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==Transportation== | ==Transportation== | ||
[[File:Eidan-subway500-Buenos Aires1.jpg|thumbnail|The above-ground portion of the Yellow Line in the city's eastern suburbs]] | [[File:Eidan-subway500-Buenos Aires1.jpg|thumbnail|The above-ground portion of the Yellow Line in the city's eastern suburbs]] | ||
Aachanecalco possesses a vast array of developed transportation networks. With the introduction of the steam locomotive in the late 19th century, the first transportation networks came with the construction of industrial spur lines connecting the nascent industrial sector of the region with port facilities. Later, this network would branch out {{wp|omnibus}} . | Aachanecalco possesses a vast array of developed transportation networks. With the introduction of the steam locomotive in the late 19th century, the first transportation networks came with the construction of industrial spur lines connecting the nascent industrial sector of the region with port facilities. Later, this network would branch out to other industrial centers in southern Pulacan and expand to allow intercity passenger network. Until the turn of the 20th century, however, passenger transit within Aachanecalco was limited; what services did exist involved private corporations with blessings by the city government running horse-drawn {{wp|omnibus|omnibuses}} along major thoroughfares. | ||
The nature of the industrial ''calpolleh'' system as it manifested in Pulacan meant that, when | With industrialization, Aachanecalco expanded rapidly, and the transit network grew to accommodate the new influx of residents. The nature of the industrial ''calpolleh'' system as it manifested in Pulacan meant that, when it could afford to do so, a new calpolli would choose to live far from its place of work to avoid the poor environmental conditions and slums near industrial areas. When being founded, these ''calpolleh'' would often work either with new or existing transit lines to design a so-called "A—B—C" transit | ||
Today, bus, rail, and ferry transit within Aachanecalco is organized under ''Altepeyacanaliztli Tlacazazaciztli Aachanecalco, TCTl'' (Nahuatl: Aachanecalco Municipal Transportation Authority), usually transliterated by its initials, ATA. This calpolleh group was formed by forcible merger in 1966 under the tenure of Atlahua Motsepe, and placed under the direct supervision of the Aachanecalco municipal government; one of its few direct responsibilities not delegated to the '' | Today, bus, rail, and ferry transit within Aachanecalco is organized under ''Altepeyacanaliztli Tlacazazaciztli Aachanecalco, TCTl'' (Nahuatl: Aachanecalco Municipal Transportation Authority), usually transliterated by its initials, ATA. This calpolleh group was formed by forcible merger in 1966 under the tenure of Atlahua Motsepe, and placed under the direct supervision of the Aachanecalco municipal government; one of its few direct responsibilities not delegated to the ''tlayacame.'' This merger simplified the complex network of competing rail services, and allowed for the creation of services like the Molebatsi Line to serve as {{wp|Circle_route|ring services}}, allowing for easier transfers both around the city center and further in the suburbs. Previously, these services fell to buses and streetcars, which lacked the capacity to meet this demand alone. | ||
==International communities== | ==International communities== |
Revision as of 22:16, 11 October 2023
Aachanecalco
Aachanecalco
𐐂𐐰𐐽𐐰𐑌𐐯𐐿𐐰𐑊𐐿𐐬 (Nahuatl) | |
---|---|
The Metropolis of Aachanecalco | |
Clockwise from top: Aachanecalco cityscape, Park Calli Tzinquizco, City Hall, Aachane Mariner's Temple, Itzcoatl Monument | |
Nicknames: Aachaco, Boa'achane | |
Country | ![]() |
Department | Topocueyoco |
Atlepetl | Cenaachanecalco |
Founded | 1492 CE |
Tlayacame | 7
|
Area | |
• Total | 2,261 km2 (873 sq mi) |
Population (2022) | |
• Total | 3,722,041 |
• Density | 1,600/km2 (4,300/sq mi) |
Time zone | UTC+4 (Pulacan Standard Time) |
Area code | 010 to 070 |
Aachanecalco (Nahuatl: 𐐂𐐰𐐽𐐰𐑌𐐯𐐿𐐰𐑊𐐿𐐬, The Place of Aachane's Abode) is a major city in southern Malaio. The city serves as one of the four capitals of the Union State of Pulacan, housing much of the nation's executive governmental apparatus. Aachanecalco serves as the de facto seat of the Topocueyoco Department, though some suburban settlements extend into neighboring Mexochico Department. It is also one of Pulacan's largest, playing host to over 3.7 million people across 2,261 square kilometers of land divided into 7 tlayacame, or districts. The nearby landscape is defined by a distinctive harbor and spit, including the famous Guardian Rock (Nahuatl Tlapixtletl) which dominates the skyline. The other substantial natural feature in the area is the Tliltamaitl (Nahuatl for "Black Bay,") the largest such inlet in Pulacan and one of the nation's busiest areas of maritime traffic.
Aachanecalco serves as an economic, financial, governmental, and cultural hub in southern Pulacan, and is the largest city on the Vespanian coast. The population is plurality coyotec, or the descendants of mixing between Nahuatl settlers and Tswana peoples. Numerous other communities exist, however; the city was the first point of arrival for immigrants from western Scipia, Oxidentale, and Norumbia. Following independence from Zacapican, Aachanecalco saw additional growth from numerous coyotec and Tswana populations migrating from rural areas into the city to find work, especially after the devastation following the Hanaki War.
History
The settlement of Aachanecalco was first established as an alternative to the city of Cuicatepec for oceangoing traffic from Aztapamatlan in the late 15th century. A major Tlaloc Cozauist temple to the patron deity of the sea, Aachane, had existed in the area since the 12th century and was expanded as the central anchor point for the new city. The fortified harbor and port facilities quickly evolved into the main Malaioan gateway for the Heron Fleet and civilian trade ships.
From the late 19th century onwards and intensifying after the Hanaki War, Aachanecalco became a destination for immigrants. Rapid industrialization, breakdown of family clans in the south and the significant economic reconstruction needed to recover from the war incentivized large waves of industrial laborers to move to Pulacan. Countries with the largest emigrant presence in Aachanecalco included X, Y, and the Mutul, among others. Aachanecalco competed heavily for these immigrants with its neighboring rival Tliltapoyec, which had once rivaled Aachanecalco in size and economic power but had been permanently hobbled by the Tliltapoyec Harbor Disaster of 1928. Though its size had diminished, Tliltapoyec still attracted significant numbers of laborers postwar as it sought to rebuild its former strength. Despite this, the city could never outpace Aachanecalco's growth, and was finally subsumed into the metropolis as its seventh tlacayatl in 1974.
Organization
The city of Aachanecalco proper falls under the supervision of the altepetl of Cenaachanecalco or Greater Aachanecalco. Within this are sorted seven tlacayame, often translated as "wards" or "districts." Such districts sit in between the local altepetl government and the local calpolleh, an arrangement only present in Aachanecalco and two other large cities in Pulacan. They perform many of the basic functions of a typical altepetl government, such as tax collection and municipal services. Within the tlacayame there exist numerous named neighborhoods, often without specific local government but with distinct identities, often utilized informally by municipal governments for demographic survey reasons. Due to Aachanecalco's size and prominence in Pulatec culture, many of these neighborhoods have gained notoriety outside of the city itself.
The tlacayatl of Tluahatoyac is home to the Tzetzetzitzicatzinco area, so named due to the large presence of tsetse flies. The swamp-turned-working-class-neighborhood has gained international notoriety for its long name. Mictlampatzetzetzitzicatzinco Station (also rendered as North Tzetzetzitzicatzinco Station) is often cited as having the longest name for a public transit station in the world. The area grew up along the wetlands surrounding the Tluah River near the north of the city.
Transportation
Aachanecalco possesses a vast array of developed transportation networks. With the introduction of the steam locomotive in the late 19th century, the first transportation networks came with the construction of industrial spur lines connecting the nascent industrial sector of the region with port facilities. Later, this network would branch out to other industrial centers in southern Pulacan and expand to allow intercity passenger network. Until the turn of the 20th century, however, passenger transit within Aachanecalco was limited; what services did exist involved private corporations with blessings by the city government running horse-drawn omnibuses along major thoroughfares.
With industrialization, Aachanecalco expanded rapidly, and the transit network grew to accommodate the new influx of residents. The nature of the industrial calpolleh system as it manifested in Pulacan meant that, when it could afford to do so, a new calpolli would choose to live far from its place of work to avoid the poor environmental conditions and slums near industrial areas. When being founded, these calpolleh would often work either with new or existing transit lines to design a so-called "A—B—C" transit
Today, bus, rail, and ferry transit within Aachanecalco is organized under Altepeyacanaliztli Tlacazazaciztli Aachanecalco, TCTl (Nahuatl: Aachanecalco Municipal Transportation Authority), usually transliterated by its initials, ATA. This calpolleh group was formed by forcible merger in 1966 under the tenure of Atlahua Motsepe, and placed under the direct supervision of the Aachanecalco municipal government; one of its few direct responsibilities not delegated to the tlayacame. This merger simplified the complex network of competing rail services, and allowed for the creation of services like the Molebatsi Line to serve as ring services, allowing for easier transfers both around the city center and further in the suburbs. Previously, these services fell to buses and streetcars, which lacked the capacity to meet this demand alone.
International communities
Prior to the mass migrations of the 20th century, the city was largely divided between Nahua, coyotec and Tswana populations. These populations often lived in geographically distinct areas in a holdover from colonial times; Nahua calpolleh were typically located in the affluent foothills of the Tlapixtetl, while coyotec peoples found themselves along the southern shores and Tswana groups to the north and interior. This demography was mostly erased through the twin forces of migratory and industrial upheaval, which brought about mass movements of people both within Pulacan and across the globe. Upon arriving to Aachanecalco, immigrant groups would often band together by nationality, ethnicity, or religion, creating distinct "ethnic neighborhoods" within Aachanecalco. Their locations within the city reflect the relative wealth that each community achieved and the types of jobs they came to fill. Often, the locations of their neighborhoods were induced by discriminatory government policies or hostile reactions from would-be neighboring communities, forcing many immigrants to live in undesirable locales, usually either on the outskirts of town or in urban slums.
Mutulese-Pulateh make up a significant proportion of the immigrant-descended population in Aachanecalco. Two main groups migrated from the Mutul to Pulacan from the late-19th to mid-20th century. The first, typically self-identifying as Chaan, typically Ch'olti or Ch'orti-speaking populations that supported reform and communal organization. The Chaan were drawn to Pulacan for its open policies on immigration, its calpolleh method of economic organization, and freedom from oppression by Royalist security forces back in the Mutul. These groups primarily settled in Aachanecalco and cities on the southern coast, where they established archetypal ethnic communities and organized fraternal organizations known as pops. These groups kept up connections between immigrants, helped organize remittance payments to the Mutul, arranged for funeral expenses, paid charity for struggling members, and in some cases acted as left-wing political organizations advocating for change both in the Mutul and, at times, in Pulacan. The Chaanob pops were harnessed by the Juwa Party political machine as key bloc voters during the first half of the 20th century. A neighborhood that the Chaanob pops formed was known as a nalil, which closely approximates the meaning of calpolli in the Chaanic languages. As the Chaan communities became more established in Pulatec society, their descendants raised in the new country began to form their own identity, under the ethnonym of pooltek (singular: pool), a linguistic deformation of Pulacan.