History of Scotatrova

The history of Scotatrova dates all the way back to Classical Antiquity. Over the course of the 1st millennium BC the Rodraiths established colonies on the Mediterranean coast. The Second Osfenar Empire invaded and annexed southern Scotatrova as the province of Alfaraz in the mid-6th century. After the completion of the centuries-long reconquest from the Osfenars concluding in 1227, Scotatrova emerged as a unified country in the mid-15th century following the merge of the Avarian and Cadecian crowns into the Kingdom of Scotatrova. The late 15th, 16th and early 17th century were dominated by expansion (1445-1510), religious civil wars between Recusants and Solarists (1493-1502), Scotatrovian victory in the First Aelvenian-Scotatrovian War (1490-1510) and the devastating Hundred Year War (1512-1612). In the 17th century, Scotatrova became one of history's first global colonial empires, becoming one of the world's major economic, political and military powers and it's global influence grow immensely over the next three centuries, leaving a vast cultural and linguistic legacy that includes over 1 billion Scotatrovian speakers. After the monarchy was disposed in 1842, the first democratic but unstable Republic of Scotatrova was established, later being superseded by the fascist authoritarian regime of the National Scotatrovian Republic. Democracy was restored after the Scotatrovian Civil War in 1915 and the modern Scotatrovian People's Republic was born.

Early History

Prehistory (1,000 BC – 601 BC)

Before the Rodraic Empire laid claim to its shores, the Roaseran peninsula was home to the Cutomans in the south, the Quedarans in the north, west and interior and the Roaserans along the eastern coast. The Roaserans in particular were often visited by Tarazedians, sea-faring people that came from far east. Over time, these visits became more and more frequent, with several Tarazedian outposts being established along the coast. These colonies eventually started to coalesce, especially around the central coast, and slowly spread north and south. As a result, many dense settlements began to spring up, the largest of which in 847 BC was Thenoma. By 700 BC, the Tarazedians maintained a large circle of influence in the peninsula. Despite remaining in their initial coastal settlements, several efforts were made to explore the rest of the peninsula. In the early 670s BC, a small Tarazedian contingent made it to the river Rosal in the interior. It was also reported that they had even reached the lands of Vulra in 637 BC. These were merely expeditions and didn’t lead to settlement in most cases. In 601 BC, the peninsula saw war waged between the Tarazedians and Rodraic Empire, the only two powers that sought out influence in the western Mediterranean. The Rodraiths had encroached from Northern Africa after a series a conquests, and frankly enjoying their new unrestricted expansion. The Rodraiths launched a series of raids against coastal settlements, with pillaging being a widespread phenomenon. The Tarazedians wouldn’t be fully subjugated until 596 BC. As the Rodraiths expanded further into Roasera, they confronted the Roaserans, which then evolved into the Rodraic-Roaseran Wars. The Cutomans and Quedarans also fought the advancing Rodraiths, but they too would follow the fate of the Tarazedians and Roaserans before them. It is from this period where we get the name Roasera, as the Tarazedians named it after the river Rosal. It is also where Scotatrova’s modern languages originate, all being descendants of the Classical Tarazedian that was spoken at the time in the colonies.

Hescettgovas (601 BC – 165)

The Rodraiths would name the peninsula Hescettgovas (HEH-SCET-EH-TROH-VAS). The Tarazedians that still resided in Hescettgovas were offered the chance to assimilate, of which many agreed to. The Rodraic elite and nobility often allowed their subjects to openly speak their languages, but over time became culturally Rodrenized. Some areas became Rodrenized faster than others, depending on which areas were more resistant to Rodraic subjugation. Cities such as Promethia, Oleria, Ursand and Muse were established and already present cities such as Engium were brought up to Rodraic standards. The larger cities saw greater Rodrenization, while the rest of the population remained somewhat autonomous, mainly through the ruling of local lords and leaders. While the Tarazedian colonies were successful, Hescettgovas had flourished. It produced valuable goods for the rest of the Rodraic Empire such as food, olive oil, wine and metal. The port of Promethia became the main source for much of Hescettgovas’s exports such as gold, wheat, fish, lead and silver. The beginning of the end for Rodraic Hescettgovas began years earlier as a tribe was making its way from central Europe. With origins still not quite known today, the Altherians were forcing their way west, and would eventually end their migration in Hescettgovas. In late 164, Rodraic soldiers situated along the mountain range dividing them and the Eparojans reported that the Eparojans had several of their villages decimated, and the city of Arcano in flames. They were made aware of this by survivors fleeing west and telling tales of these invaders that had poured in from the northeast. Eventually, in April of 165, the Altherians made their way into Hescettgovas.

Altherian Rule (165 – 539)

The Altherians would complete their conquest of Hescettgovas by 169 after defeating the final, stubborn contingent of Rodraic forces in what is today northwestern Orada. Unlike their previous pillages through Europe, the Altherians maintained many Rodraic institutions rather than dismantling them. The Altherians were quite impressed with the state of Hescettgovas, one particular Altherian general noting in 166 that “It’s quite unlike any of the other lands we’ve crossed to get here. When encountering the Eparojans, there was little to them besides villages few and far in between. Arcano was their greatest settlement, and even then, it holds no comparison to what the Rodraiths accomplished here.” Altherian administration in Hescettgovas may as well be seen as an extension of the previous Rodraic presence. Overtime, a sort of mixture of Altherian and Hescettgovian nobility gained growing prominence. An Altherian Code was put forward in 314, of which was inspired by Rodraic and classical Altherian law. This still has influence on law within modern times. The continuation of western Mediterranean trade continued to contribute to the growth and maintaining of Altherian culture. Recusantry has its origins to this period of Altherian rule, where it was first introduced in the 5th century. Rapidly spreading among the Ithric and Eparojan tribes, the religion would fully take root after Altherian king Segric converted to Recusantry in 497. It is said that this was the first of many policies that would lead to a loss of faith from the population of Hescettgovas. Various movements were launched to recusanize the population in order to provide a stable, religious doctrine across Hescecttgovas.

Further adding to the growing tension between the nobility and general populace was the way that the Altherian army would supply its forces by raising slaves out in the countryside. This was especially more prominent in the north, as southern Hescettgovas was full of old, Rodraic country homes and compounds that the Altherians inherited and maintained. This resulted in a much wealthier south and an isolated, vulnerable north who often held no sentiments to their Altherian rulers. The native Hescettgovians were the ones that were responsible for the prosperity of the Altherian kingdom as they maintained the economic and cultural way of life throughout the region. Only in administrative affairs were the Altherians concerned, and even then, Altherian and Rodraic law coexisted and never merged. By the end of Altherian rule, the Altherian and Hescetto-Rodraiths were experiencing a rapid assimilation. An exodus away from the cities in the south into the surrounding countryside was also something experienced toward the end of Altherian rule, as discontent rose over the Altherians taking no effort to contribute to the welfare of the people and state. This discontent was a leading factor in how indifferent the population reacted toward the Osfenar invasions.

Osfenar Alfaraz and the Age of Vanquishment (539 – 1227)

The Osfenar conquest was the expansion of the Second Osfenar Empire over Hescettgovas, largely extending from 539 to 583. The conquest resulted in the destruction of the Altherian Kingdom and the establishment of the State of Osphenian Alfaraz, or Ausfonaïle-Alfaraz, under Abdaile Quentyn III. Forces commanded by Alçert Zürez disembarked in early 539 at the head of an army consisting almost exclusively of Osfenars, who originate from Southern Europe but now claimed the entire coast of North Africa. Alçert Zürez led an approximately 1,700-strong raiding force from North Africa to southern Hescettgovas. However, 12,000 seems a more accurate figure. The people of Hescettgovas did not observe them, thinking that the vessels crossing, and recrossing were similar to the trading vessels which for their benefit plied backwards and forwards. They defeated the Altherian army, led by King Ivan, in a decisive battle at Cavada in 540. Zürez's forces were then reinforced by those of his superior, Beleraphon Délirer, and both took control of most of Hescettgovas with an army estimated at approximately 10,000–15,000 combatants.

In 542, Beleraphon Délirer headed west to overrun the western regions with no relevant or attested opposition. During the period of the second Minister Ali Sokmen of Bokat (542-544), the principal urban centers of Cadecia surrendered. In 542, he advanced and overran Celetor, the western Eparogish regions, Malhada, and as far west as Oleria or Osir, where an Osfenar governor was appointed with no relevant or attested opposition. The northern areas of the kingdoms drew little attention to the conquerors and were hard to defend when taken. At this time, Osfenar troops reached Zanandea, and the Cadecian town submitted after a compromise was brokered with Osfenar commanders to respect the town and its inhabitants, a practice that was common in many towns. The Osfenar troops met little resistance. Considering that era's communication capabilities, three years was a reasonable time spent reaching western Eparoge, after making the necessary arrangements for the towns' submissions and their future governance.

An early governor of Ausfonaïle-Alfaraz, Meira Cetin, spread the rule of the Second Osfenar Empire up to southern borders of Eparoge, and the western half of the peninsula, pacifying most of the territory and initiating in 545 the first forays across the Pyrenees. In addition, she laid out the foundations of Osfenar civil administration in Alfaraz, by sending civil administration officials (judges) to conquered towns and lands guarded by garrisons established usually next to the population nuclei. Moreover, Meira restored lands to their previous Recusant landowners, which may have added greatly to the revenue of the Osfenar governors. The task of establishing a civil administration in conquered Alfaraz was essentially completed by the governor Sana Demirbas 10 years later.

Rebellions swept Alfaraz under Trayanos Kélin's term as governor. Reinforcements were then called from the other end of the Mediterranean in a military capacity. The rebellions were quelled in blood, and the Osfenar commanders came up reinforced after 550. Different factions reached an agreement to alternate in office, but this didn't last long, since Milanos Mopatis (opposed to the Osfenars) remained in power up to his defeat by Ali Kemal Sherif in 559, and the establishment of the independent Province of Alfaraz.

In 559, south and central Alfaraz (Muse, Amara) were in the hands of Ali Kemal Sherif, but it took still 25 years for him to hold sway over the Upper Marches. Following the conquest of Hescettgovas, conversion to Solarism and the Osfenization of the Hescetto-Altherian population took place. Eventually, most of the population of Alfaraz would convert to Solarism, with scattered Recusant holdouts throughout the province. Recusants would be allowed to live as a separate, subordinate group to the Solarist ruling class. Many of the remaining Recusants in Alfaraz would make their way north to the holdout Recusant kingdom established in the wake of the Osfenar conquest and fall of Altherian rule. Frequent Osfenar expeditions were sent north in order to quell the “Recusant rebels” but were rebuffed several times. This polity, the Kingdom of Avaria, would itself send invading forces into neighboring Alfaraz.

Rodulf of Avaria’s victory against an Osfenar legion in Roturas in 550 is widely considered to be the start of the Age of Vanquishment or reconquering of the peninsula from Osfenar rule. Much of Avaria consisted of local Santians, Vulrans and several other groups that were unaffiliated and unassimilated with Hescetto-Altherian society. In 567, rebellions in the northwest region of Orada would see itself ally with the Kingdom of Avaria in order to expel the Solarist rebels. This would lead to Orada becoming part of the Kingdom of Avaria, thus expending its influence and power. Unable to exert its power over the mountains in the northeast led to Alfaraz consolidating as much of its power as it could in the peninsula. Avaria was further expanded under the reign of Marcomir I (566-594). Many expeditions were made into Vulra, often times coordinated with the Eparogish. In 738, the Kingdom of Ourenta split from Avaria after King Aaron III abdicated the throne to his son Riccard I, while his other son became Carles I of Ourenta. The Osfenars invaded Ourenta in 824 but were defeated with the combined forces from Avaria and Ourenta. Constant warfare between the Solarist Alfaraz and Recusant kingdoms became the norm, with the Recusants going from offering annual tribute to demanding it themselves.

Aaron VI of Avaria was the leading king in the early 10th century. He had conquered the region of Atalon and had continuing raids and attacks against Alfaraz. In 913, he conquered the city of Atlona, arguably the largest and most important city in the region. This victory led to him becoming a renowned leader not just in the peninsula, but throughout the Recusant world. Aaron VI’s more aggressive policies worried the local Osfenar dukes, who would sometimes call on reinforcements from the North African duchies. These conquests continued over the course of several more centuries, albeit at a rather gradual pace. Beginning in the late 12th century and continuing into the 1220s was a series of two succession crises in Avaria. This briefly distracted the kingdom from its reconquering of Roasera, most of which including the previous Kingdom of Ourenta, and was now back under Recusant rule with the exception being a small Alfaraz state along the southern coast. With Maria I being proclaimed Queen in 1224, she would decisively end the Age of Vanquishment after entering Alfaraz and firmly putting the peninsula back into Recusant control in 1227.

Early Modern

Avaria in the Middle Ages (1227 – 1443)

After Maria I’s successful campaigns in pushing out the remaining Osfenars, the monarchy had finally asserted absolute sovereignty over Avaria. Numerous factors such as the ongoing relationship with the church and the solidification of successions of power through primogeniture helped stabilize the view of the monarchy. It is during the reign of Henric I (1287-1333) that Avaria is said to have become a fully centralized kingdom. At the same time, various languages were spoken throughout the kingdom. Each of these languages all developed from the Classical Tarazedian that was brought to the Roaseran peninsula from the first Tarazedian settlers. After the capture of the Tarazedian colonies, many of them dispersed throughout the Rodraic occupied Hescettgovas and kept speaking their native tongue. As a result, the languages of Avarian, Scotatrovian, Cadecian, Vulran and Accean all developed separately from each other in different regions of the peninsula. Avarian was the official language of the ruling class and the nobility, while the peasantry and general population was bilingual. Scotatrovian itself saw a rise in popularity, particularly among certain members of the nobility to wished to differentiate themselves from the common folk. By the 15th century, Scotatrovian was the language of prestige, ultimately at the expense of Avarian and the other close dialects. While Avarian remained the official language at the state level, Scotatrovian would see itself be recognized as an ”important language in all aspects of culture and communication”. While this was ongoing, the other languages of Cadecian, Vulran and Accean would become the standard in their territories, developing distinct linguistic identities.

Upon the death of Manuel II of Avaria in 1424, the Third War of Avarian Succession would commence. Disapproving of his daughter Giuliana’s betrothal to Cadecian prince Alesante, Manuel would name his sister Sibil as heiress to the throne. Manuel had done this in an effort to keep Avaria from a personal union with the Kingdom of Cadecia in favor of other powers such as the kingdoms of Eparoge or Apfrenna. Even though Sibil was crowned queen, Giuliana and her forces would fight to regain control of the crown. After five years of fighting, Sibil finally abdicated the throne to Giuliana. Shortly after Giuliana became queen, Alesante himself would become the new king of Cadecia and the two would wed not long after. Their marriage set the stage for the creation of a modern Scotatrovian state in the modern era. Giuliana I and Alesante IV (now Escanthro I of Scotatrova) ruled over their respective territories as their kingdoms were administratively separate to some extent, each maintaining largely its own laws; both parliaments remained separate. Its central position, larger territorial area and larger population led to Avaria becoming the dominating partner in the union. After both monarchs signed an agreement on September 24, 1443, the crowns of Avaria and Cadecia were unified as a single country under the Crown of Scotatrova, in which their rule was shared.

Birth of a Kingdom and Early Conflicts (1443 – 1512)

Together, Giuliana and Escanthro would oversee the conquest of the Gana and Romosean archipelagos in 1446 and 1449 respectively. The native inhabitants of both areas declined, either indirectly through European disease such as smallpox or directly through enslavement and forced labor. These factors would contribute to the natives of both island chains disappearing by the start of the 16th century. At the same time, Giuliana and Escanthro’s son Eric would be crowned king in 1464 after he turned 18, as his father was acting as regent for 10 years after the death of his mother. A common nickname, Eric was called “the bold” for his unwavering persistence on expanding the Scotatrovian kingdom. Giuliana hoped that her son would continue in ensuring the long-term stability for Scotatrova, but he would instead pursue personal goals and aspirations. War erupted as Eric moved Scotatrovian forces into Apfrenna in 1470, conquering the kingdom by the 1480s. In 1482, Eric then challenged Eparoge, who he saw as his main competitor in the region. Five years would go by before Eric came out victorious over Eparogish king Armon in 1487. As expected, this threatened the balance of power in the region, catching the attention of the Aelvenians, who now bordered the Scotatrovian kingdom after its extensive expansionist policies. Aelvenia would send a list of compensation and concessions to allow the Scotatrovians to reconsider its actions. Seeing this as a great insult, Eric would then wage a war on Aelvenia that he was determined he could win.

The first Aelvenian-Scotatrovian War, a brutal and bloody conflict, would begin in the summer of 1490. While the war was ongoing, the growing urban Solarist population as well as other religious faiths were heavily prosecuted under Eric I. Taking inspiration from Altherian kings, Eric tried to promote religious unity across the nation while also negatively depicting adherents to other faiths. Ever since the end of the Age of Vanquishment against Alfaraz, the tolerance towards Solarists in particular began to deteriorate over the following centuries. Unlike the war with the Aelvenians, this conflict was more spread out and involved the wealthy, ambitious, and fervently Recusant majority versus the less wealthy Solarist minorities. Moderates, primarily associated with the Scotatrovian monarchy and its advisers, tried to balance the situation and avoid open bloodshed. The 1493 Massacre of Eras, a pivotal event in the conflict, involved a complete breakdown of state control resulting in series of riots and massacres in which Recusant mobs killed between 5,000 and 30,000 Solarists over a period of weeks throughout the entire kingdom. Solarists would often find themselves restricted from any professional occupations or undergoing forced conversion or explusion. At the conclusion of the conflict in 1502, King Eric issued the Edict of Ordium, which granted the Solarists and other religious minorities substantial rights and freedoms, though this did not end Recusant hostility towards them personally. As a result of this persecution, thousands of Solarists dispersed throughout the other Recusant kingdoms in Europe or back to Solarist-Osfenar holdings in North Africa. Eric would die in 1504 and his son Escanthro II become the new king, continuing his father’s assault against the Aelvenians. In 1510 the war would come to an end with Aelvenian defeat, and the subsequent concession of a large portion of western Aelvenia would be made to the victorious Scotatrovians.

Hundred Year War (1512 – 1612)

Barely was the war with Aelvenia won when Scotatrova would see itself run into more conflict. Tensions between Scotatrova and Evestland began escalating after the Scotatrovian aquisition of the Kingdom of Apfrenna. The Evestish considered the Scotatrovian throne an extension of their own, believing them to be the rightful successor to the Apfrennish royal family and thus held sway over the Scotatrovian throne. To Escanthro II, this dangerously threatened his royal authority, and so he would constantly try to undermine Evestish rule in Scotatrova, while the Evestish monarchs would struggle to protect and expand their lands. This clash of interests was the root cause of much of the conflict between the Scotatrovian and Evestish monarchies throughout the rest of the medieval era. On September 3, 1512, Evestish King Albert III sent a fleet of ships to the Scotatrovian port of Nomanda. A Scotatrovian fleet went out to meet the Evestish fleet just a mile off the coast. The Evestish tore into the Scotatrovian fleet as it was completely destroyed in the now infamous Battle of Nomanda. Evestland dominated the Evestish Channel during this phase of the war, completely preventing Scotatrovian invasion. In the early years of the war, the Evestish saw resounding successes. Escanthro II reigned until his death in 1543 and by that point, the Evestish reclaimed most lands that comprised the Apfrennish region of Noria. The newly crowned Tomas II also lived out his reign in a state of war, as would his son, Matheu II. During their reigns, Evestland made continuous, but slow advances through the rest of the Norian peninsula and surrounding regions. It wouldn't be until King Brendan I before Scotatrova began to turn the tide. The Battles of Dalera and Iraceta in the later half of the war proved victorious for Scotatrova, but they too would eventually fall as had the rest of the Norian peninsula up to that point. By 1612, the Battle of Valadez had commenced, and during the battle, several ships from the Scotatrovian fleet proceeded to battle the Evestish armada just outside the harbor. The Battle of Valadez and the ensuing naval clash all ended in a surprise victory for Scotatrova, and the sudden and unforseen losses of its navy was one of the final blunders for Evestland, and the kingdom fully retreated not too long after.

Imperial Scotatrova (1612 – 1723)

With the end of the Hundred Year War, King Brendan I encouraged various enterprises, set up to develop trade with faraway lands. In 1615, the same year that Brendan I died and Escanthro III became the new king, Scotatrova began to settle North Africa. This became the first colony of what would become the Scotatrovian Empire. The territory of the North African coast was the Duchy of Bialya, ruled by the Osphenian Empire by the time the Scotatrovians arrived in 1615. In the first few years of his rule, Escanthro didn't pay much attention to Bialya. However, in 1644 he and Queen Elena I visited Bialya, and the trip made a deep impression upon them. The King gradually conceived the idea that Bialya should be governed differently from other colonies. In a letter to the Military Governor of Bialya written in 1647, he said: "Bialya is not a colony in the traditional sense, but an Osfenar realm; the local people have, like the colonists, a legal right to my protection. I am just as much the Emperor of the Osfenars of Bialya as I am of the Scotatrovians." He allowed Osfenars to serve in the military and civil service on theoretically equal terms and allowed them to migrate to Scotatrova. In addition, he gave the option of citizenship; however, for Osfenars to take this option they had to accept all of the Scotatrovian civil code, including parts governing inheritance and marriage which conflicted with Osfenar laws. His attempted reforms were interrupted in 1648 by an Osfenar insurrection, which required more than a year and an army of 85,000 soldiers to suppress. Nonetheless, he did not give up his idea of making Bialya a model where Scotatrovian colonists and Osfenars could live and work together as equals. He traveled to Bokat for a second time in 1649, and this time he remained for a month, meeting with tribal leaders and local officials. He offered a wide amnesty to participants of the insurrection and promised to name Osfenars to high positions in his government.

From North Africa, Scotatrova would move on to conquer the Kingdom of Kanje (1672) and the Mabuza Kingdom (1668) in Southern Africa as well as establishing colonies all throughout the Americas as early as the 1640s. Eager to set out and find new lands, the Kingdom of Scotatrova granted expansive power to Captain Damian Berrocal, including exploration, settlement, political power, and revenues, with sovereignty reserved to the Crown. The first permanent European settlements in the New World were established on Atzlana's Gulf coast. Although Berrocal staunchly asserted and believed that the lands he encountered were in Asia, the paucity of material wealth and the relative lack of complexity of indigenous society meant that the Kingdom of Scotatrova initially was not concerned with the extensive powers granted to Berrocal. The crown began to curtail the expansive powers that they had granted Berrocal by the appointment of royal governors. In 1659, the Council of the Royal Colonies was established by the Kingdom of Scotatrova to address issues of the colonies. That same year, the crown established a permanent high court in the most important city at the time, Zanthes, on the island of Rosario. As new areas were conquered and significant Scotatrovian settlements were established, other likewise courts were established. Following the settlement of coastal Atzlana and the island of Rosario, Europeans began searching elsewhere to begin new settlements, since there was little apparent wealth and the numbers of indigenous were declining. Those from the less prosperous Rosario were eager to search for new success in a new settlement. Scotatrova started to invest in America with the creation of cities, because Scotatrova was in America due to religious reasons. Matters began to change in the 1640s with the large-scale extraction of silver from the rich deposits of Atzlana's Sagre region, but it was the opening of the silver mines in Atzlana's Melagro and in modern-day Andenes in 1664 that became legendary.

The imports of silver and gold contributed to inflation in Scotatrova and Europe from the last decades of the 17th century. The vast imports of silver also made local manufactures uncompetitive and ultimately made Scotatrova overly dependent on foreign sources of raw materials and manufactured goods. The nobility spent the Scotatrovian and American riches in wars across Europe on behalf of Scotatrovian interests and declared moratoriums on their debt payments several times. The overseas lands claimed by Scotatrova in the New World proved to be a source of wealth and the crown was able to assert greater control over its overseas possessions in the political and religious spheres than was possible in the Roaseran peninsula or in Europe. The conquests of the Yoxumá Empire and the Lacsha Empire brought vast indigenous civilizations into the Scotatrovian Empire and the mineral wealth, particularly silver, were identified and exploited, becoming the economic lifeblood of the crown. Further Scotatrovian settlements, deemed Departments (Quasimes) were progressively established in the New World: Gramercy (Department of Viana, now present-day Whitmore) in the 1650's, Zanthes in 1653 as the capital of the Department of Rosario, Marenas (Department of the Teír ç’Orri, later Alhandria) in 1654, and Constancia in 1659. Following the pattern established in Scotatrova during the Recusant reconquest of Alfaraz, and in the Caribbean, the first European settlements in the Americas divided up the indigenous population in private holdings and exploited their labor. Central Atzlana and later the Lacsha Empire of Andenes gave Scotatrova vast new indigenous populations to convert to Recusantry and rule as vassals of the crown. Atzlana, Maragua and Andenes in particular were all considered “Royal Protecorates” and so had some differences when compared to the departments. The native inhabitants and economies of the royal protectorates (most notably the Yoxumas and Lacshas) resulted in a complex set of institutions and material life in order to replicate Scotatrovian life in a different venue. Power was most often achieved through wealth and status in departments, as compared to the royal protectorates where an individual’s postion in society was entirely locally and community based. Wealth in the protectorates came from the abundance of silver and native inhabitants, where the wealth of the departments came from exports such as tobacco, sugar and rum. Department administration ultimately came down to brokering between the elites and Scotatrovian authority against the non-elites. Eventually, this would become a complex compromise between what the locals wanted and what the central authorities would permit. In the royal protectorates, colonial assemblies allowed the local population larger opportunities with varying degrees of autonomy. Royal protectorates were commerical colonies, where the departments were purely territorial.

Flaurita was also colonized in 1664, however the colony was abandoned by 1668. The colony of Ñove Dalera (New Dalera) was founded at the mouth of the Mississauga River in 1713, which would later become a haven for slaves and criminals from the Ergonian North American colonies until the territory was relinquished by the 1730's. By the time king Iago died, the crown expanded its global claims and defended existing ones in the Americas. Transpacific explorations had resulted in Scotatrova claiming Antalanga and the establishment of Scotatrovian settlements and trade with Atzlana. The royal protectorate of Atzlana was given jurisdiction over Antalanga, which became the center for Asian trade. Scotatrova dealt with Ergonian encroachment on Scotatrova's maritime control in the Americas. Under Esmerelda II, royal power over the colonies increased, but the crown knew little about its overseas possessions in the Americas. Although the Council of the Royal Colonies was tasked with oversight there, it acted without advice of high officials with direct colonial experience. Another serious problem was that the crown did not know what Scotatrovian laws were in force there. The crown sought greater control over those who had attempted to establish themselves as a local aristocracy; strengthened the power of the ecclesiastical hierarchy; and increased revenues from silver mines in Andenes and Atzlana. Further expeditions in Asia would bring Antalanga (1710) and Sirawak (1717) under the Scotatrovian crown as well as various Pacific islands by the 1720s. Back in Europe, another conflict between Aelvenia and Scotatrova would ensue. Aelvenian plans to consolidate control in the region by claiming and encroaching on Scotatrovian lands led to the Second Aelvenian-Scotatrovian War.

Scotatrova in the 18th and 19th Century

Second Aelvenian-Scotatrovian War (1723 – 1749)

In October 1723, an Aelvenian army invaded Scotatrova, only to be rebuffed in December. Subsequently, Aelvenia made several invasions of Scotatrova by land, but Scotatrova secured mastery of the seas and decisively destroyed an Aelvenian fleet in the North Sea in May 1725. Aelvenia suffered reverses and internal strife, while new Scotatrovian armies counterattacked, repelled the invaders, and advanced beyond Scotatrova. 1732 brought increased success to the Scotatrovian armies. A major victory against Aelvenian forces at the Battle of Ribeke gained all of Lotheria for Scotatrova. After seizing the area in a surprise attack, Scotatrova established Lotheria as a puppet state. Scotatrovian and Aelvenian forces met in July 1738 at the savage and indecisive Battle of Weser, which left behind between 30,000–50,000 casualties. By mid 1745, Scotatrova's total forces in Aelvenia numbered about 250,000. The Lotherian vassal furnished Scotatrovian king Biedro I with a good number of forces. During the last months of 1747 and 1748, Aelvenia fought a series of battles but was steadily forced back against overwhelming odds. Finally, peace was concluded with the Treaty of Agon in 1749, which stated that the old boundaries before the war would stay that way, and Scotatrova gave Lotheria its independence. The Ergonians, who became Scotatrova's main source of competition after the defeat of Aelvenia, led invasions of many Scotatrovian colonies in Asia and competition for commercial interests in Africa and South America.

Decline of the Empire (1749 – 1842)

Plague outbreaks were also widespread at the time with the plague of Atlona in 1773 killing about 28% of the city’s population, and approximately 1.5 million plague deaths were estimated throughout Scotatrova in the 18th century. This would land a severe blow to the Scotatrovian economy which was already faltering and now dealing with a depleted labor force. Biedro died in 1773, with the throne passing to his son Matheu II. Matheu worked to create a stronger, centralized state from Muse, eliminate the last of feudalism and to subjugate the aristocracy. These policies resulted in absolute monarchial rule, and they would endure until the fall of the empire. Concern among the other European powers pitted Scotatrova against Ergonia, Parzal and Ithra, who formed an alliance to limit growing Scotatrovian influence. Matheu had to concede in face of an indefensible war, and so peace was brokered in 1785. This peace was fragile, as war broke out between Lotheria and Aelvenia. Aelvenia attacked Lotheria in 1789, joined by Ergonia. Though seeing initial success in the beginning, the Aelvenian invasion of Lotheria was brought to a halt. The combined Scotatrovian-Lotherian alliance was able to inflict several strategic defeats against the Ergo-Aelvenian naval alliance. These combined with the resistance given by the Lotherians forced Ergonia to retire from the conflict entirely by 1791. As Lotheria was able to resist indefinitely, the Treaty of Louzen would end the war and allow Lotheria to acquire further concessions in Aelvenia.

Samuel I became king after Matheu died in 1792, making many reforms in the government and giving greater power to provincial governments. Despite the initial near unchallenged power the Scotatrovian Empire held, it began to decline by the end of the 18th century. It lagged behind other European powers such as Ergonia, Lotheria and Ithra in the political and mercantile realms. By 1800, the Scotatrovian social structure saw the nobility and the Recusant church at the top. Select and notable families occupied the aristocracy, with over half a million or more holding some kind of noble status. At the same time, the church had many endowed monasteries across the kingdom, and controlled most of the leftover land that wasn’t held by nobles. The rest of the population would either be landless peons or holders of small properties. There was particular distrust among the atristocracy, from landowners and peasants alike, and it would keep growing throughout the early 19th century. This distrust and contempt for the monarch would reach a boiling point in the colonies, as self-governing bodies began to appear in various Scotatrovian colonies in the Americas. Escanthro IV would be crowned king in 1815, and already was the situation in the colonies rapidly deteriorating. Tensions further frustrated many Scotatrovian-Americans because of their inability to control the politics that directly affected their economic and sociopolitical wellbeing, further leading them towards independence.

When Scotatrovian representatives of the crown arrived in Atzlana in 1816, they found that royalists were only really present in a handful of areas. Escanthro himself at the time even considered greatly expanding autonomy for the colonial Scotatrovian possessions. Independence was first declared in 1817, when the Atzlanan congress declared Simon Cambeiro as their president. Scotatrova wouldn’t officially recognize Atzlanan independence until 1821. Granados would gain its independence in 1821 and merged with Atzlana (from 1821 to 1826) but chose their own path when Atzlana became a republic in 1826. The situation in South America was completely different than that of Atzlana and Granados. Freedom fighters across the continent such as Françisque Morro and Gian Freixa would lead national and even trans-national efforts in order to secure their independence. Maragua would gain its independence in 1823, and Morro would then organize a fleet to counter Scotatrovian naval forces in the region. The fleet would be assembled by late 1823 and embark for Marenas in Alhandria. They landed on December 14, 1823, and successfully took control of the port. Morro had hoped that his prescence might spur the locals into revolt. In the meantime, he had attempted his hand at diplomacy with the Governor of Alhandria, Henrique Iclezas, who had been ordered to maintain the authority of the monarchy. These efforts would fail, and over the next few months, various successful campaigns against royalists by both land and sea would lead to Alhandria declaring independence. Freixa would be busy organizing efforts in Viana as the loss of Atzlana, Maragua and Alhandria left the Scotatrovian monarchy in a position where they would have to negotiate with insurgents. On December 18, 1825, independence would be declared for the independent republic of Viana. Vianan forces decisively defeated the royalist forces, assuring control of Viana and guaranteeing Vianan independence.

It soon became clear that there was no reversal of these independence movements, and soon each of the newly declared republics started to be recognized by the international community. Amaurita would recognize Atzlana, Maragua, Alhandria and Viana. Ergonia would wait a couple more years before recognizing Atzlana, Maragua and Alhandria. Scotatrovian fortifications in the mountainous areas of Andenes were some of the last remaining footholds on the continent after the wave of independence movements. It would be from here that royalists and Scotatrovian leaders would attempt to retake parts of their lost territories. Andenes would resist until the capture of Mal Pase in 1837. The island colonies of Constancia (1833) and Rosario (1837) also gained their independence by the end of the 1830s. Scotatrova finally abandoned all plans to regain their lost colonies and would recognize and renounce their sovereignty over the new republics. The loss of much of it's empire, the royal family's expenses, the power of the Church, the political and social instability, an apparent inability to adapt to modern times – all contributed to an unrelenting erosion of the Scotatrovian monarchy. The proponents of the republic, particularly the Advancement Party, found ways to take advantage of the situation. The Advancement Party presented itself as the only one that had a program that was capable of returning to the country its lost status and place Scotatrova on the way of progress. Nearly 5,000 soldiers across the nation rebelled in a revolution on December 18, 1842, and a new Republic was declared within hours from the top of the Teraça Cadith in Muse. Now deposed, Escanthro VI would live out the rest of his exile in Ithra.

Modernization

Scotatrovian First Republic (1842 – 1910)

A provisional government was led by Matheu Reimon who would lead until elections were held in January and the adoption of a new constitution. Political ideologies were intensely polarized, as both right and left saw vast evil conspiracies on the other side that had to be stopped. The newly elected, single chamber People’s Assembly drafted a constitution that allowed freedom of speech, freedom of association and stripped all nobles of any special status. It also disestablished the authority of the Recusant church. The constitution established legal procedures for the nationalization of public services and land, banks, and railways. Under the new constitution, all previous provinces were reorganized into a total of 29 states, each with their own limited autonomy. Each of the 3 overseas territories (Gana, Romosea and the Neal Isles) were granted the right to autonomy, and exercised this right immediately, being governed differently from the mainland states. The Constitution guaranteed a wide range of civil liberties, but it opposed key beliefs of the right wing, which was very rooted in rural areas, and desires of the hierarchy of the Recusant Church, which was stripped of schools and public subsidies. Women were also allowed to vote for the first time in national elections, being granted that right in 1884.

The First Republic was racked with economic turmoil, substantial debt, and fractious, rapidly changing governing coalitions led to escalating political violence and attempted coups by right and left. The Christian Democratic Party, carried particularly by the Recusant vote, won the 1896 presidential and legislative elections, with Ethan Felasque becoming the new president. An armed rising of workers in October 1897, which reached its greatest intensity in Casturas and Cadecia, was forcefully put down by the government. This in turn energized political movements across the spectrum in Scotatrova, including a revived anarchist movement and new reactionary and fascist groups. By 1898, war with Ithra was on the horizon. The goal was to stem the expansion of Ithran influence. Scotatrova declared war on Ithra on the evening of February 18, to take effect just after midnight. For Ithra, the war paved the way for the reclamation of historically Ithran territory and elimination of Scotatrovian domination in the Mediterranean. Ithra's rapid successes in the late phase of the war made Scotatrovian victory seem near impossible by June 1900. A number of Scotatrovan offenses in late 1900 failed to regain the momentum for the First Republic. By November 1900, the war had been reduced to skirmishes between patrols and the Scotatrovian forts of the Alps exchanged fire with their Ithran counterparts. A final offensive was mounted in January 1901 to regain lost territory but stalled in mid February. Giving in to internal pressure to seek peace, the Scotatrovian government announced that it would seek peace with Ithra, and a mutual armistice was soon declared. On the evening of April 14, a treaty was signed in Ithra’s capital, Kallipolis. It came into effect just after midnight. Ithra was allowed to occupy the territory it had captured in the fighting as Ithran economic control was extended into the territory.

Only months later, Scotatrova faced an anti-colonialist conflict in Bialya after debate over whether or not to keep control of Bialya, then home to over one million settlers wracked the country and led to war. The brutality of the methods employed by the Scotatrovian forces failed to win hearts and minds in Bialya, alienated support in mainland Scotatrova, and discredited Scotatrovian prestige abroad. Overtime, the Scotatrovian public began to oppose the war as did several of Scotatrova’s key allies. Major demonstrations in Bokat and other major cities, the Scotatrovian government decided to open negotiations. These would conclude with the Atlona Accords in June 1905. The final result was 95% in favor of ratifying the accords, and thus Bialya was granted independence on September 1, 1905. The chronic political instability and government's neglect of the army created opportunities for military plots. A military coup of a fascist origin led by Rixarde Navarro, put an end to the unstable First Scotatrovian Republic and initiated the National Scotatrovian Republic, an authoritarian dictatorship.

Fascist coup d'etat and Civil War (1910 – 1915)

On January 18, 1910, General Rixarde Navarro organized an attack on the presidential palace located on the outskirts of Muse. The attack proved successful and resulted in the death of then President Kevin Cedaba, who was a little over a year into his term. As stipulated in the Scotatrovian constitution, he was succeeded by Vice-President Marce Aparicio the next day. However, Marce Aparicio was ousted on January 22, 1910, in a revolt organized by Ricardo Navarro, a well known and respected figure in Scotatrovian history to that point. He took the oath of office on January 25, 1910, and declared the National Scotatrovian as the rightful successor to the First Scotatrovian Republic. Although the Constitution called for public elections, Navarro and his supporters used their political and economic resources to stay in power. In 1910, once General Navarro assumed the presidency, he wanted to build Scotatrova up financially but realized that it could not be done until peace could be established, as riots eruped in the wake of his ascension. His main concern was Scotatrova's internal stability and economic growth. Thus, when he took control of the country, he stabilized the government and restored political and social order with an iron hand. He imposed peace by force by using a variety of methods that did not necessarily consider human rights. He created a police force to control the countryside and the cities. Civil liberties, such as the freedom of the press were suspended, as was the constitution. As a result of this peace, his reign was one of progress. Scotatrova entered a period of sustained growth and unprecedented economic development. His policies encouraged the expansion of railroads, roads, dams, large scale agriculture and the growth of banking and industry. However, this progress only favored a few: the rich, the Recusant Church and the military. This resulted in the rise of the proletariat. The needs of the working class, farmers and peasants were ignored. The situation grew worse and eventually led to a civil war, in which Ricardo Navarro faced off against Roberto Arenas, who was sworn in as the supreme leader of the insurgent Republican faction.

On May 10, 1913, Roberto Arenas issued his famous "Plan of Oleria" refusing to recognize Navarro as President. The Plan of Oleria basically was to re-establish constitutional order, call for new elections and promote Arenas as provisional president. To defend his government against Arenas, Navarro increased the size of the national army by using forced conscription. Young men who were forced to join Navarro's troops lacked formal military training or discipline. This made the idea disastrous. Thousands of young men were killed in battle and there was also a high rate of desertion. He had drafted men to fight against the Republicans, but they had no loyalties to him. The civil war had begun. The Fascists advanced from their strongholds in the south and east, capturing most of Scotatrova's Mediterranean coastline. They also besieged Muse and the area to its south and west for much of the war. After Republican forces captured large parts of Cadecia in late 1914, and Muse was divided from Ordium, it was obvious to everyone that the Republicans had won the war. Muse and Ordium were occupied without resistance. Thousands of rightist Scotatrovians fled to refugee camps in western Ithra. Those associated with the losing Fascists were persecuted by the victorious Republicans. The war became notable for the passion and political division it inspired and for the many atrocities that occurred, on both sides.

Organized purges occurred in territory captured by Navarro's forces so they could consolidate their future regime. A significant but lesser number of killings also took place in areas controlled by the Republicans. The extent to which Republican authorities took part in killings in Republican territory varied. By early June 1915, only Muse and a few other strongholds remained for the Fascist forces. On June 7, the Republicans started a general offensive, on June 14 the Republicans occupied Muse and, by June 17, they controlled all Scotatrovian territory. Navarro was finally defeated by the combined forces of the Republicans and forced to resign that same day. Arenas proclaimed victory in a radio speech aired on June 18, when the last of the Fascist forces surrendered. Once Navarro had resigned and Arenas took the role as Interim President, he called for a general election to be held the first Monday in September, with a runoff being held two weeks later if neither candidate received 50% of the vote. On September 6, 1915, Roberto Arenas officially became President after securing over 84% of the vote. On August 17, 1915, a new Constitution was adopted and lay the groundwork for the now Scotatrovian People's Republic. President Arenas is remembered as the creator of the Constitution of 1915. It is a comprehensive one that still serves Scotatrova today. The Constitution affirms separation of powers, has a bill of rights and the concept of federalism. It recognizes social and labor rights and separation of church and state.

Modern Era

The Scotatrovian People's Republic (1915 – 1956)

After the war, broad democratic reforms were implemented, with the establishment of the Scotatrovian People's Republic. With the end of Robert Arenas's presidency in 1920, Adolfo Fontes succeeded to the position of President of Scotatrova and head of state in accordance with the law. During the 1920s, the democratic restoration made possible a growing open society. New cultural movements based on freedom appeared and the conservative moral ideal (religion, patriotism, respect for authority) shifted towards a more liberal moral ideal (secularism, individualism, sexual revolution). Scotatrova began to rise as a developed economy but faced several economic crises that resulted in high unemployment rates and increasing public debt.

In 1926, the Osphenian invasion of Tarazed triggered a complex set of military alliances between European states, causing most of the continent, including Scotatrova, to be drawn into war within a few short weeks. Osphen declared war on Tarazed, which in turn caused Bering, a military ally of Tarazed, to mobilize. Ruthenia, an ally of Osphen, declared war on neighboring Izmedu and later Aelvenia would join them. Scotatrova, Ithra and Ergonia all then reciprocated on July 3, 1926. On August 24, Aelvenia launched ground forces into the nation of Lotheria, which had declared itself neutral at the beginning of hostilities. That same day, Aelvenia began its offensive into Scotatrova. Successful tactics implemented by the Aelvenian army saw Lotheria fall within a matter of days. A significant number of troops were evacuated into neighboring Scotatrova and Ergonia, but Aelvenia had completed its occupation of Lotheria on August 30 after the government officially surrendered. Scotatrovian and Ergonian colonies in Southeast Asia were invaded by Nusantara and Kawan, and therefore also had to fight on another front. The main theater was the European front, which is where Scotatrova maintained the bulk of its forces. It lost its colonies in Asia relatively quickly, and so progress to retake them took longer. By the beginning of 1929, the European colonies in Asia were reclaimed and the front there ended.

It would be until October that the war in Europe officially ended, with the capitulation of Osphen following the surrender of its allies months before. Wartime damage to the economy was severe, but Scotatrova had adequate resources to recover on its own. The transportation system was in total shambles as the Allies had bombed out the railways and the bridges, and the Triad had destroyed the port facilities. Energy was in extremely short supply, with very low stocks of coal and oil. Imports of raw materials were largely cut off, so most factories shut down. Although the economic situation in Scotatrova was grim, resources did exist and the economy regained normal growth by 1940s. Scotatrova managed to regain its international status thanks to a successful production strategy, a demographic spurt, and technical and political innovations. It was during this time that the Scotatrovian government start encouraging more foreign immigration. A flood of immigrants, specifically from Bialya and Osphen, began to take root. The government also renounced their assimilation policies, allowing new arrivals to no longer be expected to adhere to Scotatrovian traditional values and cultural norms. They were encouraged to retain their distinctive cultures and traditions and required merely to integrate.

The 1950's were a time of great social and cultural change, as seen with the legalization of abortion in 1948. Youths, and students in particular, rejected traditional mores and pushed for change in matters such as women's rights, sexuality, disarmament and environmental issues. In 1956, a growing public pressure to carry out decolonisation led the way for the Scotatrovian government to grant independence of the overseas territories in Africa and Asia, all of which became independent countries on a basis of equality. The retreat from the overseas territories prompted a mass exodus of Scotatrovian citizens from Scotatrova's African territories (mostly from Scotatrovian Betanga and Marobo). Nearly 5 million Scotatrovians or persons of Scotatrovian descent fled the former Scotatrovian provinces as white settlers were usually not considered part of the new identities of the former Scotatrovian colonies in Africa and Asia. With the 1956 independence of its colonies, the 341-year-old Scotatrovian Empire effectively ended. In the following decades, Scotatrova became a more multi-ethnic society than before.

Contemporary Period (1956 – Present)

The 1960s witnessed a surge in technological advancements, with Scotatrova leading the way in electronics and telecommunications. The government's investments in research and development resulted in the establishment of high-tech industries, contributing to sustained economic growth. This was accompanied by a dramatic rise in the standard of living of ordinary Scotatrovians. It has been calculated that the Scotatrovian economy experienced an average rate of growth of GDP of 5.8% per year between 1951 and 1960, and 5.0% per year between 1961 and 1967. These growth rates were only rivaled by that of Ithra and Ergonia, but very closely. The period of 1962-1968 saw an estimated 7 million people involved in inter-state migrations, especially to industrial regions and major manufacturing areas. The needs of a modernizing economy demanded new transport and energy infrastructures. Inspired by the global space race, Scotatrova launched its own space program. The country celebrated a historic moment in 1969 when the first Scotatrovian astronaut successfully orbited the Earth. This achievement bolstered national pride and solidified Scotatrova's position as a technological powerhouse. The technological boom influenced the cultural landscape, sparking a period of creative renaissance in the arts, literature, and music. Avant-garde movements challenged traditional norms, fostering a more diverse and open society. During the 1970s, thousands of kilometres of railways and highways were completed in record times to connect the main urban areas, while dams and power plants were built all over Scotatrova, often without regard for geological and environmental conditions. Strong urban growth led to uncontrolled urban sprawl. The youth played a pivotal role in advocating for civil rights, gender equality, and environmental awareness. Social activism became a defining feature of the decade, with Scotatrovians pushing for progressive social changes. Despite the urban and social advancements, the 1970s posed economic challenges. Global economic fluctuations impacted Scotatrova, leading to periods of economic uncertainty and the need for adaptive economic policies.

The 1980s marked another technological boom, with Scotatrova at the forefront of innovation. The pervasive influence of mass media and consumerism led to the integration of technology into everyday life, shaping the way people interacted with information and entertainment. Intellectuals fiercely criticized the influence of mass media and consumerism on society. Cultural debates intensified as the nation grappled with the impact of technology on traditional values. Liberal president Ivan Andrade assumed office as president on January 4, 1993, after a campaign focused on the need to combat Scotatrova’s stubbornly high unemployment rate and response to the ongoing Euroquake and greater global financial crisis. While Scotatrova continues to revere its rich history and independence, Scotatrovian leaders increasingly tie the future of Scotatrova to the continued development of the European Federation. Cadecian nationalism had become more prominent moving forward into the 21st century. In the 2008 Cadecian state elections, pro-Cadecian independence parties won a majority in the General Assembly. A Cadecian independence referendum was held on April 1, 2009, and then the Cadecian legislature voted to unilaterally declare independence from Scotatrova to form a Cadecian Republic. The referendum was declared unlawful by the Scotatrovian High Court as a breach of the constitution. The move was met with President Micael Ernanse dispatching the entire Cadecian government and replacing them with military generals until new elections could take place.

On September 24, 2011, Scotatrova was struck by a terrorist attack when members of the Cadecian nationalist group Motaquanes ea Quadeçidna (Liberators of Cadecia) launched a series of simultaneous, coordinated attacks on several Scotatrovian cities when the nation was enjoying its National Foundation Day celebrations, killing 1,216 people, and injured more than 3,000. The national government established new domestic efforts to prevent future attacks. The nature of these attacks is known to stem from the animosity held by many Cadecians after the Scotatrovian government’s handling of the 2009 independence referendum. In 2013, the attacks, along with the way the government managed the Cadecian referendum two years earlier, resulted in President Micael Eranse and the People's Forum losing a lot of support. This loss in votes ended up with Gavriel Marquesa, a Social Democrat, being elected in 2012 and 2017. Political debate continued over issues such as climate change, immigration, income inequality and foreign policy. In 2018, a referendum to amend the voting system was put forth to the citizens, of which a majority of voters voted in favor. On January 1, 2020, the referendum was officially adopted to form the new electoral districts for the states, followed by elections to Parliament in September. The Presidential Election occurred in 2022, with Gavriel Marquesa ending his final term. The result of the election ended with Iago Íase of the Liberal party winning the election with 55% of the vote over the People's Forum candidate. A couple of weeks following the presidential election, legislative elections were held in which the Liberal Party scored its best performance in legislative elections ever, wiping the Social Democratic Party from power to form the majority. Today, Scotatrova remains a great power with significant cultural, economic, military, and political influence.