Palmyrion (Levanora)

This page refers to Palmyrion in the Levanora region. To visit Palmyrion in Kali Yuga, click here.

Royal Palmyrian Commonwealth Maharlikang Mankomunidad ng Palmyria
Flag
Motto: Kalayaan, Pamana, Pananampalataya (Liberty, Heritage, Faith)
Anthem: Palmyria Kong Minumutya (My Revered Palmyrion)
Capital	Alexandria
Largest	Quezon City
Official languages	Palmyrian and English
Recognised national languages	Palmyrian
Recognised regional languages	Various other languages in the Palmyrian language family
Ethnic groups (2024)	By ethnolinguistic group: 90.2% Palmyrian 5.6% Indigenous 4.2% others By phylogenetic species: 90.1% Human 6.4% Alfar 3.2% Salfar 0.3% others
Religion (2024)	70% Stevidian Catholicism 12% Marshism 11% Islam 2% Other Christian denominations 2% Kogyokist Christianity 2% Minor faiths 1% Unaffiliated
Demonym(s)	Palmyrian
Government	Federal executive parliamentary monarchy
• Monarch	Lakambini Jilliane
• Chancellor	Ricardo Duterte
• Chief Justice	Raniag Aglipay
• Senate President	Harold Dimaculangan
• House Speaker	Angela Cagalangan
Legislature	Commonwealth Assembly
Independence  from the Holy Empire of Stevid
• Declaration	1800
• Recognized	1820
• Royal Confederacy	1820-1935
• Disunion Era	1935-2000
• Current constitution	2000
Population
• 2024 estimate	1.529 billion
• 2020 census	1,440,336,970
GDP (PPP)	2024 estimate
• Total	$60 trillion
• Per capita	$40,000
GDP (nominal)	2024 estimate
• Total	$45.513 trillion
• Per capita	$29,767
Gini (2024)	50.0 high
HDI (2023)	0.800 very high
Currency	Palmyrian Sterling Peso (PSP)
Time zone	Palmyrian Standard Time
Date format	DD MMM YYYY
Driving side	right
Calling code	+97
ISO 3166 code	RPC
Internet TLD	.rpc

Palmyrion (Palmyrian: Palmyria), officially the Royal Palmyrian Commonwealth (Palmyrian: Maharlikang Mankomunidad ng Palmyria), is a sovereign archipelagic country in the Levanora region. The Royal Commonwealth is composed of its 40 constituent provinces, divided among federal republics that serve as subjects to the Sovereign. To the east lies the Alfar Isles, an extra-regional state under the jurisdiction of the Alfar Imperium. The Royal Commonwealth controls a vast swath of sea around its archipelago, with an economic exclusion zone reaching out nearly 300 kilometers from its shores. The Royal Commonwealth is a federation ruled by a semi-parliamentary monarchy, with Lakambini Jilliane serving as the sovereign since 2025. Its capital is Alexandria, with Quezon being the largest; both cities are global cities and major financial centers. Other major urban centers in the Royal Commonwealth are the cities of Naga, Bacolod, Patikul, Cebu, Davao, Batangas, and Vigan, and the vassal city-state of Port Elizabeth on Palawan. It has 40 provinces, each with their own unique ethnic and sociocultural identities; these ethnicities and sociocultural identities have undergone a vast extent of cultural and genetic intermingling, and this intermingling has resulted into a high degree of ethnic, social, cultural, and political homogeneity and unity among the native Palmyrian populace.

The Royal Commonwealth is a developed, high-income nation. It also has a high Human Development Index, the result of many ongoing social welfare, sanitation, and healthcare policies of the government, combined with a financially and academically literate populace, a free, robust, well-regulated, and highly-productive market, and a well-paid, highly skilled, and highly productive labor force. In its post-colonial existence as the Royal Confederacy, it has been one of the latecomers to the regional wave of industrialization, but quickly caught up with the use of groundbreaking scientific and technological advances, discoveries, and inventions in its industrial pursuits despite having to begin from a small capital base during its early days as a sovereign state that had just broken free from Stevidian colonial rule. The Royal Commonwealth is touted as an emerging great power with an increasingly-improving military and economic capability to pursue a stronger and more visible place in worldwide geopolitics. It is currently a member of a select number of influential diplomatic coalitions.

Etymology

The name Palmyria is not a native invention, but rather the result of a combination of Stevidian colonial rule and significant Macabeean merchant activity. Macabeean merchants paid homage to the coconut plant's importance as a versatile plant to the various kingdoms, sultanates, and fiefdoms that inhabited present-day Palmyrion, especially during the Makiling Hegemonic Era. The isles encompassed by present-day Palmyrion were referred to in Macabeean correspondence and publication as Tierra de los Palmeras, or land of the palms, with the Stevidians following suit and calling it the Palmerian Domain. With the formation of the Governorate-General of the Palmerian Dominion, under Lord Governor Isaac Palmer, the etymology of Palmyrion was sealed.

Eventually, linguistic corruption would transform "Palmeria" into "Palmyria", leading into the present-day endonym Palmyria. Palmyrion is essentially a portmanteau of "Palmyrian Dominion" and is generally accepted to be an exonym. Linguists predict that, with the endonym Palmyria steadily seeing international use, Palmyrion as an exonym could be deprecated by the end of the 21st Century.

History

Prehistory

Recent discoveries of stone tools and fossils of butchered animal remains in Kalinga, Iloilo, and Naga has pushed back evidence of early hominins in present-day Palmyrion to as early as 800,000 years. However, the metatarsal of the Macahambus Man, reliably dated by both carbon-14 dating and uranium-series dating to about 70,000 years ago remains the oldest human remnant found in the Royal Commonwealth to date. Aetas and Negritos were among the first inhabitants of modern-day Palmyrion, but reliably dated remnants of permanent settlements date back only to the 21st Century BCE. Some of the oldest watercraft are dated to 10,000 BCE, and consist of simple dugout canoes.

Precolonial Epoch

Pre-Hegemonic Era (2000 BC - 1105)

The start of recorded history in Palmyrion is dated by consensus to be around the 20th Century BC. Among the first recorded writings from this era were the first scriptures of what is now the Bathalan faith, a panentheistic faith whose roots lie in Palmyrian communal folk animism undergoing evolution into a decentrally-organized panentheistic religion, which in post-colonial times has effectively become Palmyrion's local variant of folk Catholicism. These scriptures, still standing in theological practice to this day, detail the theological underpinnings and rituals of the Bathalan faith. Non-religious writings include the first written laws, contracts, and treaties, as well as philosophical writings from Pre-Hegemonic thinkers, the tabulation of maritime navigational knowledge and trade records, written chronicling of epic tales of voyages and expeditions, and genealogical recording.

Pre-Hegemonic Palmyrion was a collection of barangay-states ruled by chieftains, now commonly referred to as datus. Many of these datus brought their loyalty groups, referred to as barangays or dulohan, into compact settlements that allowed for greater diplomatic cooperation, economic specialization, cultural exchange, and military coordination, resulting into the formation of large coastal polities that became Palmyrion's first towns and, eventually, cities. These barangays were, in a way, run as elective monarchies, wherein the datus of these collected barangays selected the most respected among them to be the paramount datu. This paramount datu held titles such as Lakan, Rajah, or simply Datu. It is from this titling of such a paramount datu that Lakan, the modern-day title for the Royal Commonwealth's Sovereign-of-State, originates, with Lakambini as its female counterpart.

During the pre-Hegemonic era (particularly during the 8th to 10th Centuries CE), many hereditary families of military aristocracy, belonging to the maharlika caste of martial nobility, rose to the status of ruling royalty through military victory, political maneuvering, social legitimacy, and religious support. Among them stands the current Palmyrian royal family, House Roseguard in its current form, as the most prominent example. It was through these maharlika clans' rise to royal ascendancy that the modern-day Palmyrian term for royalty, maharlika, came to be.

Makiling Hegemonic Era (1105 - 1575)

The Hegemony of Makiling was signed in 1105, forming the Makiling League (Kahugpongan ng Makiling). The League of Makiling was a confederation of datus ruled by an elective monarchy, with lord-electors from across the League coming together regularly to discuss League-wide issues and elect the Makiling League's paramount datu. Male paramount datus were given the title of Lakan, while women were given the title Lakambini and ruled as queens regnant.

Colonial era (1575-1800)

Palmyrion was colonised by the Stevidian Empire.

The Empire gave the ruling families of datus a choice: swear loyal subjection to the Stevidian crown and rule over and govern the locals as viceroys on behalf of the Stevidian Empire, or face extermination and expulsion. Naturally, most, including the incumbent royal family, chose the former.

The Palmyrian isles, already a major strongpoint of trade in the Levanora region, would then be connected to the Empire's trading network, with the archipelago serving as a vital strongpoint of the Empire in the Levanoras and connecting it to the Greater Dienstad region, where the Empire's mainland sat. However, even with Stevid being the colonial master of the Palmyrian isles, Palmyrian culture as it developed would approximate a pastiche (albeit predominantly Hispanic) of the cultures that have come to trade and settle on the islands far more than it would that of Stevid; Stevidians, both born on the Imperial mainland and on the Palmyrian isles, did not really intermingle with the natives as much as the merchant communities did, preferring to keep among themselves and the elites they have made of the pre-colonial maharlika families.

The Royal Confederate Era (1800-1935)

Refounding Era (1800-1821)

With the capture of modern-day Alexandria in early June 1800, King Maximillian would discharge his first duty as King by signing into effect the Constitution of Royal Confederacy on the 1st of July, 10 years to the day that Sovereignty was declared. He would be crowned in a humble and solemn ceremony on August 12, 1800.

Thus, the Royal Palmyrian Confederacy was born, and a resurgent Roseguard dynasty installed as the ruling royal house. King Maximillian would lead the resurgent country for the next 21 years as its first king, as other vassal-provinces rose up in arms and, upon successful takeover of their provincial administrative centers, swore fealty to Royal House Roseguard. The Tagalog, Batangan, Pampangan, and Bicolano vassal-provinces become the founding provinces of Palmyrion resurgent. His reign saw the formation of a monarcho-democratic government with the tripartite division of state power now familiar today: the Executive, with the Monarchy as its centerpiece, the Monarch being the Sovereign-of-State and the Chancellor being the Head of His Majesty’s Government, with Vice-Chancellors serving as a Cabinet of ministers; the Legislature, with the Assembly split between the Chamber of Lords, selected from among the lords of the Confederacy, as its upper house, and the Chamber of Burghers, with its constituents selected from among the more common folk as their representatives, as its lower house; and the Judiciary, with the Supreme Court as the highest court of the Royal Confederacy, and lower courts attending to the subject provinces of the Royal Confederacy.

King Maximillian helped lay the foundation of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion, then known as the Royal Confederate Forces-at-Arms. The veterans of the First War of Sovereignty became the first soldiers of the Royal Confederacy, with more raised from the populace and trained into an effective fighting force with help from foreign mercenaries and military advisors. The formal inauguration of the Armed Forces was accompanied by a post-colonial renaissance of artisans both native and immigrant, eagerly fetching contracts for arms and supplies in an effort to contribute to the capabilities of the newborn post-colonial military in the years immediately after the achievement of sovereignty. The Army was formally formed on March 1801, with the Navy and Marine Corps formed on August later that year, signaling the post-colonial rebirth of the Palmyrian military as an institution.

From 1811 to 1819, he would lead the Royal Confederacy through the Second War of Sovereignty, launched by the Stevidian Empire in an effort to reconquer Palmyrion. His reign would see the Royal Confederacy defend its hard-fought sovereignty in a protracted battle, and making the Stevidian Empire recognize Palmyrian sovereignty in 1820, before abdicating due to illness in 1821.

King Maximillian died in 1824 at the age of 80, having secured Palmyrion’s sovereignty from foreign colonial rule. Many historians have since given him the sobriquets the "Refounder" and the "Liberator" as recognition for his efforts to secure Palmyrian sovereignty and independence.

Oliverian Era (1821-1840)

King Oliver, a military officer who fought under his father’s banner in both the First and Second Wars of Sovereignty, rose to the throne in 1821, at the age of 50.

His 19-year reign would see Palmyrion welcome the transformative forces of the Industrial Revolution, as he actively welcomed industrial magnates and entrepreneurs, and encouraging them to establish factories, mines, and other key infrastructure; his Monarchy also invested in research into industrial research and development, helping the fledgling resurgent nation catch up with the rapidly industrializing world. Factories and mines opened across the Royal Confederacy as the Industrial Revolution steadily absorbed its way into Palmyrion’s way of life and transformed the fledgling agrarian nation into an promising industrial powerhouse that embraced the power of machinery and mass production.

This industrial revolution was also coupled with an agricultural one, as the King, recognizing the importance of food security for a growing and increasingly urbanized populace, also supported the innovation and proliferation of agricultural techniques and technologies during his reign. These advances helped improve crop yields and improve agricultural efficiency, ensuring that the Royal Confederacy could sustain its growing population while supporting industrial growth. One of the major agricultural innovations under King Oliver's reign was the mechanization of terrace farming. Long before colonial subjugation, the Palmyrian nation had mastered the art of making rice terraces on the isles' rough terrain, allowing them to grow rice and other crops on the rugged islands, when other agriculturalists unfamiliar with terrace farming would have given up at first sight; the earliest forms of heavy machinery dedicated to the task of terracing relied on systems of simple machines such as levers and pulleys. Oliver, ever the great innovator and patron of the industrial revolution, patronized and funded the creation of heavy-lifting equipment, such as steam shovels, steam cranes, and irrigation screws, that mechanized the creation and operation of terraced rice paddies and crop fields. Rice milling was also married with the prowess of the industrial revolution, as were many artisan crafts such as brewing, salt-making, and weaving. The use of heavy earthmoving equipment to create terraced paddies and farms is still commonplace today, though high capital and operational cost still remain major drawbacks.

Another major introduction by the King was the beginnings of a national and public education system, cognizant of the need for a literate and trained population capable of operating the industrial innovations that the Industrial Revolution brought to the Palmyrian isles. With the signing of the Public Education Act 1830 (now replaced by a 2003 version) the state started providing free preschool, elementary, and high school education. His monarchy also saw the establishment of polytechnic universities tailored to training engineers and industrialists; while this laid the foundation for what would eventually become the public university system of Palmyrion, tertiary education would remain firmly in the hands of a high-income class capable of paying the high tuition fees, a status quo that changed little until the introduction of the Universal Tertiary Education Act 2017.

In 1831, King Oliver signed the Decree of Emancipation, which decreed the prohibition of chattel slavery and the emancipation of all slaves held under chattel across the Palmyrian isles. His monarchy then proceeded to invest in giving the emancipated slaves a new lease in life, creating Emancipation Villages that served as halfway settlements for former slaves to reintegrate into Palmyrian life. Pursuant to his monarchy's establishment of a national and public education system, the governments under his rule also laid the foundations of what would eventually become the Alternative Learning System in the 21st Century, with former slaves being given basic education and technical-vocational training to prepare them for livelihoods in a rapidly industrializing nation.

Unfortunately, illness, now believed by consensus to be metastasized lung cancer (which medical historians attribute to his exposure to industrial pollutants as a patron of the Industrial Revolution), forced him to abdicate to make way for his only daughter, Theodora, on 1840.

King-Emeritus Oliver would live for 12 more years to see his daughter carry on his work of industrializing the Royal Confederacy and carry out what is now known as the Theodoran Consolidation. He died in 1852, at the age of 81, and in the years since would be given the sobriquet "the Architect" by historians for his efforts to turn the newborn nation into an industrial and agricultural powerhouse.

Theodoran Era (1840-1894)

Theodora was born in 1811 to then Prince Oliver and his wife Catherine, Princess of Cavite, as his only daughter. Her juvenile life was shaped by the fire of the Second War of Sovereignty; it was common to see the child close to her mother, who contributed to the war effort as a nurse and herbalist tending to the sick and wounded of the Royal Confederate Forces at Arms, with little Theodora helping her mother tend to the wounded in their family estate.

She married Prince Bernard of Naga (1810-1870) in 1834, a marriage that would last until her husband's death in 1870 at the age of 59. The couple had 9 children: four boys and five girls, of whom the eldest was Albert.

One would think that such a grisly exposure to the bloody side of statecraft at a young age would steer the girl away from war, or statecraft altogether – but she proved otherwise, as she rose to the throne in 1840 at the age of 29, after her father Oliver's abdication, and initiate the Theodoran Consolidation.

The Theodoran Consolidation was instrumental in helping shape modern-day Palmyrion, with its present borders secured during the Consolidation, be through military conquest or political maneuvering. The first years of her reign would see her not just continue the industrial and agricultural innovations her father helped foster, but also use it to fuel the Royal Confederacy’s expansion. The Visayan, Cagayan Valley, Ifugao, and Ilocano dukedoms, corresponding respectively to the modern-day Federal Republics of Visayas, the Cagayan Valley, the Cordilleras, and Ilocos, would be absorbed into the Royal Confederacy through both political maneuvering and a series of military conquests.

Many modern historians call her method “gold or gore” to highlight the dual methods of diplomacy and force that she employed. Peaceful ascension to the Royal Confederacy was facilitated with promises of economic development, industrial innovation, agricultural advancement, representation in the Confederate Assembly, and a degree of autonomy as subject dukedoms enjoying devolution of state power under a confederacy, with the prospect – and realization – of military conquest being an alternative.

Naturally, all four chose the first alternative; the dukedoms, now swearing loyal subjection to the Royal Confederacy, then saw rebellion and uprising as nations and tribes, refusing to swear subjection and fealty to the Royal Confederacy, seceded from the dukedoms which they perceived to have betrayed them. Military campaigns by Her Majesty's Armed Forces brought to heel the seceding and rebelling nations and tribes, after which the Royal Confederacy then consolidated their rule through economic power by fostering industrial and agricultural innovation, reconstruction, and development in the newly conquered lands, coupled with the political legitimization of rule by giving the absorbed nations representation in the Assembly.

The first consolidations resulted in the Visayan, Cagayan Valley, Ilocano, and Ifugao dukedoms joining the Confederacy in 1849, 1856, 1863, and 1871, respectively.

First Moro-Palmyrian War (1869-1877)

The Sultanates of Mindanao and Sulu, having secured their continued independence from Stevidian colonization through a series of bloody defensive conflicts over the past three centuries, saw the rapidly expanding Royal Confederacy as a fast-growing threat, and sought to act proactively. When Visayas became a subject dukedom of the Royal Confederacy, the Sultanates started a series of limited naval and amphibious campaigns defined by skirmishes and raids along its southern coast as early as the early 1850s, during which the Royal Confederacy was in the last leg of integrating the Cagayan Valley dukedom into its fold and was starting to integrate the Ilocano and Ifugao dukedoms as subject dukedoms of the Royal Confederacy.

The Dukedom of Visayas, with the express support of Her Majesty, fortified the southern coasts to better defend against the Sultanates’ raids and skirmishes, and built agile flotillas to help counter the Sultanates’ raider-skirmisher parties. The 1871 completion of the Canal of Bacolod, under construction since 1860, and crossing the width of the Bacolod Isthmus, provided a boon for the Navy, allowing ships to cross from the Bay of Alexandria, the nexus of the Royal Confederacy's maritime strength, to the Moro-Visayan Sea, the biggest flashpoint of the Moro-Visayan skirmishes, with the Moro-Visayan sea marking a maritime intersection where the islands of Visayas, Mindanao, and Sulu converged.

The Moro-Palmyrian War started with the Battles of Hamtic and Cebu in 1869, as the Sultanates launched a full-scale invasion of the Dukedom of Visayas on two fronts, establishing beachheads from where the Sultanates could further invade the island of Visayas. A declaration of war easily passed through the halls of the Assembly, and the Queen sent her forces to help defend the Visayan Dukedom. The Moro-Visayan Sea and the Visayas-Mindanao and Visayas-Sulu Straits were tinted red with blood and festooned by the charred wrecks of defeated ships as the Her Majesty’s Naval Service fought tooth-and-nail with the Sultans’ navies for naval supremacy. On land, the Army and the Corps of Marines fought with their Sultanate adversaries, the land watered red with the blood of soldiers and marines from both sides.

The decisive Battle of the Moro-Visayan Sea in 1874 cemented Royal Confederate naval supremacy for the remainder of the war, as the Royal Confederacy resoundingly defeated a colossal, amassed armada launched by the Sultanates against the Talisay Isthmus in a bid to invade and secure the Canal of Bacolod. A series of retaliatory raids along the northern shores of Mindanao and Sulu destroyed the Sultanates’ military-industrial capability as the Navy laid waste upon the Sultanate’s naval bases and shipyards, with the Royal Confederacy forcing a surrender by 1877.

Late Theodoran Era (1877-1894)

The Late Theodoran Era, encompassing the last 17 years of Queen Theodora's reign as queen, saw the Theodoran Monarchy consolidate its territorial and economic achievements and usher in a more modern age for the Royal Palmyrian Confederacy. The last 17 years of the Theodoran Monarchy saw the integration and development of newly acquired territories, and the ushering of technological advancements that would shape the Palmyrian nation's future.

Queen Theodora prioritized the reconstruction of the devastation left by the Moro-Palmyrian War, particularly in the Dukedom of Visayas, which bore the brunt of the conflict. The island became the focal point of reconstruction efforts to restore its industrial prowess and agricultural productivity in a push to restore the Visayan Dukedom's economic prosperity and mend the wounds of war.

The Queen also chartered naval settlement expeditions to the Mindoro-Palawan island group starting in 1880, three years after the end of the Moro-Palmyrian War. These naval settlement expeditions established settlements, industries, fortifications, and infrastructure along the islands to welcome them into the Royal Confederacy's fold and integrate them into its realms. The Mindoro-Palawan Dukedom was created in 1889 as a subject of the Royal Confederacy, almost 9 years after their initial settlement, marking the last major territorial expansion under Theodora's reign and solidifying her legacy as the consolidator of the Palmyrian nation's realms.

The late Theodoran Era also saw the Royal Confederacy expand the adoption of electricity across its realms, and the creation of a nationwide archipelagic telegraphy network. The expansion of the adoption of electricity transformed the way that Palmyrians lived and worked across the nation as it brought modern conveniences to wide swathes of society, enabling increased agricultural and industrial productivity and improving overall quality of life. The creation of a nationwide archipelagic telegraphy network, connecting even the most distant of islands to central hubs of society, revolutionized communications across the archipelago. This archipelagic telegraphy network of submarine telegraphy cables and terrestrial telegraphy stations vastly improved inter-island coordination and communications, enhancing administrative efficiency, military coordination, and the transmission of knowledge across the islands. Both of these technological advancements laid the foundation for the Palmyrian nation's modern electrical grid and telecommunications network.

Queen Theodora lived to the grand old age of 83, having helped cement the destiny of the Palmyrian nation during her reign as Queen; due to her reign's achievements, she would be dubbed by historians as Theodora the Great. Her eldest son Albert succeeded her upon her death, inheriting a prosperous realm consolidated by his mother's illustrious reign.

Second Moro-Palmyrian War (1915-1919)

King Albert rules from 1894 to 1915, when he got domed by a Muslim during a royal procession in Alexandria; he gets replaced by King Martin. The Royal Confederacy declares war on the Islamic Sultanate of Mindanao. The Islamic Sultanate of Sulu declares war on the Royal Confederacy. Not-WW1 ensues. Mindanao and Sulu are conquered.

The Resounding Twenties (1920s)

It's the Roaring Twenties. (Need I say more?)

Except that it comes ending with a bang when the Great Depression hits. Add to that, Mindanao and Sulu rebel and declare independence, especially after a slew of decisive battles on both islands that saw the Royal Confederacy withdraw by 1929. The Moro Islamic Federation is formally declared on 1930.

The Gray Thirties (1930s)

The Great Depression hits from 1929 to 1939. Faced with the consequences of the defeats on both Mindanao and Sulu, and with the general global economic downturn as a result of the Great Depression, the Royal Confederacy is faced with the Republican Revolution in 1931, the culmination of communist and fascist movements that took root in the 1900s.

• On the left side, you have the Marxist-Leninists, advocating for a republic ruled and governed by "a dictatorship of the proletariat" and the rejection of liberal democracy.
• On the right side, you have the National Syndicalists, advocating for a republic ruled and governed along the lines of national syndicalism, and the rejection of liberal democracy.

The civil war rages from 1931 to 1935, with the Royal Confederacy victorious, the Marxist-Leninists making a last stand in the Cagayan Valley State, and the National Syndicalists making their own last stand on Visayas Island.

King Martin abdicates in 1935, leaving King Theodore to deal with the mess.

The Partition of 1935 and the Prelude to War

The Partition of 1935 serves as a peace treaty to the 1931-1935 Republican Revolution. The Palmyrian People's Republic turn the Cagayan Valley State into their own, and the National Syndicalists form the National Syndicalist Republic out of the State of Visayas. The NSR and the PPR prepare for war, as the Royal Confederacy rebuilds its military.

Disunion Era (1935-2000)

First Pan-Archipelagic War (1940-1947)

Four-way between the PPR, the NSR, the Royal Confederacy, and the Moro Islamic Federation. Status quo ante bellum, but with the designation of Alexandria as a neutral freeport hosting the administrative centers of the Communists, National Syndicalists, and the Royal Confederacy, while being situated deep in Royal Confederate territory.

First Cordilleran War (1950-1955)

Politico-military vanguards of the Palmyrian People's Republic engage in a campaign of insurgency and uprisings in the Cordilleran highlands; these campaigns threaten to plunge the Cordilleras into communism, and eventually into the fold of the Palmyrian People's Republic. The Palmyrian People's Republic, judging that the highlands have been sufficiently weakened, then launch a literally uphill invasion up the slopes of the Cordilleras to exploit the weakness caused by the highland insurgency and uprisings, prompting a Royal Confederate response.

Reinforcements are landed along the shores of Ilocos, and are quickly transported uphill to the slopes of the Cordilleran highlands where a brutal cat-and-mouse between Confederate forces and Communist forces burned in the mountainous jungles of the region. On the southeastern front, the Confederacy launched a diversionary invasion through the narrow Balete Pass and enacted a naval blockade of the PPR port-city of Tuguegarao, aiming to directly threaten the PPR's treasured port city to distract the PPR from its uphill campaign in the Cordilleran slopes. Many historians debate to this day how effective this diversionary invasion was, but one thing is indisputably clear: by the end of 1954, the Communist invasion of the highlands was repulsed, with PPR forces ordering a full-scale retreat from the highlands.

The First Cordilleran War was ended with the Valentine's Day Armistice on February 14, 1955, though with no definite peace treaty signed the conflict became a frozen war.

Salvation War (1951-1957)

The NSR invades and annexes the Moro Islamic Federation.

Second Cordilleran War (1971-1977)

First Cordilleran War, part 2. Where's that Vietnam War soundtrack when you need it?

The Bangsamoro (1977-1988)

In 1975, Islamic People's Party win elections in NSR-held Mindanao and Sulu. In 1977, the IPP-led Mindanao and Sulu declare independence as one state, forming the Bangsamoro, and ban other political parties and religions on their turf. The NSR invades them in 1978, leading to the 1977-1988 Bangsamoro-Syndicalist War.

Second Pan-Archipelagic War (1979-1984)

The Second Pan-Archipelagic War becomes yet another four-way meatgrinder affair between the NSR, the PPR, and the RPC. The Second Pan-Archipelagic War was sparked primarily by the Mindoro-Palawan Crisis, with the Battle of Port Elizabeth seeing the first shots fired during the war.

Reunion Crisis (1990s)

The 90s were defined by the Reunion Crisis, a bloody lead-up to the Reunion. Ethnoreligious strife ravaged the country, as the Communist and National Syndicalist breakaways buckled under the weight of domestic repression and global isolation, and cracks in the Royal Confederacy caused by societal inequalities and the earliest entry of identity politics into mainstream Confederate political life. Amidst the repression by the authoritarian regimes of the Palmyrian People's Republic and the National Syndicalist Republic, and societal tension in the Confederacy arising due to the mainstreaming of identity politics, the liberal factions of the ruling parties of the PPR and NSR win in elections held during the middle of the decade, promising an end to decades of unfreedom and global alienation. They held reunification forums with the endorsement and invitation of the Confederacy's Monarch, seeing that the Monarchy could be an institution they could negotiate with. A reunification referendum was held in 1998, with approval of reunification ranging from 80-90% across the Royal Confederacy and the breakaway Communist and Christofalangist states.

In 2000, reunification was achieved with the ratification of the Charter of Royal Commonwealth as the reunited nation-state's constitution, ending nearly 65 years of unfreedom and disunity across the isles.

The Royal Commonwealth (2000-present)

The present-day Royal Commonwealth is formed through the reunification of Palmyrion as a "democratic federation governed by a parliamentary monarchy" with the adoption of the 2000 Royal Commonwealth Charter.

The 2000s immediately following the Reunion was a bittersweet honeymoon stage marked by post-reunification hope and optimism, though uncertainty swung heavy in the air. The Palmyrian nation, now under the helm of the Royal Commonwealth, rebuilt its domestic industries and pacified areas riven by ethnoreligious strife as it sought to move on from the shadow and horror of the Disunion Era. The cities shimmered with life anew, as industry rebuilt and expanded. Foreign direct investment skyrocketed as foreign investment poured into the country after decades of disunion. Agriculture and mining boomed as industries that were key to feeding the post-reunification industrial revitalization of the Royal Commonwealth, providing an economic lifeline to a nation tending to its socio-cultural wounds.

Everyone benefited - some more than others.

Post-Reunion teething woes

With industry booming in and around the cities, the Royal Palmyrian Commonwealth experienced a massive wave of rural flight as the youth, attracted by the glitz and glamor of industrial urban life, flocked to the cities in search of better livelihoods and for a shot at the Reunion Hope. The urban poor were displaced by gentrification as construction firms and industrial giants built towering apartments, swanky condominiums, expansive shopping malls, and colossal factory complexes, raising the cost of living beyond their means. Subsistence farmers and artisanal miners were displaced by development aggression from large agribusiness and agro-industrial firms and mining corporations.

The rapid industrialization led to a marked increase in inequality, with economic and political power becoming concentrated among a small elite. Regions previously neglected during the Disunion Era, particularly rural and remote areas, suffered from bureaucratic delays and insufficiency of infrastructure, leading to a faulty implementation of development initiatives that fueled a sense of betrayal among the urban poor, who felt that their loyalty and faith in the reunited Commonwealth had gone unrewarded. As rural youth migrated to the cities, traditional rural lifestyles were threatened with extinction, causing cultural friction between the urbanizing youth and the elders. Initiatives to support rural cultures and economies often took a backseat to the booming urban industrial sector, further deepening and widening the urban-rural divide.

Organized crime flourished amidst socio-economic upheavals and inequality. Many of the displaced rural poor turned to poaching and drug trafficking, hunting endangered animals and farming narcotic crops for profit at the expense of running afoul with the law. In the cities, the disenfranchised urban poor rallied around gangs, engaging in racketeering to eke out a living, at the cost of the lives and livelihoods they brought to ruin, and running afoul of the law that, in their eyes, failed them miserably. Over time, the line between organized crime and insurgency blurred as mere narcos and poachers evolved into formidable narco-insurgents, and petty gangs evolved into powerful mafias. Urban gangs started forming alliances and brokering mergers with rural narco-insurgents, leading to the fusion of organized crime with insurgency and the advent of a mixed rural-urban approach to rebellion. Many of these insurgent and criminal groups co-opted religion and secular ideology to maintain and bolster in-group loyalty and outgroup appeal, attracting the idealistic and disillusioned among the nation into their ranks.

The Palmyrian Emergency (2010-2024)

The Palmyrian Emergency was a 14-year long period of internal strife marked by high-intensity uprisings, rebellions, and riots across the Royal Commonwealth. It was the culmination of post-Reunion teething woes marked particularly by gentrification and development aggression.

Counter-Insurgency War (2010-2018)

The first embers of the Counter-Insurgency War (commonly referred to in shorthand as the COIN-War) flickered as early as the late third of the 2000s, when narco-insurgent activity experienced an upsurge and widespread reports of narco-insurgents taking over rural villages reached mainstream public knowledge. Pre-existing counter-insurgency operations, already busy with quelling ethnoreligious strife in rural and remote areas, were amplified and intensified as narco-insurgents added a narcotic and economic dimension to the low-intensity conflict. In the urban areas, the lines between mafia, rioter, and urban guerilla blurred as riots broke out, with rioter-guerillas taking over entire city blocks in the affected cities and engaging in armed hostilities against government forces in a bid to assert their takeover.

The state launched multiple counter-insurgency operations across the insurgency-affected areas, all happening under the umbrella of Operation Consolidator. Consolidator followed a clear-hold-build counterinsurgency strategy that relied on the well-disciplined and technologically-modern Armed Forces' capabilities to clear out and defend against insurgents, the civilian government's capability to carry out socio-economic initiatives under a community-driven development model that sought to address social and economic grievances and repair the damage inflicted by the kinetic side of the conflict, and a strategic public relations campaign meant to polish the state's image and tarnish the insurgency fronts' reputations. The monarchy and the royal family leveraged its power of patronage to support charities that helped carry out socioeconomic initiatives in contested and cleared areas, helped foster interfaith and intercultural dialogue with and among populations affected by the raging insurgency, and carried out a reconciliation initiative that offered amnesty to former insurgents under specific conditions and helped them reintegrate into society.

While Consolidator proved largely successful in clearing and holding areas clean of insurgent threats, its efforts to build up areas affected by insurgency had more mixed results. Sociocultural gaps impeded community engagement efforts, and corruption within the civilian bureaucracy hampered the proper implementation of socioeconomic initiatives, complicating the process of community-driven development and reconstruction in insurgency-affected areas. The military's use of heavy-handed tactics, such as the widespread use of heavy weapons, aerial bombing, and tear gas caused controversial amounts of collateral damage and also tarnished the reputation of the counter-insurgency effort.

By 2018, military victory over the insurgency had been declared, with the insurgency contained into isolated pockets of feeble resistance. However, the counter-insurgency campaign had claimed countless civilian lives and brought many communities to ruin. Tensions simmered persistently, especially in areas where post-war reconstruction and development was slow or incomplete. The monarchy, serving as a stabilizing, non-partisan presence amidst the crisis, retained ironclad trust amidst this era of tumult, even as overall public trust in the civilian bureaucracy declined due to their perceived shortcomings and corruption during the counter-insurgency campaign.

The Second Alexanderian Reign (August/December 2016-June 2019)

Lakan Alexander II rose to the throne in 2016, after the abdication of his father, Lakan Alexander I, due to illness. While for the past 6 years Alexander I served as a guiding figure for domestic stabilization, soldiering through illness and age to guide domestic counter-insurgency policy, he had, judged that the responsibility for the monarchy's direction of the counter-insurgency campaign should be given over to someone younger and more capable, someone who is more in tune with the clamor of the generation most affected by the internal security crisis: his son, Alexander II. Thus, Alexander I abdicated on August 8, 2016, making way for his son, Alexander II, to rise to the throne and, on his coronation on the 3rd of December of that year, wear the Crown, wield the Scepter and Mace, and don the Vestments of monarchy.

The Corruption Crisis (2017-2019)

Alexander II's college years were formative in his shaping as the Commonwealth's then Crown Prince. Having, in his university years, worked closely with corruption watchdog groups and engaged in dialogue with college activist groups that called for a decisive resolution to corruption in the state bureaucracy, the young Alexander II was familiar with how corruption hampered and complicated the reconstruction and development efforts that were vital to the success of the counter-insurgency campaign; hence, his first discharge of duty as monarch was the enactment through Sovereign Decree of a comprehensive corruption probe across multiple levels of government, which in just the first year discovered, among others: entrenched nepotistic padrino networks of favorites and clienteles; extensive schemes of graft, bribery, and embezzlement (particularly the ubiquitous practice of procurement padding); widespread influence peddling that, in the most egregious of cases, involved the invocation of the Royal Family's name and reputation; the use of private armies and security agencies by local governors to strongarm and intimidate urban poor communities and indigenous peoples in the rural and remote areas; and, last but not the least, the involvement of insurgent groups in the corruption schemes now uncovered by the probe, with funds being misappropriated and funneled to fund insurgency in many cases.

The young monarch swiftly issued a condemnation of the uncovered schemes of corruption, particularly the influence peddling that invoked the Royal Family's name. All of the gathered and recovered evidence of corruption was made accessible to the public by Sovereign Decree and, for purposes of backup and safekeeping in anticipation of sabotage, transmitted to the governments and intelligence agencies of the Royal Commonwealth's international allies; by the end of 2017, a wealth of evidence had been gathered and publicized by the corruption probe, and 2018 saw the corruption probe intensified and more pieces of evidence gathered and publicized. With their dirty laundry aired out for the world to see, political and economic elites acted accordingly; many corporations and political cliques terminated (in many cases lethally) officials and employees of theirs that were strongly implicated by the uncovered, gathered, and publicized evidence of corruption, with some of the most entrenched elites threatening reprisal and resistance that included threats of color revolutions and armed takeovers to depose the monarchy.

In response to the threats of deposition, Alexander II issued an ultimatum to the political elites and officials implicated by the wealth of evidence uncovered by the corruption probe: resignation or termination, under pain of dissolution of the Assembly, the appointment of an entirely new roster of Cabinet Vice-Chancellors and Supreme Court Justices, and the calling of snap elections. He also ordered the Armed Forces and the Intelligence Community (particularly the Crypteia) to disarm "with full prejudice" threats of color revolutions and armed takeovers against the Crown, with particularly special attention paid towards the dismantling of the private armies that local governors used to intimidate urban poor communities and indigenous populations in the rural and remote areas. The first half of 2019 roared with the news of resignations, suicides, and terminations among the state bureaucracy and the corporate world amidst the corruption exposes resulting from Alexander II's corruption probe, and the staccato of gunfire rocked the fragile post-COIN-War peace as law enforcement, the Armed Forces, and the Intelligence Community fiercely disarmed any threats of color revolt and armed takeover aimed at destabilizing and deposing the Crown.

The climax of the corruption expose crisis, however, was the assassination of Alexander II himself on June 29, 2019, an assassination that was allegedly linked to and perpetrated by elite interests that the young and decisive monarch had harmed as a result of his corruption probe. On June 29, 2019, the Royal Commonwealth fell victim to one of the deadliest terror attacks of the 21st Century, as the ecumenical religious fundamentalist group National Redemption Front carried out the 6/29 attacks. The attacks involved coordinated mass shootings and chemical attacks against the Metro Alexandria Pride March taking place in Commonwealth Park, and the nearby Grand Alexandria Station, capped off by an assassination of the young Lakan Alexander II as he delivered a speech condemning the attacks and promising that the perpetrators shall be met with the full force of the law.

The Elizabethan Regency and the Succession Crisis (2019-2024)

On June 29, 2019, the Royal Commonwealth fell victim to one of the deadliest terror attacks of the 21st Century, as the National Redemption Front carried out the 6/29 attacks. The attacks involved coordinated mass shootings and chemical attacks against the Metro Alexandria Pride March taking place in Commonwealth Park, and the nearby Grand Alexandria Station, capped off by an assassination of the young Lakan Alexander II as he delivered a speech condemning the attacks and promising that the perpetrators shall be met with the full force of the law.

The next morning, his successor was declared, according to the last will and testament of the Lakan: his wife, Elizabeth. The news was received with much furor: the shock and awe of the public and the objection of most politicians about the unconventional succession of Elizabeth to the throne, when traditionally the crown should have fallen upon Princess Jilliane, Alexander II's younger sister and Alexander I's second of five children, upon his death. The nation, already reeling from the events of 6/29, was now plunged into a succession crisis that threatened to fracture the Commonwealth during an already fragile period of recovery from the attacks.

The extraordinary and unconventional succession of Alexander II's royal consort, Elizabeth, to the throne caused furor and condemnation as a breach of royal succession tradition and protocols, and as a major threat to the stability of the monarchy. The Agency for the Royal House refused to give her the honor of a coronation, but due to the expediency of the circumstances revolving around her succession nonetheless formally proclaimed her as Lakambini on the 30th of June, and despite objection from traditionalistic royalists and monarchists crowned her in a private ceremony in January 2020. The furor of the succession crisis would be overshadowed by larger and more pressing national issues, such as Operation Housekeeper, the sharp rise in insurgency and crime, an economic recession widely attributed to investor and entrepreneur anxiety over national stability, and in 2020 the COVID-19 pandemic. Extremist groups and insurgents would exploit the chaos following the death of Lakan Emeritus Alexander II and the ensuing Succession Crisis, in addition to the socioeconomic damage done by the COVID-19 pandemic, to revitalize rebellion and secession, eventually leading to the Mindanao-Sulu and Cordillera-Cagayan Crises (2021-2024).

In spite of the furor and condemnation around her succession, Lakambini Elizabeth took to her work to re-stabilize the nation with assistance from allies such as the Holy Marsh, Romandeos, Marquesan, Allanea, and the Amadorian Imperium. Palmyrian police and military worked overtime alongside their foreign allies to quell the insurgent offensives and the crime waves that swept the Commonwealth, engaged in what many deemed to be a sequel to the Counter-Insurgency War. Military and law enforcement efforts to quell the chaos were coupled with socio-economic revitalization in war-torn areas, with new socioeconomic development initiatives formulated and already-existing ones redoubled. The government also held investor and economics summits in a bid to restore investor and entrepreneur confidence in the Palmyrian economy, alongside national security conferences to update the public on the state's progress in fighting insurgency and crime.

The regent Lakambini's enactment of Operation Housekeeper a month after her husband's assassination and her subsequent rise to the throne was a cause célèbre of her rule as sovereign. Operation Housekeeper was a nationwide "special law enforcement operation" that targeted the NRF's cells and associates in retaliation for the attacks, as well as the escalation of her slain husband's anti-corruption sweeps. Housekeeper penetrated and secured various no-go zones controlled or dominated by NRF cells and affiliates, as well as arrested individuals and dismantled organizations associated with the terror group, and also involved the arrest of every single individual implicated in the corruption schemes that the corruption probe enacted by her late husband had uncovered.

The major faiths of Palmyrion excommunicated faithful implicated in the uncovered corruption schemes as well as those proven to have NRF affiliations, with clergy found to have NRF affiliations or involvement in bureaucratic corruption schemes defrocked; both penalties compounded upon the pain of imprisonment or, in the most egregious cases, execution by firing squad, and those who were executed had bullet fees levied upon their next of kin.

Housekeeper, which lasted from July 2019 to August 2020, was an operational success, but was condemned for human rights violations across its operational timeline.

Succession quarrel in the Royal Family

Since 2019, Elizabeth and Jilliane have been quarreling over succession to the throne, though the rest of the Royal Family have been leaving the two to settle it themselves; anything short of a violent transfer of power or, worse, plunging the Royal Commonwealth into a civil war amidst the resurgence of rebellion was acceptable in the eyes of the Royal Household. Internally, they had some reason to worry about the prospect of a coup d'etat and potentially a succession civil war; the military touted Princess Jilliane, a Navy officer and one of their own, as the rightful successor, and a worthy one at that, nevermind her sister-in-law Elizabeth, whom the military touted as an usurper sovereign, being the sitting Sovereign and Commander-in-Chief of the military. Seven, going eight, years of steadfast service in the Navy as an officer, powering through the scars of a near-death experience; seven, going eight, years of steadfast experience, having served in the naval line of fire during the Mindanao-Sulu Crisis, leading with excellence. She was ready to step up to the throne when her brother Alexander II was killed, and would eagerly have done so if it weren't for Elizabeth being designated as his successor.

2020 was an annus horribilis not only for Palmyrion (and the wider world, due to the COVID-19 pandemic), but for Elizabeth herself. Constant quarrelling with Jilliane and post-partum depression, after she gave birth to Nathan and Julia on February 28, 2020, made 2020 a grueling year for Elizabeth, with her personal struggles simmering amidst the strife that struck the nation as a result of the pandemic. Nonetheless, she powered through the trials of motherhood and statecraft. The Roseguards helped her every step of the way with motherhood, an effort into which even Jilliane pitched, though due mostly to detached filial piety than affection towards a sister-in-law that she otherwise respected beyond the sensitive issue that was the succession quarrel. The Mindanao-Sulu and Cordillera-Cagayan Crises (2021-2024) were trials by fire, a fire that she as a sovereign powered through, but she as a person barely survived.

Mindanao-Sulu Crisis (2021-2024)

The Mindanao-Sulu Crisis came about through a secessionist coup d'etat launched in July 2021 by governor-sheikhs sympathetic to the Islamic State of Sulu and Mindanao's cause and supported by mutinying Muslim-majority units of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion, the culmination of nearly a year-long series of riots that started in mid-2020 during the COVID-19 lockdowns and intensified with the May 2021 Eid Al-Fitr Riots.

Chancellor Ricardo Duterte talks to Army commanders during Operation Returning Hegemony.

The secession coup was orchestrated by urban guerillas carrying out riots and urban district takeovers, and rural insurgent cells carrying out the armed takeover of rural and remote communities. Governor-sheikhs, finding no purchase with the Royal Commonwealth and the Palmyrian Monarchy and sympathizing with the Islamic State's goals and objectives, sponsored the armed takeovers, and were aided by Muslim-majority units of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion who themselves also found no socio-religious purchase with the Crown. The secessionist Islamic Republics proclaimed a military junta dubbed the Moro Sovereignty Coalition, ruling as the islands' secessionist military government with promises for a transition to democracy "upon victory". Military units still loyal to the Palmyrian monarchy were cornered in two last pockets of resistance in what many considered to be the 21st Century equivalent of the Battle of Dunkirk: the City of Iligan in Maguindanao Province, Islamic Republic of Mindanao, and the City of Jolo in Jolo Province, Islamic Republic of Sulu.

RCN Batangas (CV-002) carrying out combat operations in the Moro-Palmyrian Sea.

The Royal Commonwealth launched Operation Returning Hegemony in August of 2021, to reclaim the seceding Islamic Republics through military action. The Bacolod Isthmus, located at the Province of Talisay in the Visayan Federal Republic, became a nexus of and staging point for military operations involving Returning Hegemony. The Third Battle of the Moro-Palmyrian Sea, and the concurrent and adjoining Third Battles of the Tagbilaran-Iligan and the Madiaas-Sulu Straits, became a focal point of the Mindanao-Sulu Crisis as the Navy and Air Force wrested control of the skies from mutineering air wings and freighter vessels seized militarized by the MSC into improvised warships during the air-naval phase of the campaign, providing air and naval cover for the Evacuations of Patikul and Iligan and preparing for an amphibious offensive to retake the islands.

On February 14, 2022, the Valentine's Day Offensive was launched as the ground invasion phase of Operation Returning Hegemony, concurrent with the announcement by Lakambini Elizabeth to launch a "special internal security operation" to retake the islands and return them to the fold of the Crown. A decisive combined arms landing operation on Patikul and Iligan, from where the cornered military units retreated, served as the spearhead, adjoined by smaller landings elsewhere along the northern shores of Mindanao and Sulu and supported by naval and air power provided for by the Navy and Air Force. The Navy and the Air Force provided the opening salvo for the offensive, executing a massive wave of precision strikes against mutineering military units immediately preceding the sea-air-ground landings. The first phase of the sea-air-ground landings involved the shock-and-awe capture of seaports, beachheads, and airports, paving the way for future ground operations to reabsorb the islands into the Crown's dominion. The second phase of the operation was dubbed the "merry-go-round" phase of the operation, as the military launched offensives along the main roads, cities, towns, and highways that traced along the islands' shores in an effort to box the secessionist forces in and force them to retreat inland to the mountains. The third phase involved mountain-hopping operations that pummeled and divided the now-cornered secessionist forces into isolated, cut-off pockets of resistance in the mountains. All throughout the campaign, "offensive trailers" provided rearguard security and consolidation for the offensive spearheads, securing and rehabilitating towns, villages, and cities already secured by Operation Returning Hegemony.

Operation Returning Hegemony was a major operational success for the Royal Commonwealth, with both islands taken back into the Crown's dominion. Hearts-and-minds reconsolidation and reconstruction operations followed in earnest to reintegrate the recaptured islands back into the Royal Commonwealth's control, as mopping-up operations cleared out isolated pockets of armed secessionist resistance. The operational success of Returning Hegemony was used as leverage by the Royal Commonwealth to secure an advantageous ceasefire in May 2024, with terms heavily favoring the Royal Commonwealth. The cost of war was tremendous for all involved: nearly 200,000 Palmyrian military personnel lost their lives, with 600,000 insurgents and mutineers killed and 1.2 million civilians dead. Controversies revolve around the indiscriminate use of heavy weapons on both sides, liberal exchange of chemical weapons (primarily insurgent use of chlorine and military use of CS gas), execution of POWs (particularly the military's use of firing squads and the Moro Sovereignty Coalition's employment of decapitation), and Moro Sovereignty Coalition use of child soldiers, employment of perfidy, forced conversion of non-Muslims on pain of extermination, press-ganging of civilian sailors and seizure of civilian freighters for use as improvised warships, attacks on humanitarian corridors and centers, and the culling of the Alfar and Salfar minority sapient species, all of which have emerged as sensitive causes célèbres of the Crisis.

Cordillera-Cagayan Crisis (2021-2024)

The Cordillera-Cagayan Crisis began as a series of COVID-19 lockdown riots carried out by urban guerilla cells in the major cities and towns of the Cagayan Valley Federal Republic and the Cordilleran Federal Republic, alongside a sharp increase in Communist insurgent activity in the rural and remote areas. The culmination of these riots was the June Insurrection of 2021, primarily in the highland cities of the Cordilleran Federal Republic, and the riverine cities of the Cagayan Valley, with takeovers of urban city blocks by urban guerilla cells and rural and remote villages by rural insurgent fronts.

The urban guerilla cells and rural insurgent fronts then consolidated into stronger, better-coordinated and more conventionally-arranged paramilitary volunteer formations, regularly carrying out conventional large-scale operations across cities and rural and remote areas and threatening the state's fragile hold in the area. The provinces of the Cordilleran Federal Republic found their capitals besieged by the Communist rebels that have taken the surrounding towns and prefectures, and the newly-proclaimed New Palmyrian People's Republic soon launched offensives and attacks against the Federal Republic of Ilocos, the Cagayan Valley Federal Republic, and the Western Tagalog Federal Republic.

The government, under Lakambini Elizabeth's regency, launched Operation Green Mountain in October 2021, in response to the Communist takeovers. Key strongpoints of the conflict involved:

• The Cordilleran province of Apayao, the Cordilleran Federal Republic's only province with access to the sea, with operations in the province centered around St. Marcella, the provincial capital along the northern Palmyrian coast.
• The Lam-ang Corridor, focused along the Lam-ang Cordilleran Highway that snaked the heights of the Cordilleras, encompassing the provincial capitals of St. Marcella, St. Quentin, Tabuk, and Baguio, and the surrounding towns that lay along the highway that were still under control by state forces. This corridor extended all the way to the south, connecting with the Western Tagalog Lowland fork of the Commonwealth National Highway.
• The Cagayan River Valley, focused along the towns and cities along the Cagayan river still firmly under control by the state, particularly the provincial capitals of Tuguegarao, Ilagan, Saguday, and St. Margaret, connected to the south via the Dalton Pass. Operations in the northern portion of the Sierra Madre range, with the seaward side controlled by the state and the landward side being hotly contested, were also closely related to the Battle for the Cagayan River Valley.
• The Dalton Pass, the principal mountain pass connecting the Cagayan River Valley with the Western Tagalog Lowlands, with fighting centered around the fortified town of Fort Dalton.
• The Federal Republic of Ilocos, running along the western border of the Cordilleran Federal Republic, firmly in state hands.

State control of these geographical strongpoints amidst heavy rioting in the urban areas meant that the Communist secession was sliced into three isolated fronts:

• The Western Cordilleran Front, tied up between the Ilocano Federal Republic to the west and the Lam-ang Corridor to the east.
• The Eastern Cordilleran Front, tied up between the Lam-ang Corridor to the west and the Cagayan River Valley to the east.
• The Sierra Madre Front, occupying the landward side of the northern reaches of the Sierra Madre Range, and surrounded by state forces in the Cagayan River Valley to the west and state forces in the seaward side to the east.
• However, this also meant that state forces along the Lam-ang Corridor and the Cagayan River Valley were fighting on two fronts at once, as all three fronts focused their efforts on the Lam-ang Corridor and the Cagayan River Valley.

One of the major military efforts during Green Mountain was Cordillera Express, the code-name for an airbridge serving the Lam-ang Corridor and the Cagayan River Valley during the conflict. Operating amidst heavy enemy MANPAD threats, the Cordillera Express served as an aerial lifeline for Palmyrian troops holding the line in the Lam-Ang Corridor and the Cagayan River Valley. Aerial transports from the Western Tagalog Federal Republic and the Ilocano Federal Republic flew airdrop and airlift missions, alongside fighter escorts providing suppression and destruction of enemy air defenses. Cordillera Express quickly expanded to include an aerial bombardment campaign targeting Communist insurgent camps, logistics nodes, and command strongpoints in the Cordilleras and the Cagayan River Valley, alongside targeted insertions of special forces, paratroopers, and air assault troops behind enemy lines to conduct direct action raids and special reconnaissance missions.

Concurrent with Cordillera Express was the Cagayan River Ferry, the codename for a riverine operation securing the Cagayan River Valley and keeping it secure from insurgent raids and takeovers. Riverine boat squadrons, Marine amphibious landings, and Army Air Cavalry heliborne assaults along the river decisively cleared villages and towns of Communist rebel presence and responded swiftly to any rebel takeover efforts, while river barges provided riverine logistical support for state forces holding the cities and towns along the river. Civil-Military Reconstruction Teams provided humanitarian assistance and security to retaken towns along the length of the river, helping the state win back local support while preventing insurgent attempts to retake the towns.

The Navy and Maritime Gendarmerie also established a maritime blockade, helping provide a naval screen against external suppliers of the rebel effort, with the Navy and the Maritime Gendarmerie regularly interdicting smugglers and blockade runners from arriving at Palmyrian shores and bringing their goods to the Communist rebels. This effectively cut off the Communist secession from the outside world, by cutting off international smuggling chains that fed the secessionists with weapons and allowed the secessionists to export narcotics grown in secessionist-held areas.

After 8 continuous months of aerial bombardment, direct action raids, and riverine operations directed against insurgent camps, logistical nodes, and command centers, the Communist secession was starting to flag in momentum as the Palmyrian state systematically dismantled their command, training, and logistics network, paving the way for the second phase of the operation by July 2022. The counteroffensive saw air assault troopers act as the spearhead of the offensive with Army and Marine Corps heliborne air assault troops conducting "mountain hopping" operations, dropping on towns and villages behind enemy lines under heavy air cover from the Navy and the Air Force and linking up with advancing light and mechanized infantry forces, followed closely by Gendarmerie securing the retaken towns and cities and providing humanitarian assistance and reconstruction alongside civilian NGOs and private military contractors. By December 2022, the Western Cordilleran Front of the Communist secession had collapsed, thanks to the July Offensive mounted from the Ilocano Federal Republic to the west. The New Year's Offensive, launched aptly on January 2023, saw the collapse of the Sierra Madre Front with a westward state offensive from the landward side of the northern Sierra Madre range and into its landward side, linking up with and providing relief to state forces that have held the line along the Cagayan River Valley by February of 2023. A final offensive mounted on the 2nd anniversary of the June Insurrection saw the Eastern Cordilleran Front collapse by August of 2023, with a combined offensive carried out by state forces from the Cagayan River Valley and the Lam-ang Corridor vanquishing the Eastern Cordilleran Front with a two-front offensive from both the east and the west, respectively. By the arrival of 2024, the Communist secession had been effectively sliced into isolated pockets of resistance unable to coordinate and consolidate with each other.

Operation Green Mountain proved to be an operational success for the Royal Commonwealth, with Crown and state control of the Cordilleras and the Cagayan River Valley regained. Humanitarian assistance and reconstruction followed in earnest to rehabilitate and reintegrate the affected areas to the state, as small-scale clearing operations ensued to eliminate any remaining isolated pockets of resistance among the mountains. The operation's success was used by the Royal Commonwealth to leverage a ceasefire on April 2024 that heavily favored the state, with terms heavily in favor of the Royal Commonwealth. Victory, however, came at a staggering cost: 200,000 Palmyrian military personnel lost their lives, as did 400,000 insurgents and secessionists, alongside nearly 1,000,000 civilians lost in the crossfire. Controversies revolve around the indiscriminate use of heavy weapons on both sides, liberal exchange of chemical weapons (primarily insurgent use of chlorine and military use of CS gas), execution of POWs (particularly the use of firing squads on both sides), and New Palmyrian People's Republic use of child soldiers, employment of perfidy, and attacks on humanitarian corridors and centers, all of which have emerged as sensitive causes célèbres of the Crisis.

The Heartbreak Crisis (September-October 2024)

The Heartbreak Crisis was spurred by the breakup between Prince Gerard and Annika Solomon over controversies surrounding the Prince's neglect of the relationship and Annika's avarice and gold-digging attitude, and their eventual split, with Holy Roman Empress Neda III being involved, tagged by many tabloids as a "third party" in an accusation of playing a role in the split.

What was considered many to be initially merely a scandalous breakup had evolved into a full-blown national security crisis when, on the 8th of September, Don Spears, Annika Solomon's alleged sneaky link, and an entertainment mogul widely known to have deep, intimate ties with organized crime (chief among them the Spears Syndicate, the criminal enterprise that he himself ran), released a three-part ultimatum via a video posted in social media:

1. Princess Mavis' hand in marriage, in light of revelations (particularly a statement released by Princess Mavis herself) that Spears raped the princess. Don Spears invoked both Article 266C of the Federal Penal Code, which stated that "the subsequent valid marriage between the offender and the offended party shall extinguish the criminal action or the penalty imposed", and Deuteronomy 22:29 of the Christian Holy Bible, by offering to pay a dowry of "fifty shekels" (commonly interpreted to be 550g) of silver with a willingness to pay more should the Royal Family demand more.
2. The titles and styles of a Duke, his family recognized as a hereditary noble house, and Happytown turned into an autonomous duchy under the rulership of House Spears. Don Spears cited his fitness and (criminal) rulership of Happytown as grounds for demanding an autonomous duchy under his rulership and his family's sovereignty, and the state's neglect of the teeming slum since its origins in the 1970s, with Spears helping provide basic service, utilities, and order to the slum that he personally ruled through his syndicate. It is now widely documented that the services and utilities that the Spears Syndicate provided were merely means to monopolize control for his criminal enterprise:
   • Clinic-pharmacies set up by the Spears Syndicate were fronts for drug trafficking and abuse.
   • The schools set up by the Syndicate were used as training grounds to train laborers for the Syndicate's trafficking networks.
   • Utility bills for water, electricity, and internet connection went through his pockets with a substantial markup charged as "tax".
   • The "regularization" of brothels were an overt method of monopolizing control over the sex industry in the slum.
   • What passed for a local police force was really just protection rackets that demanded exorbitant protection fees.
3. The marriage of his eldest son, Justin, to Holy Roman Empress Neda III. Don Spears remarked that Neda III needed a man "to remind her of her ideal place as a woman: under the subjection of a man, even if only privately given her stature as Empress, for woman was created for man", and even insulted Prince Gerard, calling him "a beta cuck whose girl exchanged her beta bucks with an alpha like me [Don Spears]" and "a man of softness". He also positioned his son Justin as "a man who can put her in her place as a woman, a man with whom she would have strong and healthy issue."

His ultimatum was denounced worldwide, including a sternly-worded statement from the Allanean Free Kingdom's Grand Ambassador, and a condemnation by the Lakambini-Regent herself.

On the 9th of September 2024, urban guerilla gang-cells under the command of Don Spears perpetrated a series of terrorist attacks and city hall takeovers across Metropolitan Alexandria - including a mobile harassment siege of the Royal Citadel - with the intent of destabilizing and collapsing the Monarchy after his ultimatum was widely denounced. These kinetic attacks were coupled with a reputational attack, with deepfakes of the Royal family, including Prince Gerard in compromising positions with Neda III, being surfaced alongside videos of Don Spears sexually violating Princess Mavis. In response, the then-Lakambini-Regent Elizabeth launched Operation Smackdown Royale, a "special law enforcement operation" that aimed to retake Metropolitan Alexandria, dismantle urban guerilla cells, and reclaim no-go areas - chiefly Happytown, a slum that had become Don Spears' criminal dukedom - into the fold of the State.

On the 10th of September 2024, the military launched rapid air assaults on government buildings taken over by the Spears Syndicate, rapidly retaking the city from the grip of Don Spears' gangsters. Notable sub-operations under the umbrella of Smackdown Royale in the capital region included:

• Red Green, an operation to secure the sprawling UP Alexandria campus from urban activist-guerilla cells that have violently taken over the campus.
• Mile High Club, an operation to secure the Metro Alexandria International Airport in Cubao City from a hostile takeover by a mafia affiliated with the Spears Syndicate.
• Stevedore, an operation to secure the Metropolitan Port of Alexandria in Cubao City from a violent Spears Syndicate takeover.
• Shopping List, a collection of air assaults and ground operations to secure major shopping malls taken over by Syndicate urban guerillas.
• Crank Wagon (a play on krankenwagen, the German word for ambulance), a collection of air assaults and ground operations to secure hospitals.
• King Warden, launched to secure city and barangay halls taken over by Don Spears' gangsters.
• Soap Dropper, in response to prison riots launched by prison gang-cells tied to the Spears Syndicate.
• Motorworks, launched to retake bus and jeepney transport nodes taken over by gang-cells tied to Don Spears.
• Romeo Charlie, an operation launched to relieve the Royal Citadel of a large-scale Spears Syndicate siege, which had breached through the main gate and onto the citadel grounds. The Lakambini-Regent was reported to have personally led an offensive sally from the Sovereign Emergency Operations Center, a bunker beneath the Royal Citadel, in support of Romeo Charlie. The Royal Citadel would have been felled by a Hammerdown strike had it not been retaken on time by a combined effort from without (a task force dedicated to relieving the Royal Citadel siege) and within (the sally led by the Sovereign herself).

The city-wide operations were met with astounding success, with thousands of Spears Syndicate urban gangster-guerillas killed or arrested, and paving the way for the Battle of Happytown.

The Battle of Happytown

The Battle of Happytown was launched on the night of Thursday, the 12th of September 2024, after the conclusion of other city-wide operations. The battle began with Wild Weasel SEAD operations over the slum, citing threats from man-portable anti-air missiles, with SEAD aircraft luring MANPAD crews to take positions along the rooftops of the slum and guiding air cavalry raiders to take out the now-exposed MANPAD crews. The military launched a combined air-ground-amphibious assault on the slum hours later, on 3AM of Friday the 13th of September 2024: Army motorized divisions assaulted the slum from the ground, while Army air assault units vertically enveloped the slum from above using helicopter insertion; meanwhile, the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Regiment launched air-amphibious assaults from the Bay of Alexandria to the South, supported by the 3rd Expeditionary Strike Group, boxing them from the sea; finally, special forces, particularly the 3rd Light Reaction Regiment of the Light Reaction Corps and the 13th Scout Ranger Regiment of the Scout Ranger Corps formed tunnel rat units to infiltrate the slum through its labyrinthine tunnels, boxing the slum from within.

The Spears Syndicate, which had entrenched themselves in the slum of 2 million jam-packed into a tiny 2 square kilometers of squalid slum, the slum that they have controlled since 2010, responded with a last stand. Their armed strength consisted of:

• 10,000 first-rate mercenaries, armed with modern, cutting-edge equipment. They formed the core and backbone of whatever stood for a military in Happytown, and led the second-rate militia and third-rate gangsters in combat.
• 40,000 second-rate militia, armed with older legacy equipment. While comparably better-armed than third-rate gangsters, their equipment was still inferior compared to the first-rate mercenaries that led them during the battle.
• 150,000 third-rate gangbangers, poorly-armed and poorly-trained, yet highly volatile especially under the influence of drugs. It is estimated that about a third of these gangbangers were merely press-ganged into fighting for Don Spears by the first-rate mercenaries and the second-rate militia.

The military made wide use of tear gas and drones to dislodge entrenched Spears Syndicate troopers and gangsters during the openign strike, and Don Spears was confirmed killed in the opening hours of the main assault, during which Prince Gerard and Novayan Grand Marshal Borealis Norsoutha III took part in personally killing Don Spears. The scene of Don Spears' bloodied and dead body being dragged by Gerard and Borealis III to the task force headquarters was a widely-broadcasted one, and one that garnered much controversy regarding the ethical and moral treatment of wartime dead during a military operation to retake a slum.

Even with Don's death, the battle dragged on, as his son Justin took on the reins of leading his father's criminal enterprise in its last stand in Happytown. Within a week, the Battle for Happytown became a bloody slog through the tapering and winding alleys and streets of the slum; the Spears Syndicate gained notoriety for arson and scorched-earth retreats, widespread use of sarin and chlorine as chemical agents, and frequent attacks on humanitarian corridors, while the military was slammed for liberal use of heavy weapons, aerial strikes and strafes, and tear gas in a heavily-populated slum. A common scene during the Battle for Happytown consisted of Police and Gendarmerie conducting riot control operations in one street while the military was engaged in brutal firefights with the Spears Syndicate the next street over.

The Battle for Happytown's bloody main phase ended nearly a month later, on the 11th of October 2024, with operations scaling down to low-intensity holding and mopping-up operations after the slum was retaken and the Spears Syndicate was vanquished.

The casualty toll for the battle was staggering:

• 8,000 Palmyrian military personnel and 2,000 Novayan military personnel were killed, with thousands more injured.
• Of the Spears Syndicate, 9,000 mercenaries, 36,000 militiamen, and 135,000 gangbangers were killed.
• Civilian casualties numbered nearly 200,000 dead, with the entire slum evacuated in the wake of the battle.

The Battle for Happytown would go down as a causes célèbre of the Heartbreak Crisis due to the sheer amount of lives lost and property destroyed, with the military slammed for disregarding internationally-recognized rules of engagement in heavily-populated areas, and the Spears Syndicate's notoriety as a criminal enterprise cemented both domestically and globally.

The 2024 Succession Accords

The Succession Accords, after finally passing judicial review by the Supreme Court on the 4th of October, stipulated that Elizabeth step down and take the role and title of Lakambini Emeritus, and Jilliane become the Sovereign and Lakambini; this succession would take effect upon January 1, 2025, with a coronation scheduled on the 25th. Nathan and Julia, as Elizabeth's twins and the late Alexander II's posthumous issue with her, shall respectively become first and second in line to the throne; from then on, succession through absolute primogeniture, as has been royal succession tradition since Maximillian the Refounder, shall proceed as normal.

Nobody knows why Elizabeth decided to give up the throne to Jilliane; whether out of sheer exhaustion, or out of moral conviction about the nature of her succession to power, one can only speculate, though these were the two most speculated reasons. Nonetheless, the Succession Accords has been received in positive light, as an act of righting wrongs.

With recognition by the Royal House, endorsement by the Agency for the Royal Household, and approvals from the Cabinet, the Assembly, and the Supreme Court secured, and public support garnered, the Succession Accords are effectively ratified and validated as the resolution to the Succession Crisis that has plagued the Palmyrian monarchy over the last five years.

Politics

Governance

According to Art. II, Sec. 1 of the 2000 Charter of Royal Commonwealth, Palmyrion is a "monarcho-democratic state", a "democratic federation governed by an executive parliamentary monarchy". The present-day constitution of the Royal Commonwealth is the 2000 Charter of Royal Commonwealth, commonly referred to as the 2000 Constitution. The Monarch serves as the Royal Palmyrian Commonwealth's Sovereign-of-State, representing the unity, continuity, and sovereignty of the State, and embodying the nation in functions of state and ceremony. The Chancellor serves as the Aide-de-Camp of Government, and presides over the administration of the State and the execution of laws and policies. According to political analysts, the Palmyrian Sovereign holds discretionary executive powers on par with that of a president in a semi-presidential republic, with substantial powers granted to them by the constitution; furthermore, their relationship with their chancellor is best encapsulated by the adage that the Sovereign commands the desired vision while the Chancellor executes the necessary mission.

The Palmyrian state is comprised of the following branches:

• Executive - As a monarchy, the Royal Commonwealth's head of state is the Monarch, with succession based upon absolute primogeniture. The head of government is the Chancellor, and must maintain the confidence of the Assembly to remain in power, lest they be voted out of power by a no-confidence consensus from the Assembly.
• Legislative - The Commonwealth Assembly is the main legislative branch of Royal Commonwealth, and consists of a lower house, the Chamber of Councillors, and an upper house, the Chamber of Senators. The Chamber of Councillors has 400 seats, with each province given 10 representatives, and the Chamber of Senators has 100 seats, with each Federal Republic allotted 10 senators.
• Judiciary - Palmyrion's highest court is the Supreme Court. Each Federal Republic also maintains its state court, to which the provincial trial courts of its constituent provinces are subordinate. It also has other adjoining courts, like the Court of Appeals, which cater to appeals, and the Sandiganbayan, a court specially for cases related to graft and corruption.

Foreign Relations

Palmyrion maintains its foreign relations with the rest of the world mostly via multilateral trade and sociocultural exchange. As a signatory to the Amistad Declaration, it has also adopted a policy of bellum aeternum, or "eternal war", against states whose governments espouse slavery of any form, and provides military and law enforcement aid to countries who de jure have abolished and banned slavery but are otherwise facing problems in stamping out slavery.

Palmyrion is a member of, notably, the International Freedom Coalition, and the Capitalist Internationale; additionally, it is also a member of the Greater Prussian Alliance by virtue of its membership in the Capitalist Internationale. The Marquesan Imperium and the Alfar Imperium stand as strategic partners, while Holy Marsh, Romandeos, and Allanea are considered major allies of the Royal Commonwealth.

Military

The Armed Forces of Palmyrion (Sandatahang Lakas ng Palmyria) serves as the armed military force of the Royal Commonwealth, responsible for the armed defense of Palmyrian interests both domestic and foreign. It is composed of the following branches:

• Palmyrian Army - The Palmyrian Army (Hukbong Katihan ng Palmyria) is the land-based branch of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion, focusing on land-based missions alongside the other branches of the military. Its missions include conventional and asymmetric mechanized, airborne, and air assault warfare, and ground-based air and maritime defence roles.
• Palmyrian Navy - The Palmyrian Navy (Hukbong Pandagat ng Palmyria) is the maritime component of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion, focusing on maritime-based missions alongside the other branches of the military. Its missions include naval-based maritime warfare and air defence roles, and amphibious warfare through its sub-branch the Marine Corps (Pal. Hukbong Katihang Pandagat ng Palmyria).
• Palmyrian Air Force - The Palmyrian Air Force (Hukbong Himpapawid ng Palmyria) is the air and space component of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion, focusing on aerospace-based missions alongside other branches of the military. Its primary mission is to help obtain and secure aerospatial supremacy and security for Palmyrian forces and allies thereof.
• Palmyrian Gendarmerie - The Palmyrian Gendarmerie (Hukbong Pamayapa ng Palmyria) is one of the two national police forces, along with the Palmyrian National Police, and is a gendarmerie-type branch of the Armed Forces of Palmyrion. Formed on 2018 from the split of the Constabulary, it specializes on military internal security and coast guard duties, while filling a niche role in Palmyrian law enforcement. It can also be deployed overseas to support military units in internal security roles.

Palmyrian military doctrine is primarily rooted in hybrid warfare. Kinetically, its strategic, operational, and tactical outlook is based on combined arms warfare, with the aim of achieving comprehensive dominance over any military adversary. As an expansive nation of rough tropical jungle terrain, a premium is placed on highly-mobile formations such as light infantry, strategically supported by air power. This outlook is paired with the need for a blue-water navy tasked with guarding its waters as an archipelagic nation. At the non-kinetic level, the military coordinates with other bodies of government to execute a spectrum of operations; chief among this is its adoption of a Human Terrain framework for community engagement and humanitarian assistance, a skill it has honed during the Counter-Insurgency War.

Armed Forces of Palmyrion (2018)
Branch	Active	Reserve	Total
Palmyrian Army	1,200,000	400,000	1,600,000
Palmyrian Navy	1,600,000	800,000	2,400,000
Palmyrian Marine Corps	200,000	100,000	300,000
Palmyrian Air Force	1,200,000	400,000	1,600,000
Palmyrian Civil Defence Force	1,200,000	400,000	1,600,000
GRAND TOTAL	5,400,000	2,100,000	8,000,000

Administrative Divisions

Palmyrion is subdivided into 40 provinces among 10 federal subjects. Each province is further subdivided into prefectures, themselves containing cities, towns, and villages.

Federal subjects and provinces of the Royal Commonwealth

Federal Subject	Population (2024)	Federal Capital	Provinces	Provincial Capital
Tagalog Federal Republic	300,000,000	Imus, Cavite	Cavite	Imus
			Quezon	Lucena
			Makiling	Calamba
			Bulacan	St. Joseph
Bicolano Federal Republic	200,000,000	St. Dominic, Albay	Albay	St. Dominic
			Camarines	Naga
			Sorsogon	St. Magdalene
			Catanduanes	Pandan
Western Tagalog Federal Republic	200,000,000	St. Ferdinand, Pampanga	Pampanga	St. Ferdinand
			Zambales	Olongapo
			Mindoro	Calapan
			Palawan	Port Elizabeth
Batangan Federal Republic	150,000,000	Batangas City, Batangas	Batangas	Batangas City
			Lipa	Balayan
			Nasugbu	St. Therese
			Talisay	St. Nicholas
Cagayan Valley Federal Republic	150,000,000	Tuguegarao, Cagayan	Cagayan	Tuguegarao
			St. Elizabeth	Ilagan
			Quirinus	Saguday
			New Monadh	St. Margaret
Cordilleran Federal Republic	75,000,000	Baguio City, Benguet	Benguet	Baguio City
			Kalinga	Tabuk
			Abra	St. Quentin
			Apayao	St. Marcella
Ilocano Federal Republic	75,000,000	Vigan City, Ilocos	Ilocos	Vigan City
			Laoag	Pagudpud
			St. Gabriel	Santol
			Pangasinan	St. Charles
Visayan Federal Republic	200,000,000	Iloilo City, Halawod	Halawod	Iloilo City
			Cebu	Mactan City
			Bohol	Tagbilaran City
			Samar	Tacloban
Islamic Republic of Sulu	50,000,000	Jolo City, Jolo	Jolo	Jolo City
			Patikul	Patikul City
			Maimbung	Kandang
			Indanan	Malimbaya
Islamic Republic of Mindanao	100,000,000	Iligan, Maguindanao	Maguindanao	Iligan
			Davao	Davao City
			Zamboanga	Pagadian
			Caraga	Butuan