Apilonia (Earth II)

The Kingdom of Apilonia
Flag
Anthem: I Vow to Thee, My Country Royal anthem: God Save the King!
Capital	Royal District, Seattle
Largest	Los Angeles
Demonym(s)	Apilonian
Government	Constitutional Monarchy
• King of Apilonia	William V
• Prime Minister of Apilonia	The Right Honourable Sebastian T. Barnes
Area
•	12,686,790 km2 (4,898,400 sq mi)
Population
• Estimate	227,314,235 (2020)
GDP (PPP)	estimate
• Total	$14,163,000,000,000
• Per capita	£62,547

The Kingdom of Apilonia is a sovereign nation-state in Earth II, largey based in North America, with some territorial holdings elsewhere in the world dating back several hundred years. The modern Kingdom is a democratic state, with a written constitution and organised as a Constitutional Monarchy. The Kingdom is bordered to the North by the Republic of Skrælland, to the East by the Empire of Layarteb, to the South by the Republic of Mexico, and to the West by the Pacific Ocean.

Apilonia is a founding nation, and first-amongst-equals, of the Apilonian Commonwealth.

History

Foundation of the Kingdom

The Apilonian Expedition first reached in the New World in 1607, landing in Hudson Bay by way of the Labrador Sea in order to access the interior of the continent and avoid the Layartebian Kingdoms along the Atlantic coastline. An initial settlement was established at York Factory, which in addition to being an initial staging station for subsequent expedition waves also served as a key trading post for furs which were sold back to Europe to aid in the Expedition’s financial affairs. From York Factory the Expedition split into several smaller expeditions, each typically led by a principal investor determined to carve out their domains as quickly as possible and with as prime a territory as possible. The first to break off was the Mackenzie Expedition, which proceeded southwards and founded Ottawa and Toronto, seeking to trade with the Layartebian Kingdoms and to access to presumed fishing wealth of the Great Lakes. Meanwhile, the King’s Expedition proceeded westward across the continent, along with most principal investors seeking the potential trade routes that were assumed to exist to the Far East, settling Winnipeg as the first major settlement to survive the winter.

In the spring, the Ramsey Expedition proceeded south into what would become the Duchy of Minnesota, and later into the Dakotas, resulting in the first major conflict with Native American, particularly in the Black Hills. The King’s Expedition continued westward, with smaller offshoots settling Calgary and Edmonton amongst others, before finally reaching the Pacific Ocean by the end of 1608. Some of the King’s Expedition settled at Vancouver, however the King and his retinue proceeded southwards eventually chancing upon Puget Sound and the surrounding areas and deciding upon it as the ideal location for the Capital of the new Kingdom. Over the following weeks and months, countless smaller expeditions would spread out into the surrounding area, particularly as new waves of settlers arrived via the Hudson Bay. Initial contact with the Native Americans tended to be friendly, however both the language barrier and cultural differences led to increased negative relations, in time leading to hostilities between the Apilonian settlers and the Native Americans; largely skirmishes and chance encounters and disputes rather than determined conflict.

Although not desirable, and never official policy, it was generally accepted that conflict with the Native Americans was unavoidable; and this was borne out in consistent hostilities whenever a group of Apilonian settlers entered an area already inhabited by the tribe. In response, the King raised the first regiments of what would eventually become the Apilonian Army, and authorised the establishment of militia by the nobility and landed gentry, and appointed his son and heir, Prince Edward, to be the first Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, who oversaw the overall military situation against the Native Americans. The Prince established his headquarters on Bainbridge at Fort Ward, using it as a forward base for the conflict with the Suquamish Tribe of the Kitsap Peninsula which was the last remaining native threat so close to Seattle. Although the Prince was a competent strategic and conducted a series of successful campaigns against the Native Americans, as well as laying the groundwork for future peaceful settlements, Prince Edward was wounded during battle that he would never fully recover from, causing him to die shortly into his own reign after he succeeded his father as King in 1624, ultimately dying childless and the throne passing to his younger brother, George in 1630.

Domestic History

Early Expansion

The Apilonians continued to expand into the countryside, largely on the back of the nobility, landed gentry, and the militia that they commanded, with persistent but ultimately limited conflict with the Native Americans. In the meantime, the Kingdom’s existing settlements expanded rapidly especially as trading expeditions reached into the Pacific Ocean and beyond, protected by the fledgling Royal Navy which helped to finance the expansion of the Apilonians across the North American continent. From the reign of Queen Adrienne, starting in 1838, Apilonian policy began to shift towards encouraging a ‘civilizing’ process under the Apilonian Crown, which included protections for the Native Americans, the promotion of commerce and cultural exchange and, critically, the punishment of those who violated Native American rights. Tragically, this increased interaction with the Native Americans gave rise to significant passage of disease, relatively harmless to European settlers but devastating to the Native Americans, which resulted in major depopulation across the Kingdom, as well as an increase in distrust between the Apilonians and the Native Americans that would ensure decades more conflict.

Over the following decades there would be numerous wars and conflicts, and only seven years into Queen Adrienne’s reign and her hopes for a peaceful solution it became obvious that it became necessary to establish a standing, professional military in the form of the Apilonian Army in 1645.

Shortly afterwards, as an Apilonian expedition proceeds southwards along the Pacific Coast into California where they almost immediately came into contact with Nuevo Ricans who were advancing from the South, which soon led to violence as the two opposing sets of settlers came into conflict as the Apilonian were determined to push southwards. In the east, the Duke of Minnesota and his subordinates fought a number of on-off conflicts with the natives of the Plains Nations, as the Apilonians tried push southwards into the fertile region and were resisted at every step. Despite this difficulty, some Apilonian expeditions ventured down the Mississippi itself establishing a number of settlements along the way, immediately recognizing both the trade and communication value of the river to the growing Apilonian Kingdom. In due course this expedition, which was made up of a large number of settlers of French origin, would culminate in the settling of New Orleans in 1718, and the Duchy of Louisiana which remained isolated for some years until overland expansion caught up. Much as on the Pacific coast, this proximity to the Empire of Nuevo Rico would lead to a long series of on-off conflicts over what would become the Duchy of Texas, as competing settlers fought over the territory. However, despite expansion down the Pacific coastline and the Mississippi, much of the interior remained unsettled and with conflict on the southern frontier this soon became the focus of future Apilonian expeditions.

Settling the Interior

Over the coming decades, expeditions into the interior were launched to map and later claim the territory. Much of this expansion was at the hands of second and third generation landed gentry and artisans, eager to carve out their own destiny in the vast interior. Tragically, for all involved, this Apilonian expansion triggered a new series of wars with the Native Americans, many of who had fled Apilonian expansion into the interior as well as the countless tribes already inhabiting that area… who had been viewing the encroaching Apilonians with suspicion for some time. The slow but steady nature of Apilonian expansion into the interior meant that the Native Wars dragged on for decades, and in many respects were fought between bands of natives and small groups of settlers, with direct military intervention only being possible around major settlements. It was during this time that the Royal Militia became particularly important, as they were often the only semi-organised military force available for many miles.

During this period, His Majesty’s Cavalry became particularly prominent, as their speed and strategic manoeuvrability meant that they were far more effective against native tribes than the infantry would be, giving rise to a number of Dragoon and Yeomanry regiments. Given that many nobles and landed gentry served in the Cavalry, to protect their land and their tenants, this cemented the trend within the Cavalry as being the preserve of the upper classes, for the officers, and middle class for the enlisted. Over time, the superior weapons and tactics of the Apilonian Army proved decisive and, a few disasters aside, the natives were steadily pushed further and further back in the face of Apilonian settlement. One by one, the natives accepted peace treaties with the Crown that would allow them to either integrate into Apilonian society, or to continue to live on specific Crown Reservations under the protection of the Crown (as well as receiving various subsidies by His Majesty’s Government). In such an arrangement, the natives were allowed to manage their own affairs (so long as they didn’t violate Crown Law), but also enjoyed the privileges of Apilonian Citizenship, including the right to vote.

Over time, the arrangement has evolved from one of semi-independent ‘nations’ loyal to the Crown, to semi-autonomous ‘nations’ in the same manner as a Duchy is semi-autonomous but is undoubtedly an integral part of the Kingdom. Nevertheless, for a variety of reasons (not the least of which is weak property rights on reservations, for cultural reasons), the Crown Reservations are some of the poorest areas in the Kingdom, although there are attempts at further reform.

The Rise and Fall of a Colonial Empire

The Persian Gulf

Within only a few decades of the founding of the Kingdom, Apilonian merchants were conducting a roaring trade across the Pacific and Indian Oceans, as well as with the occupiers of the coastline of the Persian Gulf. Initially these trade routes were profitable and peaceful, as they were mutually beneficial in most respects, however it soon became common knowledge throughout the region that Apilonian ships would be rich pickings, forcing the fledgling Royal Navy to expand rapidly in an effort to counter these attacks, particularly prevalent around the Straits of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. After a time, it became obvious that the Navy would have to institute a convoy system, as there were simply far too few Apilonian warships to go around otherwise, beginning of a long tradition of a surprising degree of co-operation between the civilian merchant shipping companies. In general, the presence of an Apilonian warship was usually sufficient to convince would-be pirates that the potential prize was not worth the risk of engaging a warship in battle, however the pirates in the Persian Gulf became increasingly audacious over the years, stretching Apilonian naval resources to breaking point.

On 11 August 1672, three years into the reign of Queen Adrienne, Her Majesty’s Ship Vigilant, a 32-Gun Frigate under the command of Captain Sir Edward Saganami, was escorting a convoy of six merchantmen when the group was set upon by five pirate vessels, including two similarly-armed frigates and three gun-brigs, outgunning the Vigilant by quite a large margin. Despite this, Captain Saganami ordered the convoy to scatter before turning to engage the pirate. After a long, complex engagement, Vigilant was able to sink one enemy frigate and two of the pirate brigs, before being sunk herself by the remaining (damaged) frigate and brig, by which point the convoy had managed to successfully scatter and suffered no losses. This engagement was reported back to the Kingdom by the RMS Prince Adrian, and Saganami would soon become venerated by the Royal Navy, and the ‘Saganami Tradition’ is the yard-stick by which all future Apilonian officers are measured. The engagement cemented the RAN’s preeminent position within the Kingdom, and would enjoy significant funding, political and public support, until the modern day.

In the aftermath of this engagement it became fundamentally clear to Her Majesty’s Government that a permanent Apilonian naval presence in the Persian Gulf was necessary. After a failed attempt at negotiations with the Bahraini leadership, the Royal Navy conducted a bombardment of the island followed by an assault by the Royal Marines; securing the island within a week. After a precarious few months, the island received a full garrison and a Royal Governor, being formally declared the Crown Colony of Bahrain, shortly after which the construction of a Naval Dockyard at Manama was started. Although the establishment of an Apilonian naval base in the Persian Gulf helped matters, and dramatically decreased both the strain on the Navy and the success rate of pirate attacks, harassment by the pirates continued over the following years. After proof of a conspiracy by the Emir of Qatar to support the pirates against the Apilonian ‘invaders’ reached the Governor of Bahrain, a punitive expedition was launched that resulted in the full conquest of Qatar in 1704, which was subsequently absorbed as the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar. Never the less, despite the example provided by the Qatari Incident, pirate attacks continued and soon became an unacceptable provocation to an increasingly important Apilonian presence in the region. As such, in the years that followed additional troops and guns were transported from North America into the Persian Gulf under as much secrecy as was possible.

Over the following decades the Kingdom of Apilonia fought a number of campaigns against the Pirate States in the Persian Gulf, defeating each in term and imposing harsh terms upon them for the expense, in blood and treasure, of bringing them to heel. In effect, these treaties, which included a total maritime truce (giving rise to the term, Trucial States), effectively resulted in these coastal emirates becoming Apilonian protectorates in all but name, until this was made formal in 1892. Under the terms of the various treaties, the Apilonians were able to extract a number of major concessions from these states, effectively securing the Apilonian position in the Persian Gulf, in return for a promise to protect these states after the Protectorate Treaty of 1892. As a result of the treaties, the Kingdom had almost exclusive access to an extensive market and became a major source of income for the Kingdom.

Indeed, the economic importance of the Persian Gulf to many major Apilonian trading companies, into the 20th Century, was demonstrated when, from the late 1930s, the Sultanate of Oman began to interfere, politically, economically and militarily, in Apilonian interests inside the Trucial States. This, combined with threats in the Mediterranean to Malta, as well as other Apilonian colonies, created a perfect storm that resulted in a sharp economic downturn for the Kingdom as a result of both the lost income and the increased military expenditure required to resist these attacks. This led to a series of incidents in the Persian Gulf between Apilonian warships, attempting to enforce compliance with various treaty conditions, and Omani military ships attempting to intervene. Over the following years this resulted in a steady low of influence over the Trucial States who steadily moved away from Apilonian camp, despite economic and political sanctions as a result. The Sultanate of Oman attempted a similar strategy against the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar, however by this point these were long-standing Apilonian territory and a successful assimilation process had resulted in a general loyalty amongst the populous.

Despite the political defeat for the Kingdom in 1974, when the former Trucial States fully rejected their former status by joining the United Arab Sultanate, the Kingdom was still determined to maintain its influence in the region, powered by the presence of the booming Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar, as well as enforcing Apilonian naval superiority in the Persian Gulf. This was largely achieved by deliberately provocative close transits by Apilonian warships into Sultanate waters, as well as insisting on a (rather expensive) policy of shadowing all Sultanate naval vessels outside of their own waters by an Apilonian vessel. This occasionally led to hot standoffs, typically in which naval shore missile batteries fired a shot at an Apilonian warship only to be shot down by defensive weapons. It would only be in the 21st Century that a Freedom of Information (FOI) request revealed that Apilonian Captains were authorised to retaliate ‘in full’ if their ships were actually hit by an enemy missile. In short, the Admiralty’s position was that Apilonian weapons systems and training would be sufficient to prevent damage to their ships and that contemptuously ignoring such attacks would send the appropriate methods. This tit-for-tat provocation continued well into the 21st Century.

Aden and East Africa

Following the effective defeat and subjugation of what would become the Trucial States in the Persian Gulf by 1798, the Apilonian officials in the region were eager to further expand Apilonian control and influence over region, in no small part to further develop steadily growing trade links with East Africa. In March 1802, a major Apilonian expedition marched into modern-day Oman, crushing local opposition and enforcing a series of stipulations on the local Sultan as a result, including the presence of Apilonian representatives and Apilonian influence only grew over the following decades until, in 1839, a new Apilonian expedition marched further along the coast into modern-day Yemen to secure the key port city of Aden to put a stop to pirate attacks against Apilonian shipping to East Africa. Unlike the Trucial States and Oman, modern-day Yemen was administered by the Kingdom as the Aden Colony, with the city itself becoming a major port of call for merchant ships and a major naval station for the Royal Navy.

With the presence of the Aden Colony on the other side of the Gulf of Aden the Apilonian influence in Somaliland, that is modern-day Somalia, Djibouti and Eritrea, only grew and after an uprising by small tribal coalition, the Apilonian punitive expedition that resulted established the Crown Colony of Somaliland, placing the entire Gulf of Aden under Apilonian control and securing the Apilonian presence in East Africa.

Although the exact political nature of Apilonian control over the region varied over the following decades, the situation remained largely stable, and the entire region was of significant economic importance to the Kingdom. By the 1930s, however, the Sultanate of Oman, over which the Apilonian influence had waned, began to interfere political, economic and militarily in Apilonian interests in both the Trucial States and the Colony of Aden. Unlike the Trucial States, the Crown Colony of Aden was directly administered by the Kingdom and had a sizable Apilonian garrison and, like the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar in the Persian Gulf, was able to resist this pressure far more effectively, although the economic impact of the various pressures of the time had a negative impact on the Apilonian administration. Violent opposition to the Apilonian presence began to be more prevalent in both Aden and Somaliland.

It was in Aden that the situation would deteriorate quickest and most seriously. What would become known as the Aden Emergency began on 14 October 1963 with the throwing of a grenade at a gathering of Apilonian officials at Aden Airport, resulting in a State of Emergency being declared. This emergency escalated in 1967, and hastened the end of Apilonian rule in the territory which had begun as a result of the Crisis of Confidence that afflicted the Kingdom during this Kingdom, resulting in the establishment of the independent Yemen on 30 November 1967 following the withdrawal of the last Apilonian forces. In Somaliland, the Apilonian withdrawal following the end of the Aden Emergency only encouraged the rebel groups in the Crown Colony, despite the Kingdom’s desire to retain a presence due to the strategic importance of the region. An insurgency continued until in 1970, a young, charismatic leader emerged, Emmanuel Xavier, who called for an end to the fighting and a negotiated end to Apilonian administration. The Apilonian Government, eager to extract the Kingdom from the situation, successfully negotiated a settlement that would allow the Kingdom to retain a naval station at Djibouti in return for granting independence. This agreement was finalised on 26 June 1970, with the establishment of the East African Republic.

Despite successfully extracting itself physically from the immediate situation, the Apilonian withdrawal from the region was largely detrimental to the stability of the region, and the Kingdom has had to retain a significant interest in the area even if a physical presence is limited to Djibouti. As such, the Kingdom’s presence and interests in the region remain prevalent to the modern day.

Crisis of Confidence and The Terror

The loss of much of the Apilonian colonial empire by 1975 had a devastating impact on the Kingdom’s sense of self-confidence and this only made matters worse both at home and abroad. Although the Liberal Party had been very successful in pursuing its domestic agenda, resulting in a widespread increase in civil rights across the Kingdom, as well as a strong economy, its mishandling of foreign affairs resulted in it being voted out of office in the 1975 General Election, being replaced by a Conservative Government. The damage was done, however, and whilst the new government, although with the relatively new King, William V, tried to minimise the damage done by Apilonia’s chaotic withdrawal from many former colonies, there was little appetite in Parliament for the kind of intense hands-on involvement that would be truly necessary. As a result, although the Kingdom would not become truly isolationist, this crisis of confidence certainly encouraged the Kingdom to take a step-back from the global stage in many respects, although this was not totally possible due to the size and importance of the Apilonian economy and its remaining colonial possessions, Malta, Bahrain and Qatar.

As a result, the Kingdom continued to invest in its armed forces, with a particular emphasis (as as long been the case) on the Royal Navy, which remained one of the world’s largest and most capable.

The Kingdom also invested heavily in more soft-power approaches, which the Navy complemented quite nicely in a variety of roles, particularly in former colonies. Domestically, matters were broadly stable across the majority of the Kingdom, however Duchy of Ontario requested to be allowed to secede from the Kingdom, a request that was granted by the majority Liberal Party after a fierce floor fight in the Apilonian Senate, due in no small part to the economic and political prominence (and relative isolation) of the Duchy. Initially, relations were warm enough as had been the case in former colonies that had gained independence even if the secession of the Duchy was very unpopular and seen by many as a final humiliation, leading to the downfall of the Liberal Party in the 1975 General Election where it was replaced with a Conservative Government. Despite many feelings of betrayal within the Kingdom, as Ontario had been one of the earliest Duchies, relations remained largely positive for the remainder of the 1970s and 1980s. Nevertheless, the rise of a Conservative Government in the wake of this last failure by the Liberal Party, led to a halt in the Kingdom’s decline but many challenges remained if any sort of reversal was to be achieved.

Successive Conservative Governments, who favoured a hands-off approach by the state, embarked on a significant campaign of economic deregulation in order to boost the fortunes of the economy, which broadly worked at the expense of increased corporate power vis-a-vis the government. Over time, this trend would be arrested as the Conservative Government lost ground electorally compared to a new Centrist Party, and a balance would eventually be achieved between avoiding unnecessary government regulations and ensuring that the necessary regulations were in place to avoid corporate overreach and to protect consumers. Nevertheless, a significant focus on the economy between 1975 and 1990, as well as a focus on innovation, allowed the Kingdom to remain an economic powerhouse despite the loss of its Empire, with the military industrial capacity a particularly success which helped retain a large and capable military.

By the 1990s, Apilonian politics had been steadily trending towards the centre, both in the form of the new Centrist Party which had effectively secured the centre, as well as a steady move towards the centre by both the Liberals and the Conservatives as they sought to recover some of the more moderate voters that had flocked to the Centrists. Given that the Centrists as well as moderate Liberals and Conservatives would be able to command the vast majority of seats within the House of Commons, and moderate peers and Senators were the majority in the Senate, this led to broadly moderate policies that would be long lasting, rather than legislation that could flip-flop every time the majority in Parliament changed hands. It also resulted in the formation of two new parties, more solidly on the left and right of the political spectrum (although neither would be truly ‘far left’ or ‘far right’) in the form of the Crown Imperial Party and the Socialist Collective, both of which were able to gain some seats in the Commons, at the expense of some of the more radical members of the Conservative and Liberal parties respectably.

However, some within the Kingdom were not happy with this political move towards the centre, the most notable of which was Lord Edward Buchanan, Duke of Texas, who led the main opposition to more moderate policies in the Senate. In time, Lord Buchanan developed the belief that such moderation was a betrayal of Conservative principles and became increasingly erratic and outspoken in advocating for a more proactive response to this betrayal, which he also saw as a betrayal of the Kingdom. Indeed, although by no means suspected at the time it would later become known that Lord Buchanan was responsible for the bombing of a Crown Building in Oklahoma City in 1995, as well as several other more minor attacks. By 2000, Lord Buchanan went a step further and challenged King William V for the throne on the basis of a distant claim, and the view that the King had failed to rule the Kingdom appropriately, but was immediately unsuccessful as this was, after all, the 21st Century and not the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, this was the final straw for many in the Apilonian Establishment and a warrant for the arrest of Lord Buchanan on charges of high treason was issued by the Senate.

However, when an arrest team from the Royal Apilonian Constabulary arrived in Texas to detain the disgraced Duke, Lord Buchanan ordered the Texas Guard to resist which resulted in a firefight with Crown Constables during which he was able to slip away. Not satisfied with having escaped justice, instead of slipping quietly out of the country Lord Buchanan instead gathered to himself his most loyal supporters and embarked upon a campaign of terrorist attacks that shook the Kingdom to its core, in what became known as the Terror. Although the Kingdom was never truly at risk in terms of its long (or really even its short, as Lord Buchanan had no political support by this point) term political security, murders and terrorist attacks rocked APilonia for two years before Lord Buchanan was tracked down and detailed by Apilonian special forces. A short trial followed, as Buchanan had never been particularly subtle about his involvement and was soon found guilty unanimously by the Senate, the first and only time that a peer on trial before the Senate had been found guilty by unanimous vote (and the last time a judicial trial was held in the Senate), and was sentenced to the death. An appeal to the King was unsuccessful, and after everything that the man had done the King was disciplined to commute or pardon him and, as a result, Lord Edward Buchanan was executed by lethal injection on 23 May 2003.

Modern Resurgence

The Last Great North American War

Ultimately, the main turning point following the Terror would prove to be the Great North American War, something of an overly dramatic name for a relatively small conflict granted additional status by the fact that many analysts believe it likely to be the last major war to be fought in North America, had its original beginnings as far back as 1972 with the secession of the Duchy of Ontario, which largely remained on good terms with Apilonia following independence.

However, in December of 1995 the now independent Duke of Ontario, Edward Mackenzie, died suddenly and was replaced by the elder of his two sons; eighteen year old Thomas Mackenzie, who would prove to be singularly ill suited for the position. Young and inexperienced, yet arrogant and brash, Duke Thomas had a grand plan for independent Ontario that was fundamentally at odds with two key developments; the first was an early indication of a resurgence in Apilonian fortunes, particularly economically which had turned Apilonia into one of the world’s leading economies, and a steady growth of a faction within Ontario that favoured returning to the Kingdom that appeared on the edge of a renaissance. As Duke Thomas faced increasing domestic pressure he had embarked upon a trade war with both Apilonia and the Empire of Layarteb, despite clearly being in a position of weakness, that steadily soured relations with both of Ontario’s larger neighbours. This ill-conceived trade war, which Ontario undoubtedly came out on the poorer side of, led to increased tensions within the Duchy against the Duke, which quickly became increasingly violent.

By 2001, at which point Apilonia was embroiled in domestic insurrection on the part of the Duke of Texas, Ontario was causing almost daily incidents at its borders with Apilonia and Layarteb; short of an act of war but irritating to say the least. By the first months of 2003, two developments set the last great North American War in motion. The first was a new surge of protesters and riots in Ontario, after the Duke had rammed through a controversial new security law, which he subsequently used to enact a violent crackdown on his own people, causing his younger brother, William, Earl of Toronto, who had been increasingly aligned with the pro-Apilonia faction, to flee the Duchy. The Earl fled to Seattle, where he petitioned the King to intervene in Ontario to put an end to the Duke’s increasing tyranny, and although the Apilonian Government was initially inclined to do so, the Earl had another bombshell to drop. Departing Ontario, the Earl had brought with him a significant amount of physical evidence that linked the Duke of Ontario to the Duke of Texas and his treasonous cause that had plagued the Kingdom for two years, and confirmed that he had provided both financial and military support. 
To say that this had infuriated the Apilonian Government would be an understatement, who went public as soon as the evidence was verified, and called on the Ontario Government to depose Duke Thomas and to hand him over to Apilonia for trial. Indeed, the Ontario Assembly attempted to do just that, however the Duke ordered his troops into the Assembly Building and dissolved the Assembly for treason, arguing that they had no legal requirement to follow the dictates of the Apilonian King. This was the final straw, and with the support of the Empire of Layarteb, the Kingdom of Apilonia declared war on the Duchy of Ontario on 1 March 2003 after its ultimatum passed without concession by the Duke. Ontario enjoyed a small but well-equipped and well-trained military force, largely trained and equipped by Apilonia either before independence or during the reign of Duke Edward, including five dozen F-16C Fighting Falcons, an armoured brigade and two infantry brigades, and half a dozen Type-21 frigates formally of the Apilonian Royal Navy.

The conflict began in the early hours of 1 March, with a joint Apilonian and Layartebian combined fighter sweep and suppression of enemy air defence mission. As anti-radiation missiles, fired by RAF Tornado GR.4s of No. 74 Squadron out of RAF Foss Field, homed in on Ontario radar sites and surface-to-air missile launchers as they went active, F-15C Eagle air superiority fighters (known as the Eagle F.3 in RAF service) of the Royal Air Force and Imperial Layartebian Air Force, began their sweep of Ontario airspace, led by No. 8 Squadron out of RAF Duluth. The superiority of the Eagle shone through, and every Ontario F-16 that took to the skies to oppose the sweep were quickly downed, with Squadron Leader Issac T. Richfield of the RAF, future Chief of the Air Staff, and First Lieutenant Adam Fordham of the ILAF, becoming prominent as a result of their aerial victories in the opening days of the air campaign, the former gaining ‘ace’ status after downing five F-16s. The air campaign would continue in earnest over the following days, as military infrastructure was struck quickly and decisively whilst ground forces, which had begun mobilising in the days leading up to the ultimatum, moved into position.

On Lake Superior there were concerns that the Ontario frigates would attack key military and economic infrastructure around Duluth, in an attempt to force the Apilonian’s to the negotiating table before matters progressed too far. However, the Apilonian Permanent Joint Headquarters (PJHQ) had foreseen this potential threat and days previously had ordered a Type-43 Destroyer, HMS Swordsman, two Type-23 Frigates, HM Ships Santa Clarita and Des Moines, from the Atlantic Division of the Home Fleet into the Great Lakes, a force which now moved to locate and destroy the Ontario Navy. By early afternoon on 2 March, and with the assistance of Nimrod maritime patrol aircraft, the six Ontario frigates were located and the ad hoc Royal Navy squadron moved to engage. Between the Sea Dart and Sea Wolf missile systems aboard the three Apilonian warships they were able to easily fend off the missile salvo launched by the Ontario frigates before closing to engage with guns where the longer range of Swordsman’s two 6-inch guns proved decisive, leading to the sinking of two Ontario frigates and the capture of the remaining four, effectively ending the maritime war before it could begin, as Ontario’s remaining warships, a handful of patrol vessels, did not venture out of Toronto Naval Base for the rest of the conflict.

By 7 March, PJHQ was satisfied that the air campaign had sufficiently degraded Ontario’s defences and gave the go-ahead for the ground invasion to begin. The three brigades of the Ontario Army were spread across the territory in an attempt to defend against the expected multi-front assault; 1 Ontario Armoured Brigade was positioned near Ottawa to protect the capital, 2 Ontario Infantry Brigade near Winnipeg and 3 Ontario Infantry Brigade at Toronto, with reserve and militia forces under orders to protect their own lands without help from the central government. After preliminary discussions it was agreed that the Apilonians would be responsible for Winnipeg and Toronto, whilst the Layartebians would primarily focus on Ottawa, although a regiment of Apilonian Rangers and Special Forces were attached with orders to locate and capture the Duke of Ontario. In addition, the 7th Armoured Division had been able to move from the Riley Garrison in the Duchy of New Hannover through Layartebian territory to staging point at Detroit, which allowed them to force a crossing of the Detroit River straight onto the Ontario Peninsula and within only a few dozen kilometres of Toronto, whilst the 9th Armoured Division advanced across the Prairie towards Winnipeg from the Edmonton Garrison.

For the most part, resistance by the part-time militias was token at best, and increasingly lacklustre as word spread of the magnanimous treatment by allied forces to those that surrendered. This was in no small part due to the fact that pro-Apilonian sentiment was not exactly non-existent within the Duchy and opposition to the Duke had been growing for several years. Indeed, far tougher resistance by the three regular brigades would later be attributed to the presence of a high proportion of mercenaries brought in to replace a hollowed-out Ontario Army after a significant manpower crisis. A rapid advance was facilitated by the arrival of follow-up troops from the 11th (North East) and 15th (New Caledonia) Infantry Divisions of the Apilonian Army, which continued one brigade or regular and two brigades of reserve infantry. Due to the proximity, Ottawa was under siege by Layartebian forces by the afternoon of 7 March, with Apilonian and Layartebian forces on the outskirts of Toronto by the end of the weekend after some skirmishes with manoeuvre elements of 1 Ontario Armoured Brigade. In the west, the 9th Armoured Division reached Winnipeg by Sunday evening and quickly encircled the city.

Compared to the lacklustre resistance experienced in the smaller towns, save for a few holdouts which were quickly encircled, the defenders in Ottawa, Toronto, and Winnipeg were determined and the attackers reluctant to use overwhelming force due to the presence of significant number of civilians present, resulting in a slow, methodical push into each of the cities. By 21 March the writing was on the wall, and Duke Thomas attempted to make a run for it, however the Special Forces-Ranger Task Force was waiting for him and the Duke was captured outside of Ottawa in the early hours. With the Duke in custody, the remaining members of the Ontario General Staff, professional officers and mercenary leadership both, saw that there was little point in fighting any further and ordered the surrender of their forces with effect from noon allowing Apilonian and Layartebian forces to secure all three cities by nightfall.

In the aftermath of the military surrender, the Earl of Toronto was transported back to Ontario where he was installed as the interim leader of a new Ontario Provisional Government to oversee a return to civilian administration, a transition that was expected to take approximately six months of occupation to facilitate. As part of this transition, the provisional government held a referendum on September 24 to determine if there was sufficient support for the Apilonian preference that Ontario (and all its provinces) would return to the fold as a Duchy of the Kingdom of Apilonia, and returned a strong majority in favour of such an arrangement. As a result, although the Duchy of Ontario continued to exist independently from the point at which the Earl of Toronto took power at end of October, along with the withdrawal of the occupation forces, it was accepted back into the Kingdom on 1 January 2004. Following the trial and conviction of Thomas Mackenzie, Duke of Ontario, for conspiracy to commit murder and terrorism, by an Apilonian Crown Court the man was attained and stripped of his title, which passed immediately to his younger brother, who became the Duke of Ontario and assumed his seat in the Apilonian Senate in 2006.

Whilst Ontario flourished once again a part of the Kingdom of Apilonia, despite several appeals Thomas Mackenzie would be executed by lethal injection in 2016, bringing to an end a dark period in Apilonian and North American history.

Government and Politics

National Government

The Crown

The Crown is the highest authority within the Kingdom of Apilonia, serving as the Head of State and having a great deal of influence over the Government even without using reserve powers, particularly in areas of defence or foreign policy. Strictly speaking, the Crown may exercise control over any aspect of the running of the Kingdom that it may choose to, however in practice the Crown leaves domestic affairs in the hands of the Government. Nevertheless, the Crown oversees all actions of the government through daily briefings, and the many actions, particularly the passage of legislation, require Royal Assent. The Crown also presides over meetings of the Senate, a role which can be exercised by either the Monarch personally or the Crown Prince, giving it substantial legislative and procedural tools. The Crown may also pardon any individuals convicted of High Crimes, and may place any individual under it’s personal protection from prosecution, although these powers are used sparingly.

The following Kings and Queens have reigned:

• 4 May 1607- 19 June 1624: King Francis I
  
• 19 June 1624 – 21 September 1630: King Edward I (Died Childless, throne passed to his younger brother
  
• 21 September 1630 – 9 May 1638: King George I (Throne passed to his Daughter, Adrienne))
  
• 9 May 1638 – 14 December 1680: Queen Adrienne (Died Childless, throne passed to her cousin)
  
• 14 December 1680 – 9 March 1694: King Edward II (Grand-Nephew of King Francis)
  
• 9 March 1694 -1 August 1710: King Francis II
  
• 1 August 1710 – 22 June 1740: King George II
  
• 22 June 1740 – 12 December 1777: King George III
  
• 12 December 1777 – 4 January 1806: King William I
  
• 4 January 1806 – 24 February 1842: King William II
  
• 24 February 1842 – 10 October 1894: King William III
  
• 10 October 1894 – 5 June 1914: King Edward IV
  
• 5 June 1914 – 29 January 1932: King Edward IV
  
• 29 January 1932 – 10 May 1955: King Francis III
  
• 10 May 1955 – 10 August 1970: King George IV
  
• 1 August 1970 – Present: King William V
  

The Government

The Apilonian Government, officially His Majesty’s Government (HMG) is the principle governing body of the Kingdom, responsible for exercising executive power, legally delegated from the Crown. The Government consists of the Prime Minister, nominated by the elected Assembly and confirmed by Parliament, and the Cabinet which consists of all the Ministers appointed by the Prime Minister to head up the various Ministries of State. The Crown is required to approve the appointment of the Prime Minister, and as such effectively has control over the composition of the Cabinet, which gives it significant influence in the running of the Government. Moreover, the Crown has the right to attend any and all meetings of the Cabinet, however in practice this rarely occurs. As a result, day-to-day governance of the Kingdom is conducted by the Government in the name of the Crown, through a vast network of ministries, departments and other organisations. Nevertheless, the Government is only empowered to exercise executive power, those powers specifically delegated from the Crown, and is not capable of passing legislation independently, however in practice the Government is formed by the political party holding a majority in Parliament, meaning that the governing party can pass legislation in this way.

Parliament

Senate of Apilonia

The Senate of Apilonia is a major political institution within the Kingdom, originally established to serve as an advisory body to the Crown it has evolved over the years to gain more and more political power. Initially, membership was determined by Crown appointment, in line with its role as an advisory body, however the fact that the majority of its early membership was made up by the senior nobility meant that seats on the Senate became de facto hereditary. As a result of this, the Senate effectively became a collective bargaining tool for the nobility to offset the power of the Crown, a role it still plays to this day. Over time, de facto hereditary seats became enshrined in law as the constitutional role of the Senate evolved and was solidified. The modern Senate consists of one hundred seats, each of which is held on a hereditary basis, originally under the terms of male-preference primogeniture but since 2006 under absolute primogeniture. In the event of line extinction, or in the event that a holder is attainted for high treason, the seat becomes available (known as ‘returning to the floor’), at which point the Senate will elect a new individual (and therefore family) to hold the seat, also on a hereditary basis.

As a result of this, there has evolved a small group of hereditary legislators in addition to the members of the high nobility who still hold a seat on the Senate (all Dukes and Earls). Although some view this as an advantage, as it ensures that although a hereditary body the Senate’s membership is periodically updated, at least in part, to reflect newly prominent non-noble families, others believe that that this process is far too slow as seats rarely return to the floor, and as such most proposals for reform of the Senate call for any new appointments to be for life only, rather than hereditary. The most influential members of the Senate are the fourteen Dukes and two Emirs, each of which has been held by the same family (noble house) since the foundation of the Kingdom, along with the sixty-two Earls, largely due to the large population and economic strength of their counties. The remaining twenty-two members of the Senate have been appointed over the years, as the earliest members of the Senate died out or otherwise lost their seats. These non-peers hold the title of Senator, and the seats are hereditary.

As of January 2020, the Senate consists of:

Lord Thomas Hastings, Duke of Washington
Lord Edward Lincoln, Duke of Oregon
Lord William Mackenzie, Duke of Ontario
Lord Christopher Dalton, Duke of Manitoba
Lord Timothy Monroe, Duke of New Caledonia
Lord William Black, Duke of Alaska
Lord Sebastian Ramsey, Duke of Minnesota
Lord Richard Ecclestone, Duke of California
Lord George Madison, Duke of the Mojave
Lord Thomas Percy, Duke of Colorado
Lord Stephen Kirk, Duke of New Hannover
Lord Paul Lafayette, Duke of New France
Lord James Warren, Duke of Texas
Lord Alexander Grant, Duke of the Dakotas
Lord Tamim bin Khalifa, Emir of Bahrain
Lord Salman bin Hamad, Emir of Qatar

Lord William D. Harrelson, Earl of Los Angeles
Lord TBC, Earl of Houston
Lord TBC, Earl of Maricopa
Lord Nathaniel A. Covington, Earl of San Diego
Lord TBC, Earl of Orange
Lord TBC, Earl of Dallas
Lord TBC, Earl of Toronto
Lord TBC, Earl of Riverside
Lord TBC, Earl of Vancouver
Lord TBC, Earl of Clark
Lord TBC, Earl of Seattle
Lord TBC, Earl of San Bernardino
Lord TBC, Earl of Tarrant
Lord TBC, Earl of Bexar
Lord TBC, Earl of Santa Clara
Lord TBC, Earl of Alameda
Lord TBC, Earl of Calgary
Lord TBC, Earl of Peel
Lord TBC, Earl of Travis
Lord TBC, Earl of Edmonton
Lord TBC, Earl of Hennepin
Lord TBC, Earl of Salt Lake
Lord TBC, Earl of Contra Costa
Lord TBC, Earl of York
Lord TBC, Earl of Pima
Lord TBC, Earl of Collin
Lord TBC, Earl of Fresno
Lord TBC, Earl of St. Louis
Lord TBC, Earl of Pierce
Lord TBC, Earl of Kern
Lord TBC, Earl of Denton
Lord TBC, Earl of San Francisco
Lord TBC, Earl of Hidalgo
Lord TBC, Earl of Ventura
Lord TBC, Earl of El Paso
Lord TBC, Earl of Snohomish
Lord TBC, Earl of Multnomah
Lord TBC, Earl of Fort Bend
Lord TBC, Earl of Oklahoma
Lord TBC, Earl of San Mateo
Lord TBC, Earl of San Joaquin
Lord TBC, Earl of Denver
Lord TBC, Earl of Jackson
Lord TBC, Earl of Bernalilo
Lord TBC, Earl of Winnipeg
Lord TBC, Earl of Arapahoe
Lord TBC, Earl of Tulsa
Lord TBC, Earl of Durham
Lord TBC, Earl of Montgomery
Lord TBC, Earl of Johnson
Lord TBC, Earl of Washington
Lord TBC, Earl of Williamson
Lord TBC, Earl of Jefferson
Lord TBC, Earl of Douglas
Lord TBC, Earl of Stanislaus
Lord TBC, Earl of Ramsey
Lord TBC, Earl of Spokane
Lord TBC, Earl of Hamilton
Lord TBC, Earl of Adams
Lord TBC, Earl of Sedgwick
Lord TBC, Earl of Waterloo
Lord TBC, Earl of Halton

Senator William E. Saganami
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Although originally merely an advisory body to the Crown, the additional role of the Senate as a collective bargaining tool for the nobility, has meant that it has developed significant legislative power over the centuries, as well as many additional privileges by convention if not by law. The Senate is responsible for forming governments, by voting on candidates nominated by the democratically elected House of Commons, however in recent decades the Commons have effectively removed this choice by typically only nominating one candidate; the party leader of the largest or majority partner, as a means of reclaiming power from the Senate in keeping with democratic ideals. The Senate also has the final say on all budgets suggested by the Government, as it possesses the power of the purse, as well as being capable of introducing and debating its own legislation , although it cannot introduce its own budgets (as this power is held solely by the Commons) and like legislation originating in the Commons it must be passed by both houses, meaning that both the Senate and the House of Commons have the power of reciprocal veto. As such, the Senate possesses a substantial ability to obstruct or block an action by the Commons, however the constitutional arrangement of Parliament has been steadily moving in favour of the Commons for some decades.

Under the modern constitutional framework, the Senate typically serves as a review body for legislation passed by the Commons, as well as possessing a great deal of oversight authority, as well as direct influence due to the role of many members being regional administrators in their own right. As a result, the trend has been for the Senate to introduce less legislation itself, leaving this to the Commons, however the enduring power and influence of the nobility means that the Senate is not a rubber-stamp and can, and done, vote down legislation passed by the Commons. Historically, the Senate served as the Kingdom’s court-of-last-resort, for both civil and criminal cases appealed from the High Courts of Justice, although it could refuse to hear a case (albeit not from one of its own members), as well as being the highest body for Judicial Review of the constitutionality of legislation and executive action. However, over the years, the Senate had interpreted the Apilonian Constitution in order to protect the precedents that established their own power despite the advancement of democratic ideals. After the refusal of the Senate to approve a declaration of war against the Confederacy of the Urals in support of the Realm of Cotland, the furious King threw his support behind a long-standing constitutional reform bill (one that was regularly voted down by the Senate) ensuring sufficient progressive members of the Senate to allow it to pass. As a result, the judicial power of the Senate was transferred to a new institution, the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, following the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020.

Given the Senate’s primary role as a review and advisory body, and given the additional duties a significant portion of it’s membership have, it only meets once a month, although there is significant political work taking place behind the scenes before and after these sessions. In addition, the Senate maintains a number of committees (albeit less than the Commons), which typically meet weekly and occasionally more often. In general, the Senate Committees are almost exclusively oversight based (akin to Parliamentary Select Committees), reflecting the Senate’s role as a review body even though it can introduce some legislation, and as of 2020 the Senate Committees are:

• Senate Committee on Appropriations: The Senate Appropriations Committee is responsible reviewing, amending, and approving budgets that have been passed by the Commons, prior to a vote by the full Senate. As with its Parliamentary (Commons) counterpart, Appropriations is a sought after appointment and it is arguably the Senate’s most powerful committee, with members typically only sitting on this committee.
• Senate Committee on Legislation: The Senate Legislation Committee is responsible for reviewing, amending, and approving legislation that has been passed by the Commons, prior to a vote by the full Senate. The Committee is also the first location in which legislation raised by the Senate starts its legislative journey. In general, although all amendments must be approved by the full Senate, the Legislation Committee is largely responsible for picking through the often large number of amendments proposed to determine which ought to be presented to the full Senate.
• Senate Committee on Armed Services: The Senate’s counterpart to the Parliamentary Committee, the Senate Armed Services Committee is responsible for providing oversight of His Majesty’s Forces, its operations, and procurement.
• Senate Committee on Intelligence: The Senate’s counterpart to the Parliamentary Committee, the Senate Intelligence Committee is responsible for providing oversight of the Apilonian Intelligence Community, its operations and budget.

Senate Committee on Foreign Relations: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is one of the longest standing committees of the Apilonian Senate, reflecting the body’s original role as an advisory body to the Crown which has a significant role in the formation of foreign policy.

House of Commons

The Parliament is the primary legislature of the Kingdom of Apilonia, responsible for the introduction, debate, and passage of the vast majority of legislation, as well as the debate on the far less frequent legislation passed by the Lords. As a result, all legislation has pass through the Commons meaning that, in absolute terms, only the Commons is able to actually change the law, whereas although both the Crown and the Lords have a great deal of power and influence they must abide by the law without the ability to change it; even Royal Decrees are only valid if within the confines of the law. Although legislation passed by the Commons requires to consent of both the Lords and the Crown, this is usually forthcoming due to the democratic mandate of the fully-elected Parliament, although this is not always the case, particularly in matters that directly concern the Lords and its members. The Commons is also responsible for nominating candidates for the Office of Prime Minister, typically the leader of the largest party, or the individual able to command a majority in Parliament, who is approved (usually) by the Senate and appointed by the Crown.

The Commons consists of four-hundred-and-sixty (460) members, each of whom is elected by the inhabitants of a particular constituency; elections are not regular, and at the whim of the Prime Minister, but must take place at least once every five years.

Although all legislation needs to pass the full house, much of the initial work of the House of Commons is done in various committees, a number are responsible for overall oversight and the development of legislation, and are considered to be standing committees:

• Parliamentary Committee on Appropriations: Responsible for the passage of appropriations bills, the Committee regulates the expenditure of money by His Majesty’s Government and, as such, is one of the most powerful parliamentary committees and its members are highly influential. Due in no small part to the fact that it holds the power of the purse, openings on Appropriations are sought after and are often used as rewards, and its members typically sit on no other committees
• Parliamentary Committee on Ways and Means: Responsible for the passage of tax bills, the Committee regulates the establishment of all taxation, tariffs, and other revenue-raising measures, as well as a number of other programmes related to the taxation and benefits system. As with its sister committee, Appropriations, which is responsible for the spending of raised funds, members of the Ways and Means Committee are not allowed to serve on other committees.
• Parliamentary Committee on Ways and Means: Responsible for the passage of tax bills, the Committee regulates the establishment of all taxation, tariffs, and other revenue-raising measures, as well as a number of other programmes related to the taxation and benefits system. As with its sister committee, Appropriations, which is responsible for the spending of raised funds, members of the Ways and Means Committee are not allowed to serve on other committees
• Parliamentary Committee on Oversight and Reform: Responsible for providing oversight of His Majesty’s Government, Oversight and Reform is the main investigative committee of the House of Commons. As a result, the committee has broad jurisdiction and legislative authority, making it one of the most influential and powerful of the house committees. Its chairman is one of only three House committees with the authority to issue subpoenas without a committee vote.
• Parliamentary Committee on the Armed Services: Responsible for the oversight of His Majesty’s Armed Forces, including its operations and procurement activity.
• Parliamentary Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure: Responsible for the investigation of matters relating to the transportation and infrastructure of the Kingdom, determining where new legislation or regulation is required, and the introduction of such legislation, as well as oversight of the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure.
• Parliamentary Committee on Education and Employment: Responsible for investigation of matters relating to education and employment within the Kingdom, determining where new legislation or regulation is required, and the introduction of such legislation, as well as oversight of the Ministry of Education and Employment.
• Parliamentary Committee on Trade and Commerce: Responsible for investigation of matters relating to trade and commerce within the Kingdom, and internationally, determining where new legislation or regulation is required, and the introduction of such legislation, as well as oversight of the Ministry of Trade and Commerece.
• Parliamentary Committee on Financial Services: Responsible for the oversight of the financial services industry, the Committee passes various regulatory legislation and monitors the activity of specific regulatory agencies.

In addition to the standing committees, the House also maintains a number of ‘select’ committees, for oversight over specific areas of high importance, which are technically temporary, however many existing select committees are de facto permanent:

• Parliamentary Select Committee on Intelligence: Responsible for the oversight of the Apilonian Intelligence Community, and for performing an annual review of the intelligence budget submitted by His Majesty’s Government, and for preparing associated legislation concerning the intelligence community
• Parliamentary Select Committee on Justice and Security: Responsible for the oversight of the administration of justice within the Crown Courts, administrative agencies, and law enforcement entities. The Justice and Security Select Committee is also responsible for oversight authority for all matters relating to the Kingdom’s security, as well as criminal activity. In particular, the Justice and Security Select Committee has extensive oversight authority over the work of the Law Officers of the Crown and the network of His Majesty’s Attorneys, and the wider Crown Prosecution Service.

Ducal Government

The Kingdom of Apilonia is, administratively, split into a number of sub-divisions known as a Duchy, each of which is the historic territory of senior members of the Apilonian Peerage known as Dukes. The Dukes were originally the largest investors in the Apilonia Expedition, and were granted vast swathes of land as a result of their investment, with subsequent Dukes typically being appointed due to their leading role in expanding the Kingdom’s borders. Over the years, the authority of the Crown has grown steadily, as has the influence of democratic voices, meaning that, in the modern-day, the Dukes, despite retaining a sufficient amount of personal authority over their Duchy, officially administer on behalf of the Crown, rather than in their own right, and their legitimacy is linked to the Crown’s constitutional position, with the constitutional position of individual nobles steadily being degraded over recent years. In response to this shift, the Dukes pooled their influence into the House of Lords, and expanded upon that body’s constitutional prerogatives to retain their own influence, a quasi-constitutional settlement that came to ahead in the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, in which the Lords lost many of it’s major powers to the Judiciary and to the Parliament.

Nevertheless, the Ducal Government, under the rule of law rather than the personal authority of a given noble, is responsible for the vast majority of the day-to-day lives of the Apilonian population, particularly in facilitating marginally different laws and regulations to reflect the opinions and beliefs of regional populations

The Duke

The Duke is the chief executive of each individual Duchy, serving as both the head of state and head of government, and is responsible for overseeing the operation of the Ducal Government, and implementing Ducal Laws. Traditionally a hereditary position, in which the succession of the title is the succession of the position, meaning that individual Dukes are directly responsible for training and preparing their heirs for the duties and responsibilities of their title. The Dukes carry out their management and leadership responsibilities with the support and assistance of various departments and agencies, all of which operate in the Duke’s name and the heads of which are appointed by the Duke. Moreover, the Duke is the commander-in-chief of the Ducal Guard, the combined law enforcement/fire suppression/emergency medical service that provides these services to the majority of the Duchy.

Although the Duke will typically hold administrative and executive power over their territorial domain, they will not typically own a great swathe of land in their own right, due to the extensive network of Earls and landed yeomen. Instead, in addition to directly owning the land upon which the county in which the Ducal Capital sits (the Duke of California, for example, is the principle land holder for Sacramento County, which is why his heir apparent holds the title of Earl of Sacramento), the Duke will typically own relatively small plots of land for ‘Ducal Property’, usually either to hold Ducal office buildings or private estates. This is in much the same way as that the Crown, despite ruling over the entire Kingdom, does not directly own the majority of the land outside of specific Crown Property. During the evolution of the Duke’s position within the Kingdom, the direct income of the Ducal land has been replaced by taxes, to facilitate the operations of the Ducal Government itself, and through civil rent.

Ducal Assembly

In keeping with the development of a democratic tradition within the Kingdom, each Duchy has it’s own Ducal Assembly, which serves as the legislative branch of the Duchy, and in the modern Kingdom is the only body within the Duchy that can change Ducal Law, much in the same way that Parliament is the only body authorised to change Crown Law. As such, the modern Ducal Assembly, previously more of a advisory body to the Duke, provides a very real check and balance to the executive power of the Duke. Moreover, it is the Ducal Assembly that would ratify any Constitutional amendments that have been passed by the Parliament. Although the legislative powers of the Ducal Assembly are limited to those that would only impact the Duchy itself, and cannot be in contradiction to Crown Law, the Ducal Assembly is never the less able to shape and mould their Duchy in keeping with the opinions and desires of their constituents. It was the Nevada Ducal Assembly, for example, that passed the various legislation that authorised the major casinos of Las Vegas.

County Government

Each Duchy of the Kingdom is itself split into a number of sub-divisions known as a County, many of which is the historic territory of junior members of the Apilonian Peerage, known as Earls. The Earls were originally mid-sized investors in the Apilonia Expedition, and were granted smaller areas of land to administer as a result, with subsequent Earls being appointed due to their roles in expanding the Kingdom’s borders. Whilst the authority of the Duke has waxed and waned over the years, the political status of the Earl has largely stayed the same, primarily due to their closer relationship with their territorial domains and their lack of involvement in national politics. In addition, the constitutional position of the lower nobility is far less explicit than that of the Dukes, and as such the development of the Earl’s position has been more organic and less legal. Not every county in the Kingdom has an Earl, in particular the smaller population, and will instead be led by an elected County Administrator, which will either answer to a neighboruing Earl, or directly to the Duke.

The Earl

The Earl is the chief executive of each individual County, serving as the head of state and head of government, and is responsible for the oversight of the County Government, and implementing County by-laws. Traditionally a hereditary position, in which the succession of the title is the succession of the position, meaning that individual Earls are directly responsible for training and preparing their heirs for the duties and responsibilities of their title. The Earls carry out their management and leadership position with the support and assistance of various County Officers, who maintain their own offices to support their own activity. The Earl is directly responsible for appointing the County Clerk, responsible for administration, the County Treasurer, responsible for the budget and taxation, the Country Surrogate, responsible for health and human services, and the County Sheriff, responsible for law enforcement, amongst others.

Much like the Duke, although the Earl holds administrative and executive power over their territorial domain, they do not hold land ownership rights over their entire territory, with a network of smaller estates owned by landed yeoman. Unlike a Duke, the Earl typically remains the largest landholder across the county none the less.

County Council

Each County has a County Council, which serves as the legislative branch of the County, and like it’s counterparts at the Ducal and National level, the County Council is the only body which can change the by-laws of the county, thereby providing a check and balance to the executive power of the Earl. Like the Ducal Assembly, the County Council can only pass legislation that will effect the County itself, and cannot contradict Ducal or Crown Law.

Political Parties

The Kingdom is home to a wide-range of political ideologies and beliefs, some of which are more popular than others. Some have a great deal of national represenation, some have no elected officials at any level of government. Only five political parties enjoy represenation at the national level in the Apilonian Parliament:

The Crown Imperial Party: The Crown Imperial Party is a small political part within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining the second-smallest number of seats (approximately 50), largely due to its right-wing ideology. The Crown Imperial Party advocates for an ‘Apilonia First’ policy in all matters, and believes that the Kingdom should re-gain it’s former colonial Empire, albeit conceding that a more congenial approach would be necessary, and that any foreign-policy action is valid if it is in the best interest of the Kingdom. The Crown Imperial Party is stanchly supportive of the Crown, and if anything favours stronger executive powers for the, generally apolitical, institution over excessive political partisanship. Although the Crown Imperial Party can alienate some, due to its unashamedly Imperialist outlook, the Party does attract a broad selection of voters who believe in the Kingdom and it’s interests, indeed surprisingly, many of the inhabitants of remaining Colonial holdings, particularly those who value their Apilonian citizenship above all else, are some of the Party’s staunchest supporters, in no small part to its commitment to the maintenance and protection of the Kingdom’s colonies. Some, particularly the Socialists and some Liberals, hurl accusations of racism at the Crown Imperials for their imperialist policies, however the Party maintains that this is not the case, rather they just expect colonial citizens to consider themselves Apilonian first and foremost.

The Conservative Party: The Conservative Party is a major political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-quarter of the possible seats (130), and is a right-of-centre party largely concerned with maintaining the power and influence of the Nobility, the Landed Yeomen and those sufficiently wealthy to not require state intervention. As such, the Conservative Party typically favours liberal economic policies, to facilitate a strong business environment, favouring free market economics, limited state regulation and pursuing privatisation. Unlike the Centrists, who favour slow evolutionary change in social matters, the Conservatives typically argue against any evolution of social affairs, although this is largely from the position of avoiding excessive government involvement in such matters. The Conservative Party typically favours a strong military capability, and has consistently supported a maintenance of the Kingdom’s status internationally. In the aftermath of the Crisis of Confidence, in which the Liberal Party took much of the blame, the Conservative Party has experienced an increase in fortunes, and is generally accepted as the second largest party, typically coming in behind the Centrist Party, although there have been Conservative majority governments as recently as 2000.

Centrist Party: The Centrist Party is consistently the single largest party in the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-third of the possible seats (157), largely due to its position at the centre of the political spectrum, therefore attracting voters that are less ideologically inclined, as well as the less politically engaged. As a result, the Centrists traditionally adopt a middle-of-the road approach, seeking and building consensus with other parties rather than getting hung up on ideology, meaning that more often than not, the Centrist are the senior partner in a coalition government, although they have attracted outright majorities in the past. The Centrist Party are both fiscally and socially conservative, favouring slow, thought-out evolution rather than sweeping change and is supportive of a large, well-funded military.

The Liberal Party: The Liberal Party is a major political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-quarter of the possible seats (100), and is a left-of-centre party largely concerned with social justice within the existing constitutional and social framework, believing that the Kingdoms should be as equalised as possible, economically, and politically. The Liberal Party is a strong proponent of health and human services, well as social security, and typically favours a smaller military budget and a general dislike for international adventurism or foreign Imperialism. The Liberal Party reached its zenith in the aftermath of the decline of the Kingdom’s colonial Empire, and presided over an era that became known as the ‘Crisis of Confidence’, which is largely attributed to the Liberal Party of the Day. As such, the Liberals, despite a number of major social policy successes during this period, found itself facing reduced support in the face of this loss of status internationally, which the average Apilonian values more than the Liberal Party would like to admit. It remains the third largest party, typically coming in behind the Conservative Party as many previous Liberal voters now vote for the Centrists.

The Socialist Collective: The Socialist Collective is a small political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining the smallest number of seats (26), largely due to its relatively far-left ideologically. The Socialist Collective advocates for a fundamental re-structuring of the Kingdom, ideally into a Republic as it calls for the abolition of both the Monarchy and the Nobility, as well as a guaranteed basic income, the re-distribution of existing wealth, the confiscation of privately owned lands and the abolition of the Royal Apilonian Military in favour of a smaller Apilonian Defence Force. In general, the Socialist Collective’s political positions are seen as too extreme by many within the Kingdom, with left-leaning voters favouring the more reasonable policies of the Liberal Party, however the Socialist Collective does have a following, typically amongst young idealists, particularly University students, resulting in most of the Collective’s seats being in constituencies that contain a major liberal University.

Demographics

Land Ownership and Social Structure

Land ownership in the Kingdom is a key aspect of the social structure, a primary method of social climbing, and integral to the Kingdom’s governance and administration. In broad strokes, there are four categories of land ownership; the Crown, the nobility, the landed gentry, and smallholding commoners. The vast majority of surviving Crown Land is in the form of National Parks and military installations, with the remainder being relatively small estates or campuses of various Crown agencies. The upper nobility, that is Dukes and Earls, own a sizzle portion of all the land in the Kingdom, however they also have administrative responsibilities beyond their own personal holdings in given geographic territories (Duchies and Counties) regardless of who actually owns the land. Despite almost all counties originally having an Earl, there has been extensive line extinction amongst this rank of the peerage and them not being replaced has led to only a small proportion of counties still having a surviving Earl, although recent legislation has been enacted to prevent further reductions. The lower nobility, that is Viscounts and Barons, own the vast majority of the land within the Kingdom, despite the appearance of maps generated when the dominant land owner in a given county is taken into account, as either the Crown, a Duke or, an Earl will typically be these single largest land holder in a give county.

By far the smallest portion of land is held by smallholding commoners, that is individuals who own land but not enough to live off the rental income on its own (which is the key distinction between them and the landed gentry), although they may be able to live off the commercial income from their land, such as most farmers.

The position of the high nobility, that is titles of nobility with the dignity of Duke or Earl, is statutorily defined and comes with certain responsibilities. The largest of the land grants during the foundation of the Kingdom came with the responsibility to not only be directly responsible for personally-owned land but also a wider geographic area which may be owned by subordinate nobility, landed gentry, or even smallholding commoners. The reasoning behind this was the principle that the largest land-owners, and therefore almost certainly the richest and most powerful peers, ought to have a responsibility to the Crown beyond their own lands in exchange for this wealth and power. As such, in the modern Kingdom, every duchy is administered by a Duke (or Duchess), and some of the largest counties in the Kingdom remain under the control of an Earl (although line extinction over the decades has meant that the majority of counties are controlled by an elected County Administrator instead). Moreover, the high nobility all have the right to a seat in the Senate, the upper house of the Apilonian Parliament.

The lower nobility is much more difficult to qualify; early land grands to major investors to the Apilonia Expedition resulted in titles of nobility with the dignity of Viscount or Baron, however unlike the Dukes and the Earls these did not come with any statutory administrative or governmental responsibility over a given area beyond their own physical land holdings. Indeed, in some respects the lower nobility are not dissimilar to the landed gentry, beyond generally having larger estates and having a stronger position vis-à-vis the Earl or Duke that has governmental responsibility over their land. As a result of this, and considering line extinctions, new grants, and mergers, as well as the development of the population, demographics and physical geography of the Kingdom, there is little pattern or system to the lower nobility. For example, some large cities are ruled over by a peer, such as Anchorage which is administered over by Baron Anchorage, whilst others by an elected Mayor, with the same being the case for various smaller cities and counties.

The landed gentry, which is broadly defined by those landowners who are not peers but have sufficient rental income (either residential or commercial) from their landholdings to live solely on that (which is the key distinction between them and smallholding commoners, who may need to personally work their land, such as farmers or ranchers), although many have additional sources of income, such as investments. The landed gentry do not have any statutory power or authority, although their status in their local community often leads to them holding influential positions, however as any landowners they do have a significant degree of influence over their tenants, as well as responsibilities to them, however these do not extend to law enforcement, fire suppression, or health provision, which are the concern of the county in which their lands sit. Moreover, the landed gentry are also often significant employers in their local community, and in the modern age at least some degree of philanthropy is expected.

Military, Law Enforcement, and Intelligence

His Majesty's Forces

Main articles: Royal Navy, Apilonian Army, and Royal Air Force

His Majesty's Forces (HMF) is the military forces of the Kingdom of Apilonia, also known as the Armed Forces of the Crown, consisting of the Navy, Army, Air Force and Coast Guard. The King of Apilonia is the commander-in-chief, with political direction being the concern of the Prime Minister, whilst military policy is the concern of the Ministry of Defence. HM Forces draws its personnel from a large pool of paid volunteers, although conscription has been used in the past it has not been required in many years although legislation remains on the books to facilitate a draft in the event of a total war situation. HM Forces enjoys a substantial budget, $679 billion in 2019, with significant capabilities in both defence and power projection due to its large budget, resulting in advanced and powerful technoligies which enables a widespread deployment of forces around the world.

Joint Rapid Reaction Force

Spearhead Forces

The Spearhead Forces are assets of the Joint Rapid Reaction Force that are maintained at very high readiness, typically no more than seventy-two hours, in order to respond to a crisis on very short notice. The Spearhead Forces are responsible for providing an immediate response on short notice, and preparing a landing zone to receive additional forces. The Spearhead Land Element consists of a Special Forces unit, backed up by an airborne battalion, deployed from Apilonian territory, or a Marine Commando, deployed from an amphibious assault ship, and are designed to get Apilonian boots on the ground as quickly as possible. The Spearhead Naval Element is a far more ad hoc arrangement, typically consisting of two destroyers or frigates, an attack submarine, and a Royal Fleet Auxiliary support vessel, however these are drawn from ships already underway in a given theatre, rather than ships based in home waters, to ensure a rapid response.

First Echelon

The First Echelon is a larger collection of military assets maintained at high readiness, typically between seven and ten days, responsible for following up Spearhead Forces in the event that a larger intervention is required, and is capable of unsupported operations of up to thirty days (the timeframe at which military operations are capable without Parliamentary approval). The Maritime Task Force almost always consists of a Carrier Battle Group (CBG) assigned to the theatre, although in the absence of such an asset an ad hoc force can be put together from regional forces. The Joint Landing Force is larger deployment of troops, typically either a Commando Brigade, provided by the Royal Apilonian Marines, or an Airborne Brigade, provided by the Royal Army, designed to have as small a logistical footprint as possible to facilitate rapid deployment. The Composite Air Squadron consists of fighters, strike aircraft, and support assets designed to provide a degree of air power to the First Echelon deployment, typically drawn from regionally-based squadrons.

Second Echelon

Law Enforcement

Royal Apilonian Constabulary

Main article: Royal Apilonian Constabulary

Royal Bureau of Investigation

Main article: Royal Bureau of Investigation

The Royal Bureau of Investigation (RBI) is the national investigative service of the Kingdom of Apilonia, responsible for the investigation of major or complex criminal activity, as well as violation of specific Crown Law. The RBI does not conduct patrols or normal community policing, instead possessing a purely investigatory role, either under its own jurisdiction, at the request of the Royal Apilonian Constabulary, or at the request of a Municipal Police Department or Country Sheriff. In addition, the RBI is also responsible for all investigations relating to national security and transnational crime. In addition to working closely with the Royal Apilonian Constabulary, His Majesty’s Marshals Service (HMMS), and the HM Customs and Immigration Service, the RBI liaises closely with the Royal Security Service in support of its national security responsibilities.

HM Marshals Service

Main article: His Majesty's Marshals Service

His Majesty’s Marshals Service (HMMS) is a Crown law enforcement agency within the Kingdom of Apilonia, and is the oldest Apilonian law enforcement agency, as a Crown counterpart to the County Sheriffs that the Earl’s were entitled to appoint. The early HM Marshals were responsible for enforcing Crown Law within their jurisdiction, capturing wanted fugitives and enforcing the judgements of the Crown Courts. The modern HM Marshal’s Service is the enforcement arm of the Crown Judiciary, and unlike every other Crown law enforcement agency is directly part of the judiciary rather than part of the Ministry of Home Affairs, ultimately answering to the Lord Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, thereby ensuring a law enforcement agency independent from the executive and legislature. In light of the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, which gave the newly-established Supreme Court both the power to strike down legislation and actions its deems unconstitutional, it is expected that, should the need ever arise to enforce it’s decisions, it would be the HM Marshals that do so, by virtue of their independence.

The Marshal’s Service remains the primary agency for fugitive operations, the protection of officers of the Crown Judiciary, the management of criminal assets, the operation of the Crown Witness Protection Program, and the execution of Crown arrest warrants.

HM Customs and Immigration Service

Main article: His Majesty's Customs and Immigration Service

His Majesty's Customs and Immigration Service (HMCIS) is a Crown law enforcement agency within the Kingdom of Apilonia, and is amongst the oldest Apilonian law enforcemenr agencies, slightly older than the HM Marshals Service. HM Customs and Immigration is responsible for enforcing a varierty of immigration and customs control on the Kingdom's borders and a wide range of major ports of entry, including rail, air and sea ports. The primary responsibilities of HM Customs and Immigration include checking the immigration status of the people arriving in and departing the Kingdom, and searching baggage, vehicles and cargo for illicit goods and/or illegal imigrants, and for ensuring that all customs and excise dues are required. As a result of these roles, the Service also has associated roles in supporting counter-terrorism efforts.

HM Prison and Probations Service

Main article: His Majesty's Prison and Probations Service

Ducal Guards

A Ducal Guard is a combined law-enforcement, fire-suppression and emergency medical organisation maintained by each Ducal Government to provide these services to the Duchy, outside of those maintained by municipal or county governments. The latter are principally concerned with remote areas away from major settlements, which will typically have a Country Services presence, even if they are technically under the jurisdiction of a given County, as well as providing a disaster response capability in the event of a major natural disaster. In addition, a Ducal Guard’s law enforcement division is responsible for enforcing Ducal Law in areas outside the jurisdiction of a County Sheriff, specifically the enforcement of traffic laws on Ducal Highways and Crown Interstates, overseeing the security of the Ducal Capital, protecting the Duke, training new officers for local police forces too small to operate an academy, providing technological and scientific services, supporting local police and helping to coordinate multi-jurisdictional task force activity in serious or complicated cases that are outside the jurisdiction of a single County Sheriff or Municipal Police Department.

The Ducal Guards, which are specifically designated as militia organisations, are the last remnants of the personal troops raised by the Dukes historically, and as such are organised in a military nature and hold military-inspired ranks. Unlike Territorial Army units, which often have historical links to the military troops raised by individual Dukes, the men and women of the Ducal Guards are under the sole command of the Duke and cannot be pressed into Crown service without the consent of the Duke. That being said, this does not prevent members of the Ducal Guard being subject to Crown Law, and the excuse of following a Duke’s orders is not a valid defence for violations of Crown Law by members of a Ducal Guard. As such, although all Ducal Guards will maintain law enforcement, fire suppression and emergency medical units, only some (typically those on a border, or otherwise isolated) maintain explicitly infantry combat units. In general, most Ducal Guards rotate it’s personnel through its various divisions, to ensure that individual Guardsmen do not forget the Ducal Guard’s core role as a public service; for example, a Guardsmen would not be able to serve solely in an infantry or riot police unit, for obvious reasons.

As such, the Ducal Guards hold a unique position between puurely law enforcement and a true military organisation.

Municipal Police Departments

In chartered cities and major municipalities, law enforcement is the responsibility of a Municipal Police Department, raised and administered by the City and exercising its jurisdiction primarily within city limits. The only distinction required to operate a Municipal PD, rather than a County Sheriff, is to be a formally chartered city, technically separate from the County in which it resides. However, typically only larger towns and cities can afford or require a municipal department, and as such smaller towns and cities will typically receive law enforcement services from their County Sheriffs, although some satellite towns of larger cities contract their law enforcement to a nearby municipal department. Typically, Municipal PDs are large, capable organisations with a wide range of capabilities, the largest in the Kingdom being the Los Angeles Police Department.

County Sheriffs

Within each County, the smallest administrative sub-division of the Kingdom, law enforcement is the primary responsibility of the County Sheriff, an elected individual almost always with a law enforcement background. Depending on the County, the Sheriff may hire and deputise as many ‘Deputy Sheriffs’ as are required, meaning that Sheriff’s Offices (or, more rarely, Sheriff’s Departments) can range in size to two or three deputies to massive organisations employing thousands, such as the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. As the Country Sheriff is elected, and confirmed by the County Earl, or County Council in counties without a noble, it is the main means by which accountability of law enforcement is maintained. The County Sheriff will typically also administer a County Jail, and is responsible for the protection of Magistrate’s Courts and County Court’s within his jurisdiction.

Intelligence Services

Royal Secuirity Service

Main article: Royal Security Service (Apilonia)

The Royal Security Service (RSS)

Law, Justice and Crime

Within the Kingdom, there are three primary levels of law; the most important of which is Constitutional Law, which prescribes the structural arrangement of the Kingdom, the Government, as well as prescribing a variety of civil liberties and protections. Although there is no single, codified constitution, there are a number of key pieces of longstanding legislation that serve as the constitutional framework of the Kingdom. The Apilonia Charter of 1600, the basis for the Apilonia Colony Trust and Apilonia Expedition itself, set out the constitutional basis for the Kingdom and the structure of the Government, specifically designating the various competencies of the Crown, the Parliament, the Judiciary and the Nobility. The Bill of Rights of 1607, the first piece of legislation passed by the early Apilonian Parliament, laid out a wide range of civil rights and protections, that serve as the basis for the civil and political freedoms enjoyed by Apilonians to the present day. The Representation of the People Act of 1610, formalised the electoral franchise for Parliament, and whilst broadly reflective of the period as far as women’s suffrage went it was very progressive when it came to the adult male franchise; but is one of the key pieces of constitutional legislation that has been repealed and replaced (by the Representation of the People Act, 1898, which provided for universal adult franchise). Although there are other key constitutional legislation, including a number of Constitutional Reform Acts which have adjusted various aspects of the Kingdom’s structure and key protections, these three pieces of legislation have broadly been consistent.

In additional to the various pieces of constitutional legislation, there is a great deal of other Crown Law, all of which is in effect across the entirety of the Kingdom. All Crown Law, and treaties, so long as they are in accordance with Constitutional Law, take precedence over conflicting Ducal Law, however the scope of this precedence is limited by the longstanding doctrine of Ducal autonomy. Indeed, an individual Duchy may grant broader rights to its citizens so long as they do not conflict with Constitutional Law. Thus, most Apilonian law (especially actual living law of contract, tort, property, criminal, and family law) consists primarily of Ducal Law, which can vary greatly from one Duchy to another, and it is at this level that most law is experienced. Although there is a Crown Law that prohibits, amongst other things, murder, most murders are charged under the appropriate Ducal law. In general, Crown Law is applicable in three main circumstances; when on Crown property or involving a Crown officer, when committing a specific under a specific Crown Law, or when the criminal activity is taking place in two or more duchies.

Ducal Law constitutes the vast majority of actionable law within the Kingdom, with each Duchy having its own set of legislation and code of laws under which violators are prosecuted, for both criminal and civil matters. In addition to a wide variety of various laws covering the traditional common law offences, which are consistent across the board, each individual Duchy may legislate independently so long as any criminalisation does not conflict with Constitutional Law. Ducal Law is enforceable only within the boundaries of the Duchy in which it is passed, any criminal activity that transcends borders is the concern of Crown Law, which Ducal and County enforcement bodies are not empowered to enforce.

Supreme Court of the King's Bench

Main article: Supreme Court of the King's Bench

The Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, known as both the Supreme Court and the King’s Bench in shorthand parlance, is the highest court in the Crown Judiciary of the Kingdom of Apilonia. Formed by the elevation of the King’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice following the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, the Supreme Court adopts top judicial powers previously he’d by the Senate. The Supreme Court has ultimate (and largely discretionary) appellate jurisdiction over all lower courts within the Kingdom, as well as original jurisdiction in specific cases, such as those relating to a member of the Royal Family, a Duke of the Realm, or a foreign dignitary. The Supreme Court also holds the power of Judicial Review, allowing it to review any official action by a Crown Servant or a Ducal Official, as well as legislation passed by any legislature, including Parliament, and the ability to overturn the action or strike down the law of deemed to be in violation of the constitution. The Supreme Court is also the only body capable of striking down a Crown Decree, if judged to be in violation of the constitution, although the Crown retains power of commutation and pardon even in cases unsuccessfully appealed to the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court of the King’s Bench consists of nine Supreme Court Justices, one of whom will hold an initial hearing to decide if the case is fit to bring before the Court (to filter our frivolous or unarguable cases), and may order a temporary injunction, before the case is heard by the full Court who will issue an judgement.

The High Court of Justice

The High Court of Justice is the highest court within the mainstream courts of the Kingdom of Apilonia, not counting the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench which has a specific constitutional role. The various divisions of the High Court of Justice are responsible for hearing all appeals, both criminal and civil, from lower courts. The High Court of Justice is also responsible for hearing cases related to cross-jurisdictional financial and corporate law, dealing with those issues at first instance.

Appeals Division

The Appellate Division is, for most cases, the court of last resort for all appeals coming out of the Crown Courts, as although the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench (since the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020 removed the right of appeals from the House of Lords) may hear appeals, these are comparatively rare, and the Crown may commute punishment, this is very rare and treated as outside of the normal judicial process. Unlike the Supreme Court, which concerns itself primarily on the basis of points of law (and may refuse to hear the case in any event, as it has discretionary jurisdiction), the Appellate Division is more concerned about points of fact, although significant weight is granted to the ‘facts’ as determined by the Crown Court. As such, appeals are typically only successful when there is new evidence casting doubt on the conviction, evidence of improper procedure, or inadequate counsel, or cases when there is deemed to be an error in the lower court’s fact-finding process.

The Appellate Division is also responsible for hearing appeals against Judicial Review cases conducted by a Crown Court.

The Appellate Division consists of five regional circuits, each of which has a panel of three High Court Judges, with each circuit being responsible for a number of Crown Courts (and all Duchy-level courts) within its jurisdiction:

• 1st Circuit
• 2nd Circuit
• 3rd Circuit
• 4th Circuit
• 5th Circuit

Financial and Corporate Division

The Financial and Corporate Division of the High Court of Justice deals with Kingdom-wide business law, trusts law, probate law, insolvency, and land law in relation to issues of equity. It has specialist courts (the Patents Court and the Corporate Court) which deal with patents and registered designs and company law respectively, as well as the Tax Court. The Financial and Corporate Division works closely with the Financial Conduct Authority, the Kingdom’s financial regulator. Typically, Financial and Corporate Division judges are selected for having a suitable expertise and experience in the financial markets or a background in the financial industry.

Admiralty Division

Crown Court

The Crown Court is the primary court of first instance for all criminal and civil cases relating to Crown Law, and is the primary level at which criminal trials are conducted and a sentence is passed down. It is at the Crown Court level that the vast majority of the ‘facts’ of the case are determined, which unless there is evidence of improper process will be the facts upon which any appeals are held, and it is at the Crown Court level at the primary jury trial is conducted. Strictly speaking, the Crown Court is one unified body which sits in dozens of locations all over the Kingdom, rather than individual instances of a Court, although they are usually termed with their location in their name; the Vancouver Crown Court for example. The Crown Court is also the court of first instance for all Judicial Review claims, although these are comparatively more likely to result in appeal than criminal cases due to the nature of the action and the usual desire of the plaintiff to want the matter to end up before the Supreme Court as the cases in question typically are of significant constitutional or legal importance.

1st Circuit

• Seattle Crown Court
• Spokane Crown Court
• Portland Crown Court
• San Francisco Crown Court
• Sacramento Crown Court
• Los Angeles Crown Court
• Dan Diego Crown Court
• Carson City Crown Court

2nd Circuit

• Boise Crown Court
• Billings Crown Court
• Cheyenne Crown Court
• Salt Lake City Crown Court
• Phoenix Crown Court
• Denver Crown Court
• Albuquerque Crown Court

3rd Circuit

• Dallas Crown Court
• Houston Crown Court
• San Antonio Crown Court
• New Orleans Crown Court
• Baton Rouge Crown Court
• Little Rock Crown Court
• Tulsa Crown Court

4th Circuit

• Sioux Falls Crown Court
• Omaha Crown Court
• Minneapolis Crown Court
• Des Moines Crown Court
• Kansas City Crown Court

5th Circuit

• Ottawa Crown Court
• Toronto Crown Court
• Winnipeg Crown Court
• Calgary Crown Court
• Vancouver Crown Court
• Anchorage Crown Court

Ducal Court

The Ducal Court, of which there is one in every Duchy (usually sitting in numerous locations in the larger duchies) which is responsible for all criminal and civil cases which are violations of Duchy Law (any Crown Law violations are tried by the appropriate Crown Court). The Ducal Court is responsible for hearing all criminal jury trials at the Duchy level, for determining sentences on defendants committed to them by the Magistrate’s Court, as well as for hearing appeals against judgements by the Magistrate’s Courts on summary offences.

Magistrate's Court

A Magistrate’s Court is the lowest court in the Kingdom, and the only level at which it is not, officially speaking, one court sitting at multiple locations, and there is usually one Magistrate’s Court per county. Almost all criminal proceedings start at a Magistrate’s Court, ever holding trials for summary offences, that is more minor crimes (such as public order offences and many traffic offences), or preliminary hearings for more serious ones, as well as some civil matters. The Magistrate’s Court hold limited sentencing powers, typically community service, fines, and short custodial sentences, whilst if it is found that there is a case to answer for more serious offences (such as rape, murder), they are committed for trial at the Crown Court or Ducal Court, depending on which law is involved, which has much wider range of sentencing powers. It should be noted, that the Magistrate’s Court does not have any sentencing powers when it comes to Crown Law, with the hearing primarily being to ensure that the accused receives a prompt hearing shortly after arrest, as such Magistrates are not members of the Crown Judiciary and are therefore protected by the Country Sheriff rather than by the HM Marshal’s Service . As a trial held at a Magistrate’s Court is before a board of two or three Magistrates, rather than a jury, defendants in some case (known as either-way offences, as they can be handled at either level) may elect for trial-by-jury at the Ducal Court.

Economy

The Kingdom of Apilonia’s economy is highly developed and mixed, it’s gross domestic product (GDP) of $14.163 trillion accounting for a significant proportion of the world GDP, and is one of the largest in the world. The Kingdom’s economy is technologically powerful, with it’s various firms and business at or near the forefront of many technological advantages, particularly in computes, pharmaceuticals and medical technology, aerospace and military equipment, due in no small part to the presence of Silicon Valley in the Duchy of California and several major military and aerospace companies, including Boeing. The Kingdom also has an extensive trade network, and is consistently high on a list of both largest importers and exporters, and maintains free trade agreements with close friends and allies. The Kingdom has been able to maintain a policy of energy independence, due to its reserves of both petroleum and natural gas.

The Kingdom’s economy is made possible by abundant natural resources, a well-developed infrastructure and high rates of productivity, resulting in high levels of median household income. The Kingdom enjoys an extensive manufacturing sector, enjoying both an internal and international market, which is also true for large services industry, as well as several major financial services institutions. The Royal Apilonia Stock Exchange (RASX) is one of the world’s largest stock exchanges by market capitalization and trade volume

Health, Education and Human Services

Healthcare

Within the Kingdom, the healthcare system is complex and is administered by the Ministry of Health, which determines overall healthcare policy as well as the provision of certain programmes. The Ministry aims to provide a baseline level of healthcare to all citizens, as well as providing medical insurance to the young, elderly, the unemployed, and any other individual without their own insurance. As a result, except in emergent cases, patients on MOH insurance will typically face longer waiting times, due to being limited in the service providers available to them, whilst those with insurance will typically have a far greater access to service providers, including both non-profit and for-profit hospitals. This allows Apilonian Doctors, particularly surgeons and those working in hospitals, to be very well-paid compared to their foreign counterparts, whilst still providing medical services to the poor and deprived. The most common means by which citizens hold medical insurance is through their employers, as its provision is a key component of most employment contracts. The Kingdom is a global leader in medical innovation, with many major hospitals also being key medical research facilities, with the Mayo Clinic, for example, being a world-renowned teaching hospital.

The Royal Community Healthcare Scheme is responsible for providing primary care and emergency medicine to all citizens, typically through Ministry of Health owned-and-operated non-profit community medical centres, particularly for primary care. The Scheme also subsidises the operating costs for ducal and privately-owned medical facilities with an Emergency Room or Trauma Centre, as well as the Emergency Medical Technician services provided by state and municipal fire departments. Due to the generally lower salaries paid to those Doctors, Nurses and Medical Technicians required to operate the Scheme, doing so is seen as a calling within the medical profession, with professional training for these individuals being heavily subsided by the Ministry of Health in return for a period of service within the Scheme before a transfer to a more profitable position. Unlike secondary and tertiary care, provided by private hospitals, service provided by the Scheme is free at the point of use. Although expensive in its own right, academic medical studies have shown that the provision of primary care, and most importantly preventative medicine, has meant that in overall terms the Scheme has saved the Ministry, and the Apilonian healthcare system as a whole, proportionally more than it cost.

The Royal Healthcare Insurance Scheme is responsible for providing baseline health insurance to those that do not private healthcare provided by their employer, or by some other means, which accounts for approximately sixteen percent of the population. Under the terms of the Apilonian Healthcare Act of 1988, which founded the Scheme, it’s insurance is only accepted by certain hospitals, including all Crown and Ducal Hospitals, Municipal medical centres and certain private facilities, resulting in higher waiting times compared to holders of private healthcare.

Education

Primary and Secondary Education

Within the Kingdom, the education system is administered, primarily, by the Ministry of Education, which determines overall policy and the provision of certain programmes. Primary Education is universal across the Kingdom, and is free-at-the-point of use; designed to allow all Apilonian children access to an education up until the age of fourteen, the National Curriculum being designed to give a broad and general knowledge base, both for day-to-day life and academically. At the age of fourteen, guided by both teachers and parents, a student will typically have two paths down which to proceed: Secondary (or High) Schools and Technical Schools. The Secondary School continues more traditionally academic subjects, typically with a view to preparing the student for application to a University, or a variety of non-technical roles as a non-graduate. The Technical School, focuses on more technical subjects, providing the less academically able student with a number of practical skills, which would provide the student with a means of making a living as a tradesman or artisan. Both schools cover the years fourteen to eighteen, and attendance remains compulsory, although both the parents and the student in question have the final say on which type of school they attend; no students are forcibly placed into either pipeline against their will.

Another option available, on a strictly voluntary basis, are the three Military Foundation Colleges; the Royal Naval College, Monterey, the Army Foundation College, Roswell, and the Air Force College, TBC. Although all differ in organisation and, to some extent, curriculum, all three colleges are designed to provide an alternative option to the conventional education system for youths, male and female, interested in a career in the Armed Forces. Although there is no service-commitment, successful completion of the MFC Syllabus results in automatic appointment to the service branch’s respective Officer Training College, although this may be declined. The MFC’s are one of the Kingdom’s greatest equalisers as, although very popular with the Nobility and Landed Gentry, whose school fees provide the bulk of the funding, admission is strictly as a result of passing an entrance exam, in which they were tested in languages, history, geography, arithmetic, algebra and geometry, all of which would be learned in universal Primary Education. This means that even prospective cadets from poorer households have the possibility of gaining admittance, and all three Colleges provided bursary schemes to support such cadets. Prospective cadets apply in their last year of Primary Education, and are appointed to their College in the Academic Year in which they would turn 14.

In addition to the state schools, and the Military Foundation Colleges, there are also a number of private schools across he Kingdom, which largely cater to the middle and upper classes who desire a higher standard of education than is available in some state schools, and are willing to pay for the privilege. Private schools are required to follow the core National Curriculum, however their electives typically differ dramatically from those available in state schools, some of which are accredited by agencies other than the Ministry of Education. Such electives are typically reflective of the kind of families that send their children to private schools, including subjects such as business, politics, etiquette, and other such specialised electives, largely focused towards allowing the children of middle and upper class families to enter the ‘family business’. Typically, the majority of private schools are for the ages 11-18, with the majority of the future students either being home-schooled by specially hired tutors, or in private nurseries or private primary schools.

The most prestigious of Apilonia’s private schools is the Beaufort School, located in the foothills of the Cascades Range in the eastern part of the Duchy of Washington, to which the vast majority of the sons and daughters of the Apilonian nobility, and a significant majority of the landed gentry, are sent to school. The Beaufort School has some of the most unique electives in the Kingdom, reflective of its student base, including estate management, nobility and constitutional law, and TBC. The Beaufort School has therefore become an integral part of the upbringing of the Apilonian Establishment, due both to its academic calibre but also due to the fact that it is a melting pot from scions of nobility and landed gentry from across the political spectrum. The grounds of the Beaufort School are amongst the most well-secured in the entire Kingdom, to ensure both the security and the privacy of the offspring of the Kingdom’s political elite.

Although the Military Foundation Colleges all follow the National Curriculum, there is also a focus on developing leadership, navigation, and other useful military skills, in preparation for potential military service, with Physical Education and sports a key part of this. All Cadets at the Military Foundation Colleges wear the uniform of their respective service, and are taught military discipline and drill amongst other such topics. In addition, there are regular training camps, as well as opportunities during holidays to spend time with operational units, including ships at sea, under careful supervision. Great care is taken, particularly in modern times, to emphasise that there is no call-up liability for MFC Cadets, and they are not deployed operationally or to combat-zones (aside from short-durations spent with operational units on a voluntary basis), although they can be deployed in support of the local community. At the end of their four-years at their Military Foundation College, over seventy-five percent accept appointment to Officer Training.

Tertiary Education

Infrastructure

Transport

Personal and Public Transportation

Personal transportation in the Kingdom is dominated by the automobile, with over eighty per cent of Apilonian workers commuting to work via private vehicle over public transport, resulting in one of the largest automobile markets in the world and car ownership is near-universal, with the only major exceptions being the largest cities where there are extensive public transport options available, such as Los Angeles. The dominance of the automobile is enabled by an extensive highway system, linking together major population centres as well as more rural areas, as well as the National Road Network, which has existed far longer.

Although passenger trains were the dominant mode of transportation until the mid-twentieth century, the introduction of jet aircraft, and the completion of the Interstate Highway, resulted in a rapid decline in intercity rail passenger demand during the 1960s. This caused Parliament to authorise the creation of a state-owned Apilonia Railroad Corporation (ARC, operating under the trading name ApiRail) in the 1960s to maintain limited intercity rail passenger service in most of the country, providing a vital link to more rural areas where the passenger train may be the only means by which poorer citizens can travel. Nevertheless, ARC services can be very limited outside of the Pacific Seaboard, and limited trans-continental routes.

Cargo Transportation

The vast majority of cargo transportation in the Kingdom is provided by the trucking industry and the freight railroad industry. Overall, trucks of various sizes are responsible for the majority of freight movement overland, due in no small part to the variety of sizes of commercial motor vehicles, with the remainder being transported by freight railroad, of which there is an extensive network of tracks, only a small proportion of which is used for passenger services. Typically, most supply chains will make use of both methods, depending on the distance involved. Less common, albeit increasingly so, is freight aircraft, particularly for next-day delivery, which naturally comes at a premium.

Civil Aviation

The Kingdom has a thriving civil airline industry, benefiting from the existence of aerospace giant Boeing, that connects the Kingdom to the rest of the world. Although the industry itself is entirely privately owned, most major airports in the Kingdom are publicly owned. In addition to smaller regional carriers, the Apilonian civil aviation industry is dominated by two competing airlines; Apilonian Airlines, based in Dallas, Duchy of Texas, and Royal Airways, based in Seattle, Duchy of Washington. Apilonian Airlines is the larger of the two, both in terms of fleet size and revenue, although Royal Airways is not far behind, all things considered. Both airlines principally operate aircraft produced by Boeing.

Apilonian Airlines largely focuses on transpacific and transcontinental flight, and is considered the ‘flag-carrier’ for the Kingdom, although it does operate some domestic flights to compete with Royal Airways. Apilonian Airlines was a major pioneer of the hub-and-spoke model, in which the majority of domestic flights are intended to bring passengers from further afield to the various hubs for long-haul, high-capacity flights overseas. In support of this, Apilonian Airlines operates a ‘bank’ system, in which numerous domestic flights arrive in a short span of time in any of a number of flight banks into the hub airport, allowing for far shorter connection times, a key draw when competing with direct, but typically more expensive, flights offered by Royal Airways. In terms of customer experience, Apilonian Airlines has a reputation for a solid, if unremarkable, offering for business and first-class passengers and a tolerable experience for economy. The Boeing 747 has been the backbone of Apilonian Airlines long-haul fleet for decades, and is in the process of being replaced by the latest generation, the 747-8, with the smaller Boeing 737 principally serving domestic routes. The airline has three major hubs; Dallas-Fort Worth, its primary transatlantic gateway, Los Angeles, its key transpacific gateway, and Phoenix, its primary gateway for flights into the Empire of Layarteb, particularly in South America.

By contrast, Royal Airways is a key innovator in the point-to-point business model, in which smaller, but more fuel efficient aircraft are used to operate lower-demand routes to smaller destinations. In many cases, Royal Airways is the only transpacific or transatlantic flights linking secondary airports in Europe and Asia to Apilonia, principally to Seattle or Minneapolis-St Paul, or linking secondary airports in Apilonia with major destinations such as Hong Kong, Nanfang or London. This has allowed Royal Airways to diversify its competition with Apilonian Airlines, particularly in the transpacific market, serving a number of destinations not served by Apilonian Airlines. The development of the Boeing 787 Dreamliner, with its relatively small size but impressive range and efficiency, has proven particularly profitable for Royal Airways, and makes up the bulk of its fleet. Royal Airways has a reputation for a high-quality offering with its First Class directly competing with Far East carriers in a western style; less gaudy but undoubtedly luxurious, it's Business Class being the first choice for all bussiness users in the Kingdom, whilst also offering both Premium Econony and Economy seats which consistently receive positive reviews. This high quality comes at a price, of course, however Royal Airways operates a highly competative frequent-flyers programme to reward loyal customers.

Culture

The Kingdom is home to many cultures and a wide variety of ethnic groups, traditions, and values. Aside from the Native populations, nearly all Apilonians or their ancestors immigrated within the last five centuries. Mainstream Apilonian culture is a western culture, largely derived from the traditions of European immigrants with influences from a number of other sources, due to the Kingdom’s colonial history, including more recent immigration from Asia and especially Latin America, resulting in a unique cultural mix that has been described as a melting pot. In general, Apilonians have been traditionally chartered by a strong work ethnic and competitiveness, as well as a sense of individualism, in which personal achievement is a strong consideration whilst also heavily valuing patriotism to ‘King and Country’, as well as a sense of deference and respect to the nobility and landowners. In addition, Apilonians have a unifying belief in private property, democracy, and the rule of law. Part of what has maintained the deference and respect is the principle that, despite the existence of hereditary aristocracy, there is a great deal of high social mobility, which has long played a key role in attracting immigrants, on the basis that any individual who is adequately successful can gain entry to the landed gentry.

Media

The Kingdom has an extensive media industry, and a long-standing tradition of freedom of the press and of the role of the fourth estate, particularly in maintaining a well-informed electorate deemed essential for the democratic process. In general, media within the Kingdom is split into three broad categories; national, regional, and local. At the national level, these include major broadcasters as well as radio stations and well-known newspapers which often have a readership beyond their supposedly local base. At the regional level, every Duchy within the Kingdom has its own media, including cable television stations, radio, and regionally-prominent newspapers. At the local level, there are hundreds of local television and radio channels, as well as thousands of local newspapers and other similar productions.

Nationally, the *** major broadcasters in the Kingdom are the Apilonian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC, which is a public-services broadcaster that largely avoids political commentary and as such is generally, although not completely, perceived as a unbiased source), Apilonia World Media (AWM, whose news channel, Apilonia Cable News (ACN) is generally considered politically centrist), TO BE CONFIRMED (TBC, whose news channel, TBC is generally considered to lean towards the political left), and TO BE CONFIRMED (TBC, whose news channel, TBC is generally considered to lean towards the political right). The Apilonian Broadcasting Corporation also broadcasts on AM and FM nationally, and is the only real national radio broadcaster).

Nationally, the most well-known newspapers include the Los Angeles Chronicle, the Seattle Times, the Toronto Journal, and the Houston Telegraph. In addition to mainstream regional and local newspapers, most major cities often have alternative weeklies to complement the mainstream daily papers.

Literature, Philosophy, and Visual Art

For some years, Apilonian art and literature took many of its cues from Europe, although as the Apilonian cultural identity developed a distinctive Apilonia literary voice began to develop, both in prose and poetry, which heavily focused on the national experience and character formed by the settlement and cultivation of the continent. In the more visual arts, Apilonia has consistently tended to focus on more modernist styles, often being ahead of the conventional curve of artistic development in Europe. In more recent times, Apilonians have long been important in the modern artistic medium of photography and digital art.

Cinema

Hollywood, a northern district of Los Angeles, Duchy of California, is one of the world’s leaders in motion picture production, and the Apilonian film industry has largely been based in and around Hollywood, although in recent years an increasing number of films made in other locations and traditional Hollywood film companies have been facing the challenges of globalisation.

Food

Early settlers were quickly introduced to indigenous, non-European foods such as turkey, sweet potatoes, corn, squash, and maple syrup, and would steadily be combined with known foods to develop a distinctive Apilonian cuisine, with homegrown and homemade foods being a part of the shared national menu. Due in no small part to the cultural melting pot of the Kingdom, there is also a great deal of appreciation and demand for a wide range of global foods. This has led to an extensive fast food and take-away industry, principally including the drive-through format and, more recently, delivery.

Sport

The Kingdom has an extensive professional sports market, ranging across a number of different sports. The most popular, by several measures, is American Football in the form of the Apilonian Football League (AFL), which has amongst the highest average attendance of any sports league in the world, with it’s champion game, the Super Bowl, watched by tens of millions. Organised baseball has been a major national sport for several centuries, with Royal League Baseball (RLB) being the top league, with basketball and ice hockey the next two leading professional team sports. In addition, association football (also known as soccer) has an extensive grassroots existence however the highest league, Royal League Soccer, lags behind the top four professional team sports. In recent years, professional women’s sport has taken significant steps to approach the men’s leagues in terms of quality in some aspects. In addition to team sports, which are the majority, the Kingdom also has major markets for individual sports, such as golf and auto racing in particular.

In addition to the professional leagues, both the top-flight and lower levels, there is also an extensive system of sports based at universities and other similar educational establishments, indeed in some cases, such as American Football, these are the primary subordinate levels beneath the AFL.