Invasion of Jungg'o

Invasion of Jungg'o/Jungg'o War
Date 12 October 1995 (1995-10-12) - 12 January 2010 (2010-01-12) (14 years and 3 months) Location Jungg'o, East Hiakemiria Result Neo-Korean Victory, annexation of the Jungg'o Federal Republic into Neo-Korea.
Belligerents
Neo-Korea	Jungg'o Federal Republic (until 2000)	Non-Recognized Combatants in the Jungg'o Invasion (2000-2010)
Commanders and leaders
Beom Dae Naito Keiji (Shōshō of the Combined Field Army Grouping, Grand Marshal of Neo-Korea)	Hammad Bahtiyar Juma Kusen (Federal Officer of the Combined Armies)	Northern Provincial Government: Juma Kusen Red and Black Army: Dilraba Ametjan Jungg'o People's Front: Zunun Borhan
Strength
Combined Field Army Grouping: 324,000 Men Neo-Korean Air Force: 60,000 Men	Combined Armies (1995-2000): 640,000 Men (combined total of provisional armies) Federal Airforce: 200,000 Men	Northern Provincial Government: 205,000 Men Red and Black Army: 11,125 Men Jungg'o People's Front: 168,120 Men
Casualties and losses
Combined Field Army Grouping: 80,000 Men Neo-Korean Air Force: 15,000 Men	Combined Army Casualties: 220,000 Men	Northern Provincial Government: 112,000 Men Red and Black Army: 1,095 Men Jungg'o People's Front: 80,000 Men

The Jungg'o Invasion, also known as the Invasion of Jungg'o or the Jungg'o Reclamation (By Neo-Korea) was an armed conflict between Neo-Korea, the Jungg'o Federal Republic and its supporters, and (after the collapse of the JFR) the warlord/provisional states which emerged in the aftermath of aforementioned collapse and their supporters. Active hostilities began with Zumen-Onyx (Plan Onyx), a series of border transgressions with the objective to seize key military locations, carried out early in the morning of October 10th, which would act as the prelude to a direct invasion by the Combined Field Army Grouping. The primary rationale for the war would be, aside from public announcements of reunification between the two "Inherently conjoined states", a desire to end the large-scale rationing which had been in action until this point through the seizure of key agricultural territories from Jungg'o, alongside fears among the leaders of the Neo-Korean State that continued economic development in Jungg'o would begin to rapidly surpass Neo-Korea's own economic development which had occurred throughout recent decades.

The Jungg'o invasion can be argued as the ultimate culmination of the longstanding relationship between Jungg'o and Korea, with the independence (fiscally or otherwise) of one fundamentally being tied to the exploitation or conquest of the other (owing to the resources of Jungg'o and the Sea Access of the Korean Peninsula alongside said region's greater industrial investment), with border skirmishes having occurred repeatedly throughout the decades of continued joint-existence before the conflict.

Despite the slightly-greater economic strength of, and greater foreign support given to Jungg'o, a lack of military unity caused by a long-term state of defacto disunity in the goals of the provinces and their associated militaries would result in Neo-Korea making rapid progress, seizing the vast majority of urban areas in one year, while the state as a whole would defacto collapse two years into the conflict. Despite these victories, the Neo-Korean Ground Forces would be tied down in counter-insurgency operations until 2010, when they would enact Zumen-Bunri (Plan Separation), a plan which forced/concentrated the majority (generally believed to be around 2,000,000+ members of) the rural population into urban centers such as Lushun and Harbyin, alongside several cities constructed in the south of Jungg'o for the purpose (the "Bunri-Cities") to prevent them giving continued support to partisan forces. This has been declared an act of genocide by several states, including Jin Yi and Janpia, although Neo-Korea denies these claims.

Background

Jungg'o - Neo-Korean Relations

Jungg'o and Neo-Korea had possessed negative relations since the end of the Korean Civil War, owing to mutually opposed unification/Pan-Hiakemirian sentiments targeting the other. Both sides would attempt to seize border territories from the other, although generally these efforts were not successful.

By the time of the war, the most recent border dispute not associated with it was over a small village set somewhat south of the border which had attempted to join Jungg'o during the civil war.

Agricultural Rationing in Neo-Korea

Throughout the aftermath of the Korean Civil War, the Neo-Korean State lacked the capability to maintain the population it currently possessed without the economic and agricultural capabilities possessed by Jungg'o, which maintained the necessity for rationing throughout the period from 1961 until the end of the war. This continued rationing represented one of the major sources of discontent with the Neo-Korean State during its early establishment.

Course of the War

Zumen-Onyx

Zumen Onyx, or Plan Onyx, would be the series of maneuvers which would begin the war- a series of border incursions which attempted to seize stockpiles and capture key military figures who may have been relocated to the area owing to the recent uptick in border conflicts. The Airforce would launch surprise strikes on 15+ airfields with strike aircraft, failing to damage infrastructure but damaging a majority of the fighter presence Jungg'o had available, although only in areas near the border this was successful- lacking the capability to strike deeper into Jungg'o owing to the limited range of Neo-Korea's aircraft. One hour after this was carried out, a declaration of war was given, followed by the border troops being reinforced by the Combined Field Army Grouping.

Attempts at retaliation later in the day were generally foiled by recently developed Surface-to-Air Missile systems placed near the border, although damage would be done to the northern city of Sinŭiju, alongside the military base near it. Neo-Korea's recently developed helicopters would prove effective in blunting a response by the ground forces in Jungg'o, slowing its armored forces by hours or, in some limited cases, even days. Provincial armies near the border would engage in combat with several Neo-Korean divisions which had been sent ahead in an attempt to seize several southern cities, with both sides sustaining casualties and the Neo-Korean push being blunted.

Collapse of the JFR

Rising War-Weariness

The continuing insurgency, and the casualties caused by such, would begin fermenting public lack of support for the rationing, economic effects of the conflict, and similar issues which could not be entirely suppressed by the mood of social militarism. These feelings would eventually begin to turn into an overt anti-war movement, which represented a severe threat to the continued Neo-Korean war effort, and as such the Beom Dae government would attempt to prevent such from growing stronger- through entering negotiations with the leading figures of these movements and attempting to fulfill those demands they found reasonable- including beginning a gradual troop draw-down as the Zumen-Bunri began implementation.

This conciliatory mood also allowed for the restoration of former soldiers to civilian roles, which bolstered the economy in this lesser stage of the conflict- this most likely being the reason for the surprising tone the state took towards these efforts.

Zumen-Bunri

Zumen Bunri, also known as Plan Separation, was a tactic created by Grand Marshal Naito Keiji, created to bring an end to the war through the internment of populations suspected of assisting insurgent activities- into a series of Bunri-Cities and major urban areas such as Lushun and Harbyin. Around 2 million individuals would be interned in these cities, the exits and perimeters of said areas guided by both conventional military groupings and the CIS, who would also provide benefits to individuals- and the families of said individuals- willing to inform on any activities made in attempts to escape.

This would prove itself effective, according to the Neo-Korean Ground Forces General Staff, which declared that the campaign would be responsible for the end of the war two years after it was implemented, although doubt remains over this narrative, owing to already present slowing in the campaigns of insurgent forces due to losses caused by conventional forces. Conditions in these cities were generally satisfactory for survival, if poor in regards to luxuries or access to electricity, with rations being roughly equivalent to those the domestic population in Neo-Korea was receiving by this point, although communication to individuals outside of them was prevented via the attempted seizure of all communication devices within them.

Domestic Situation During the Conflict

Neo-Korea

Neo-Korea, having already been in a process of rationing, was in a greater domestic position to perpetuate the war in that regards- with the general population of Neo-Korea not being effected in regards to sustenance by the conflict, and, in fact, gradually started receiving greater amounts of rationed material as the conflict proceeded, owing to both the acquisition of agricultural land and the direct seizure of food from areas which were believed to be hotbeds of insurgent activity, a practice which would be noted to contribute to the continued issues with establishing functional control over areas not immediately surrounded by urban territory.

The war would be used as a means to expand Beom Dae's control over the state, with the enduring insurgency being used as an excuse to mitigate or remove those individuals who had originally installed him from the halls of power. This process would involve the shattering of Hikaru Sakuma's personality cult through a greater focus on a "Cult of the People" (as described by exile philosopher Maurice Shibuya), based around the principles of social militarism and the rallying of the population around the concepts of victory over and general "reunification" with Jungg'o. The White Guard, Neo-Korea's own internal youth militia, would be removed from Central Intelligence Service control during the war, instead being made independent- both as a means to make the organization more independent of former CIS Director Pyoyter Nakiovich and to allow it to assume new roles of promoting contributions to the conflict such as blood drives, public works to assist in infrastructural construction in Jungg'o (including the Bunri-Cities), and other efforts domestically.