User:C0ZM0/Neocombs: Difference between revisions
Line 35: | Line 35: | ||
===Social Provision of Capital=== | ===Social Provision of Capital=== | ||
===Public sector=== | ===Public sector=== | ||
====Public Financial Institutions==== | ====Public Financial Institutions==== | ||
===Free Trade=== | ===Free Trade=== | ||
===Education Policy=== | ===Education Policy=== | ||
Educational policy has generally been a heavily debated and contested are | |||
===Labour policy=== | ===Labour policy=== | ||
Neocombinationalist policy analysts are generally sceptical of {{wp|sectoral bargaining}} on ground that they impart costs onto businesses that limit productivity and weaken labour flexibility, and have preferred {{wp|Enterprise bargaining|enterprising-level negotiation}}. Despite this, Neocombinationalist theorists are not necessarily {{wp|union busting|anti-union}}. Unions are generally seen as an integral part of improving social conditions in the economy, particularly through the outsourcing of welfare institutions such as {{wp|pension|pensions}} and {{wp|unemployment insurance}}. | Neocombinationalist policy analysts are generally sceptical of {{wp|sectoral bargaining}} on ground that they impart costs onto businesses that limit productivity and weaken labour flexibility, and have preferred {{wp|Enterprise bargaining|enterprising-level negotiation}}. Despite this, Neocombinationalist theorists are not necessarily {{wp|union busting|anti-union}}. Unions are generally seen as an integral part of improving social conditions in the economy, particularly through the outsourcing of welfare institutions such as {{wp|pension|pensions}}, {{wp|cooperative health insurance|health insurance}} and {{wp|unemployment insurance|jobseeker allowances}}. | ||
Leading social scientist [INSERT DUDE NAME], who has been influential in the labour reform policy of [THATCHER AND REAGAN-ANALOGUES], have argued that the interest of unions should be {{wp|class collaboration| | Leading social scientist [INSERT DUDE NAME], who has been influential in the labour reform policy of [THATCHER AND REAGAN-ANALOGUES], have argued that the interest of unions should be {{wp|class collaboration|synthesized with}} that of shareholders, arguing that not only does it improve social conditions by ensuring labour demands are met but also improve firm performance through {{wp|efficiency wage|efficiency wage effects}}, boosted morale and reduce strikes. In practice this is led to support force policies such as {{wp|co-determination}} through union-linked but often independent {{wp|works council|Employee Interest Committees}} which in turn elect representative onto the board of directors of large companies. Many countries may also promote {{wp|paritarian institution|dual ownership firms}} or mandate {{wp|ESOP|minimum share ownership}} laws for large companies through {{wp|employee funds}}. | ||
= Traditions = | = Traditions = | ||
Individual nation variants go here | Individual nation variants go here | ||
= Criticism = | = Criticism = |
Revision as of 19:48, 15 December 2024
infobox here
our dirty neolibs (they're kinda chiller doe)
Neocombinationalism, also known as XXX, or XXX, is a term historically used to refer to the resurgence and reinterpretation of Combinationalist political ideas that gained increased prominence within the Serial World, and particularly the advanced Global North during the latter half of the War of Position into the 21st century. Neocombinationalism was developed by Calesian Liberal thinkers reflecting on the apparent failures of the pre-war liberal economic model that largely lost prominence during the Postbellum as it got displaced by various Solidarist, Communist and !Fordist economic models during this period.
[...]
History
Alt Mont Pelerin and sheet
Philosophy and ideas
Neocombinationalists have historically sought to recontextualise the role the state is meant to play in upholding the dual mandate principle and public stewardship model. Learning from the apparent failures of the liberal pre-war period which inevitably led to the Great Depression and the collapse of the !Fordist model which dictated economic policy within the Global North after the war, Neocombinationalists advocated for the use of public resources to optimize market outcomes toward the benefit of all parties in society. [...]
Political and Economic freedom
The core guiding principles of Neocombinationalist philosophy is self-ownership, asserting that individuals as rationale sovereign actors in their own right should be free to dictate the course of their own lives. However, historical liberal thinkers recognise that in practice this is not the case due to to myriad of reasons, such as the presence of external institutions such as the state or slavery coercing individuals through force or differences of circumstance such as poverty which limit the real capacity for individuals to carry out independent action. Later combinationalist thinkers, drawing from earlier liberal theorists such as XXX and XXX, advocated for a greater role of the role than envisioned by the Arvidsenist movement, seeing the state as social mediator between conflicting interests, primarily between that of the individual (indirectly expressed through market relations and forces) and that of the social collective.
As such, later combinationalist thinkers sought to redefine the dual mandate, conceptualising the state's primary duty is to ensure equality of autonomy between all actors in society where, regardless of personal circumstances, people have greater choice and control over the course of their lives. This differs from related concepts like equality of outcome and equality of opportunity, which tend to focus more on egalitarian wealth redistribution and reducing institutional barriers to occupational equality respectively, in that public intervention is focused on nurturing self-actualization and choice than narrowly living standards.
Propertarian Democracy
Social Theorist XXX coined the term Propertarian Democracy as an alternative and direct opposite to proletarianism by enshrining right to property and an intrinsic part of liberal democratic systems, asserting that ownership of society's productive assets should dispersed as much as possible so that everyone can be property owners in their own right subsisting on their capital. XXX believed that states should play an active role in promoting such a state of affairs by ensuring equal access to capital and amicable market conditions required to "jump start" entrepreneurial activity[...]
Cosmopolitianism
TBA
- Self-ownership principle
- Distributism
- Property-owning democracy
- Yeoman socialism
Economics
- Key Note: Fundamentally Neocombs are not "anti-state" like neoliberals are, but rather seek to use state organs to "optimize" market outcomes for the benefit of society as a whole"
[...]
Welfare reform
Neocombinationalists are extremely critical of universal basic services, arguing against universal access to public services on the grounds that it could lead to greater economic inefficiency due to crucial resources being provided to members of society who could bare the cost of provision themselves, and broader costs to the state that could make such programmes unsustainable in the long run, as well as creating a cultural of welfare dependency. Policy analysts and economists who identify with Neocombinationalism have historically argued in favour of means testing reforms being made to welfare programmes so that crucial resources are directed solely to those who cannot bare the cost of self-provision, thereby reducing the burden on the state and economic waste. Income support schemes, conditional transfers, nd tax credits have historically been the preferred policy tools used by Neocombinationalist policy analysts.
Social Provision of Capital
Public sector
Public Financial Institutions
Free Trade
Education Policy
Educational policy has generally been a heavily debated and contested are
Labour policy
Neocombinationalist policy analysts are generally sceptical of sectoral bargaining on ground that they impart costs onto businesses that limit productivity and weaken labour flexibility, and have preferred enterprising-level negotiation. Despite this, Neocombinationalist theorists are not necessarily anti-union. Unions are generally seen as an integral part of improving social conditions in the economy, particularly through the outsourcing of welfare institutions such as pensions, health insurance and jobseeker allowances.
Leading social scientist [INSERT DUDE NAME], who has been influential in the labour reform policy of [THATCHER AND REAGAN-ANALOGUES], have argued that the interest of unions should be synthesized with that of shareholders, arguing that not only does it improve social conditions by ensuring labour demands are met but also improve firm performance through efficiency wage effects, boosted morale and reduce strikes. In practice this is led to support force policies such as co-determination through union-linked but often independent Employee Interest Committees which in turn elect representative onto the board of directors of large companies. Many countries may also promote dual ownership firms or mandate minimum share ownership laws for large companies through employee funds.
Traditions
Individual nation variants go here