ideological and dogmatic totalitarian state of the day.  
'''United Front''': Sole political party permitted in the country. Mostly devoid of ideology and political mobilisation, officially exists to govern and administer the country and is entirely subordinated to the Central Committee of State. Premium on elevating technocratic apparatchiks over demagogues, its party schools are entirely devoted to educating students on administration, economics and foreign relations ostensibly to provide the state with capable operators. Has no involvement in state security, defence policy or repression, nor does it operate any media publications such as a newspaper or magazine.<br>
[[File:Fayzulla Khodzhayi.png|290px|thumb|right|Abdulmalik Jamhour as State President oversaw the success start to economic reforms between 1990 and 2000.]]
↓<br>
In a speech to party members in 1989, State President Attallah Shahedeh offered his endorsement of the CRG saying, “we now find ourselves in such sufficient position of peace and social harmony that we may begin the good work of lifting our nation and people up from poverty and the shadows of sacrifice into the land of plenty.” In preparation for the [[1990 Revolutionary Command Congress]], Shahedeh, who retained significant influence over the party orchestrated the rise of [[Abdulmalik Jamhour]] as his successor. Jamhour, who served Minister for Finance from 1985 to 1990 was elected State President, while [[Ershad Entezami]] was elected First Minister, both members of the CRG. Half of the [[Central Committee of State]] was drawn from the CRG also, while the RCC confirmed a near exclusively CRG [[Council of Union Ministers (Zorasan)|Council of Union Ministers]]. This marked the beginning of the so-called Saffron Era, a period of profound change, reform and growing prosperity.
'''Front Department for Public Administration''': body tasked with identifing party members suitable for public office at local, state and national levels. Appoints the entire Supreme Assembly with SCRAF approval every five years. <br>
'''Front Department for Policy Development''': Umbrella body covering numerous thinktanks tasked with designing policies and strategies for national government. <br>
'''Front Department for Strategic Research''': Body tasked with studying public opinion and developing reports off data provided by the local and state levels for the FDPA. <br>


The CRG-led government in 1991 began to implement its “Comprehensive Strategy for National and Economic Transformation.” Working on from the reforms of the Shahedeh-led government of the late 1980s, the CRG-leadership continued to expand private property rights, improve business laws, privatise inefficient state-owned enterprises – though slowly as to avoid mass layoffs culminating into a employment crisis, and modernising the remaining state-owned industries. Aided by relatively high energy prices, the CRG-leadership also launched the most expansive infrastructure building campaign in Zorasani history. Throughout the early 1990s, the CRG-leadership worked to foster closer ties with Euclean countries, to boost exports and to secure foreign investments. State control over private business as well as interventionism was reduced and new joint-stock companies including banks and insurance companies were established. In 1993, [[Bandar e-Sattari]], [[Chaboksar]], [[Izidhar al-Mina]] and [[Khadal]] were declared “Special Economic and Industrial Zones.” These cities were also granted special political status, enabling significant autonomy and liberalisation socially speaking. By 1995, Zorasan’s economy was growing by 12% on average. This rate of growth would continue uninterrupted until 2002 when the successor CRG-led government began to mismanage the economy, during the same period until 2002, living standards improved as did disposable incomes for millions, notably for urban workers.
== Revolutionary Command Congress ==


The success of the reforms led to a exponential rise in the number of party members affiliated with the CRG. This was the case both within the national level and below across the Union Republics and locally. The side-effect of this was that in 1995, CRG-affiliated members assumed control of significant sectors of the party and the Zorasani state apparatus. This would alienate the leftist and right-wing factions of the NRF, who saw a loss of influence and power at all three levels of government. Many historians believe the boost in CRG membership was due to a widespread belief that support for the agenda would open up financial and business opportunities for party members and their relatives, the failure of the CRG-leadership of the time to combat this ostensibly led to the establishment of {{wp|patronage|patronage networks}}, {{wp|nepotism}} and ultimately {{wp|corruption}} at an unprecedented level, another factor that would lead to the Turfan ten years later.
Held every five years, includes the senior UF officers and elite, SCRAF membership and a number of other senior military officers. Tasked with reviewing the record of the administration, electing a new state president and approving appointments or removing fail admins. Votes and approves/disapproves of proposed policies and strategies.
 
=== Factionalism ===
The National Renovation Front since its founding in 1924, as the political arm of the Pardarian Revolutionary Resistance Command and as the ruling party of the [[Union of Khazestan and Pardaran]] was marred by factionalism along ideological lines. The level of factionalism was kept in check by the conscious efforts of successive leaders to balance the “apex” between the factions, though throughout the [[Zorasani Unification|Arduous Revolution]] (1950-1980), the factions remained relatively united through the shared goal of achieving national unification.
 
Once unification had been achieved in 1980, the fissures began to widen. Division had emerged prior, following the [[Irfanisation of Party and State]] in 1971, under [[Ghassan Gharazi]] in which socialism was dropped from the Sattarist platform for a form of political Irfan. This left a sufficient left-wing faction that still advocated for socialistic economic policy that would remain active until the Turfan. The Irfanisation resulted in the emergence of [[Sattarism#Neo_Sattarism|Neo-Sattarism]] as the dominant ideology of the right-wing, while the reforms of the late 1980s birthed the Centrist-Reformist Group.
 
Unity between the three factions remained relatively firm during the first term of the Jamhour-Entezami leadership due to the tradition of collective government and commitment to economic reform. However, the rapid expansion of CRG-aligned members throughout the NRF began to alienate the leftist and rightist factions, who would see near total exclusion from the [[Central Authority]] (the senior executive level) and the loss of Union Republic governments. The 1995 Revolutionary Command Congress’s handing of hegemonic control to the centrist faction also led to an overconfidence in support by the CRG-leadership, who promptly in 1996 stepped up reform of the economy and moved toward liberalising the country socially and politically, this in turn disturbed the leftist and rightist factions, with the latter especially viewing the new agenda as revisionist and threatening to the stability of the one-party state. The corruption that emerged out of the economic opening up also further fuelled factionalism, as the left and right were side-lined they lost access to the various financial opportunities that enriched many CRG-aligned office holders, feeding a considerable grievance against the dominant faction.
 
The fourth element to factionalism was the military and Irfanic religious establishment, both were firm bastions of Neo-Sattarism, with the military having long been seen as the ultimate arbiter of political affairs in the country. However, with the success of the reforms, the popularity of the CRG-led party-state began to eclipse that of the military, threatening its one superior position in terms of civil-military relations. The Irfanic clergy for its part mistrusted the CRG's reformism as a "sleep walk toward decadence and godlessness." Both the clergy and military during the 1990s issued missives and warnings urging for restraint in reform, while the military made repeated warnings that would it not brook total divergence from [[Sattarism]].
 
=== Khodzhayi-Hemko leadership generation ===
{{Main|Khodzhayi-Hemko leadership generation}}
[[File:Fayzulla Khodzhayi2.png|290px|thumb|right|Fayzulla Khodzhayi struggled to bring the government's reform agenda back on track and his well-known corruption further degraded his ability to navigate the intense factionalism preceding the Turfan.]]
The 2000 Revolutionary Command Congress would be one of the pivotal moments leading to the Turfan due to the consolidation of CRG dominance over the NRF and further marginalisation of the leftist and rightist factions. With Jamhour-Entezami administration reaching its term limit, a new leadership was elected. Prominent CRG supporter and Union Minister for International Trade Fayzulla Khodzhayi was elected State President and Daryush Hemko as First Minister. The Neo-Sattarist right suspected foul practices due to the long-term expectation that [[Jafar Reza Azhari]], the Union Minister for Finance would succeed Jamhour. The RCC also once again elected CRG-affiliated party members to the Central Committee, Union Ministries and other state bodies, denying the right any influence over party or government policy.  
 
Khodzhayi during the Jamhour-Entezami government had become the “poster child” for the new Zorasan as well as its most vocal advocate for further free market reform. Controversially for many on the right of the NRF, Khodzhayi was also an advocate for what he called “softening the street”, loosening social and cultural restrictions to enable a more free and open society. This served to also disturb the Irfanic establishment, who would regularly misconstrue this for an agenda of secularisation and laxing social norms. His deputy and the head of government, Daryush Hemko however, was more respected by the right of the NRF, who saw him as a moderate and fixated on reforming heavy industry and improving worker’s rights. Hemko, a {{wp|Kurdish people|Kexri}} was known throughout the late stages of the Saffron Era of distrusting Khodzhayi and the two did not enjoy a close working relationship. In the 2004-2005 period, Khodzhayi worked to isolate and side-line Hemko, stacking the [[Secretariat of the State Presidency]] with allies and {{wp|yes-men}}, while simaltaneously centralising many of the executive's duties into the SSP, contrary to conventions on {{wp|collective leadership}}
 
In the weeks that followed the Command Congress, a number of articles appeared in party literature criticising Khodzhayi’s “flash” and highly “personalistic approach” to government. Many on the right disliked his telegenic manner and extensive use of television and photo opportunities to present himself as a modern head of state and party leader. Khodzhayi would respond bullishly to criticism and often mocked the party’s right wing as “antiquated and reactionary.” His approach to relations with the [[Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Army|military]] would also be confrontational and bitter.
 
=== Increased socioeconomic tension ===
=== Economic crisis ===
== First phase (February-July 2005) ==
=== Khomiteh movement ===
=== Campus violence ===
=== Mass protests ===
=== Disobedience and chaos ===
=== Collapse of the Khodzhayi-Hemko government ===
== Second Phase (August 2005-October 2006) ==
=== Purification Mission ===
=== Purges ===
== Third Phase (October 2006-July 2008) ==
=== Crackdown on "ethnic seditionism" ===
=== Zorasani insurgency ===
=== Chanwanese resistance ===
=== New constitution ===
 
== Aftermath ==
=== 2008 Revolutionary Command Congress ===
=== Insurgency and conflict ===
=== Death toll ===
==== Purges ====
=== Effect on minority groups ===
=== Cultural ===
==== Religious and cultural sites ====
==== Media ====
==== Academia ====
==== Education ====
== Public views ==
=== National Renovation Front ===
=== Alternative opinion within Zorasan ===
=== Turfan as a coup ===

Latest revision as of 18:10, 22 February 2023

Zorasani government redux 2.0


Executive branch

State President of the Union (military): Serves for a single ten year term (subject to review vote at 5th year - here may be removed by two-votes at the Revolutionary Command Congress)
First Minister of the Union (civil): Appointed by the State President from candidates presented by the United Front - becomes Chairman of the UF, serves at pleasure of the SP.
Deputy First Minister of the Union (military): Appointed by the State President from candidates presented by the Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces.

Central Committee of State: Remains the ultimate collective decision making body - membership: SP (chair) FM, DFM, Chiefs of Military Branches (4/5), Finance Min, Foreign Min, Interior Min, Defence Min, Pres of Central Bank, Chief Justice, UF Chiefs for Policy and Research, Representatives of State to URs. Guaranteed majority to be military officers.
↓
Council of Union Ministers (civil-military): Non-military members are appointed by the FM, mil-members appointed by the SP. Tasked with implementing CCS decisions.
Military to hold: Interior, Defence and Media ministries, civilians the rest - Foreign Minister subject to mutual agreement between FM and SP. No intel ministry.

Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces: Political mirror to the Chiefs of the Defence Staff, same members.
↓
General Intelligence Service: military intelligence body but also tasked with protecting the state from internal and external threats. Completely carte blanche in terms of operations
Department for State Intelligence and Security: Domestic and external spy service
Department for National Spiritual Mobilisation: Tasked with propaganda, mass popular mobilisation
Department for National Renovationist Propagation: Tasked with overseeing Zorasan's state media - all newspapers, radio stations, digital outlets and TV are ostensibly military controlled.
↓
Public mobilisation organisations are under the purview of the SCRAF but operate using UF members as leaders: Young Pioneers of the Union
Students of the Union
Sole trade union forgot the name
Union of Mothers and Daughters of the Union

Legislative branch and United Front

Supreme Assembly of the Union: XXX members, appointed for five-year terms unlimited by the Front Department for Public Administration, drawn from UR assemblies. More power than current - has legislative power, holds civil and military office holders to account (ministers and agency heads). Between Revolutionary Command Congresses, the SAU is the principal forum for the hearing of reports by UF and government bodies. Limited power of purse, cannot reject defence budgets as proposed by the military.

United Front: Sole political party permitted in the country. Mostly devoid of ideology and political mobilisation, officially exists to govern and administer the country and is entirely subordinated to the Central Committee of State. Premium on elevating technocratic apparatchiks over demagogues, its party schools are entirely devoted to educating students on administration, economics and foreign relations ostensibly to provide the state with capable operators. Has no involvement in state security, defence policy or repression, nor does it operate any media publications such as a newspaper or magazine.
↓
Front Department for Public Administration: body tasked with identifing party members suitable for public office at local, state and national levels. Appoints the entire Supreme Assembly with SCRAF approval every five years.
Front Department for Policy Development: Umbrella body covering numerous thinktanks tasked with designing policies and strategies for national government.
Front Department for Strategic Research: Body tasked with studying public opinion and developing reports off data provided by the local and state levels for the FDPA.

Revolutionary Command Congress

Held every five years, includes the senior UF officers and elite, SCRAF membership and a number of other senior military officers. Tasked with reviewing the record of the administration, electing a new state president and approving appointments or removing fail admins. Votes and approves/disapproves of proposed policies and strategies.

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