Temuric Confederacy

Temuric Confederacy Tyemul Qolboony Uls
Flag
Motto: Our homelands united, our bonds broken
Anthem: We are Temur
Capital and largest city	Zünuq
Official languages	Volghar
Recognised national languages	see languages of the Temuric Confederacy
Religion	see Religion in the Temuric Confederacy
Demonym(s)	Temuric Volghar (colloquial)
Government	National autarchist federal parliamentary republic
• National Executor	Qubilai Nayaga
• Popular Executor	Toragana Aleksandr
Legislature	Confederal Parliament
• Upper house	House of Nations
• Lower house	House of Assembly
Establishment
• Kheerat Khaganate conquers the Alaian Great Lakes	1236
• Seperation of the Volghar Khanate	1251
• Volghar Kingdom established	1303
• Peoples' Democratic Union proclaimed	1911
• Republic of the Greater Volghar proclaimed	1949
• Modern Constitution adopted and the Temuric Confederacy declared	1955
Population
• 2018 estimate	118,560,000
GDP (nominal)	TBD estimate
• Total	TBD
• Per capita	TBD
HDI (2016)	0.818 very high
Currency	sukhe (§) (TCS)
Date format	yyyy-mm-dd
Driving side	left
Calling code	+18
Internet TLD	.tc

The Temuric Confederacy (Volghar: Tyemul Qolboony Uls), also known as Temurorda or Volghar, is a sovereign state in northern and central Alai on the planet of Eordus.

Etymology

Temurism refers to a nationalist cultural and political movement which proclaims the ethno-cultural union of all peoples of inner and central Alaian origin. In particular, those peoples who were historically associated with the vast steppe nations of the middle ages. Most commonly, the term Temuric has been associated with a pan-nationalist union between peoples of Turanic and Kheeratian origin. The term Temuric itself is derived from the Temur mountain range that forms much of the eastern border of the Confederacy, and forms the historical border between Alai and Estere.

History

Interwar period and the Peoples' Democratic Union

During the latter stages of the First World War, severe food and resource shortages were abundant across the home-front. Industrial goods were redirected towards the war effort, whilst the homefront suffered heavily. In the dying days of the war, Volghar was not only beset on the front-lines by the encroaching allied forces, but also by a revolutionary tide. With the declaration of an armistice in which it had become clear that the ensuing pace would not be one where the Volghar would emerge victorious, the revolutionary causes gained further support from the indebted public. The post-war Uprisings became the enduring symbol of a period of mass famine and ethno-social conflict.

The First World War officially concluded in Volghar when King Temujin IV signed the Treaty of Batavia. Public opinion was starkly opposed to the treating, which was viewed as humiliating and degrading on a peoples who had sacrificed so much for the war effort. The sharp turn of favour against the king and the subsequent fear the royal family faced of reprisal saw the swift abdication of the king, who was succeeded by his eldest son as Ubashi II. The former king would spend the remainder of his life in exile. As king, Ubashi who would attempt to reform the monarchist apparatus to an eastern constitutional model, and invited prominent leaders of the Uprisings to negotiate legal reform and peace.

Under heavy military escort, the king would host less-radical political parties and organisations at the Royal Summer Palace. Whilst initially discussion was cordial and relatively productive, talks would quickly break down over proposed methods to deal with the radicalists in the Uprisings. Reactionary and monarchist forces opposed any amnesty for treason, whilst socialist diplomats had many ties to the socialist revolutions in the industrial east and argued strongly in favour of a blanket forgiveness. The democrats and ethno-nationalist groups formed solid third groups and as a whole all parties remained unable to negotiate with one-another. Finally, on the 14th of January 1912, the socialist groups were ejected from the conference, and the ceasefire was declared over in regions beset by the Red Armies. Two days later, the democratic and ethnic groups that refused to collaborate were too ejected.

The War of 1912, alternatively called the Volghar Civil War or War of Liberation, was a multi-party civil war that lasted for approximately three years, and is commonly held to be the natural evolution of the earlier Uprisings. Initially, the allegiances and alliances were loosely defined, before the sides gradually coalesced into the Red-White Coalition of socialists, democrats, and authoritarian communists and the traditionalist Green Army. The pendulum swung in favour of the revolution when Red-White coalition took Zünuq in early 1913. The last Green holdouts in Altinizorda led by General Kylychbek Manas officially surrendered on the 18th of May 1915.

Following victory in the War of 1912, the victorious Red and White Armies declared the end of the Great Volghar Kingdom and the beginning of the Peoples' Democratic Union. The Peoples' Democratic Union was founded on the basis of Union Socialism. The franchise was granted to any man over the age of 25, provided he was a registered member of one of the official state run trade unions. Democracy existed in the PDU, although it wasn't entirely free nor open, fears of the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat in North Alai were curtailed.

Revanchist and jingoistic foreign policy became the chief driver of PDU political discourse in the later 1920s and early 1930s, and the spread of the "Red Revolution" to the former territories of the Great Volghar Kingdom either through military expansionism or diplomatic pressure would gradually increase in scope and scale throughout this period. This in turn led directly to the Second World War.

Politics and Government

Executive and Legislature

The Temuric Confederacy is a federation and a parliamentary republic. Unlike other states that use the parliamentary model, both the head of state and the head of government are subject to the confidence of the legislature. The federal judiciary operates entirely separately from the federal legislature and executive and has the ability to undertake judicial review to ensure that both executive and legislature act in such a way that is congruent with the Constitution.

The House of Nations, the upper house, consists of forty-eight (48) members with two Members of the House of Nations (MHN) elected by each of the sixteen states, an additional four MHNs elected by each of the confederal regions of South Turanorda and Greater Volghar, two additional MHNs elected by each of the confederal regions of Sabir and East Kheeratia, and four by a national vote. The head of state, the National Executor, is elected by the House of Nations and is traditionally the leader of the party or coalition that holds a majority in the upper house.

The House of Assembly, the lower house, consists of three-hundred and fifteen (315) Members of the House of Assembly (MHA) elected by instant-run off voting from individual member constituencies. The head of government, the Popular Executor, is elected in the same vein as the head of state, by the lower house and is also traditionally the leader of the party or coalition that holds a majority in the lower house.

The executive branch of the government consists of the Executors, the most senior of which form the Cabinet. The Executors can be drawn from either house of the parliament, and the Cabinet must include both the National Executor and the Popular Executor. The constitution expressly sets forth certain powers to each house, and thus, certain executive portfolios must be granted to a Member of the House of Nations or a Member of the House of Assembly respectively. For example, as the defence portfolio is constitutionally entrenched as being a power under the purview of the House of Nations, the Executor of Defence must be a MHN.

The upper house does not serve as a house of review to the lower house, nor vice-versa, each house acts independently and separately from the other and are endowed with powers to make laws with regard to certain issues as granted to them by the constitution. It is the role of the judiciary, in particular the Supreme Court, to determine which powers fall to each of the federal houses, and which fall to the individual States.

2013 Constitutional Crisis

Following the 2013 election, it became impossible for the two Houses to form a working coalition government. The House of Nations continued to be held by the National Autarchist Party of the Temur whilst the Lower House saw a vast swing to anti-establishment and populist parties. After months of negotiation, the left-wing populist Party for Change and Democracy and the centrist populist party The Movement agreed to back the centre-left Labourite Party on the condition that they would not form government with the National Autarchist or Progress Party. As such, the relevant Executors appointed from each House refused to form a working cabinet, and the political progress was locked into an effective standstill.

Attempts to call for another election by the House of Assembly were blocked by the House of Nations, with the National Executor of the time, Mönkhbat Temujin, declaring that any attempt to rehold the election under current electoral laws would merely see a return of the current political deadlock. Accordingly, he sought special permission from the Supreme Court to enter into Constitutional negotiation which was in turn granted.

The Temuric Constitution allows for the alteration of electoral laws with permission from both Houses of Parliament, which was effectively impossible to achieve in the existing political situation. The National Autarchist controlled House of Nations' solution was to appeal directly to the States to alter their own electoral laws. Promising to pass retrospective legislation conferring Confederal electoral power to the States to determine how Members of both Houses were returned. In turn, the Supreme Court would not accept any challenge to the Constitutionality of the new State laws until six-months after the date of the election. Opposition to this proposed change was vocal and prevalent, claiming that it was inherently anti-democratic and a blatant power grab by the National Autarchist Party which controlled eleven out of sixteen State legislatures. The 2013 Temuric Riots ensued nationwide following the first of these laws was passed in East Kheeratia. In effect, the laws required that any party seeking to run in a a confederal election had to have a minimum of 300,000 registered members by the date that registration closed, a requirement that neither The Movement nor the Party for Change and Democracy met.

The following election saw the return of the National Autarchist Party to the leadership of the House of Nations, and a narrow minority coalition formed between the National Autarchist Party, Progress Party and Liberal-Conservative Coalition in the House of Assembly.