Apilonia (Earth II)

The Kingdom of Apilonia
Flag
Anthem: I Vow to Thee, My Country Royal anthem: God Save the King!
Capital	Royal District, Seattle
Largest	Los Angeles
Demonym(s)	Apilonian
Government	Constitutional Monarchy
• King of Apilonia	William V
• Prime Minister of Apilonia	The Right Honourable Sebastian T. Barnes
Area
•	12,686,790 km2 (4,898,400 sq mi)
Population
• Estimate	227,314,235 (2020)
GDP (PPP)	estimate
• Total	$14,163,000,000,000
• Per capita	£62,547

The Kingdom of Apilonia is a sovereign nation-state in Earth II, largey based in North America, with some territorial holdings elsewhere in the world dating back several hundred years. The modern Kingdom is a democratic state, with a written constitution and organised as a Constitutional Monarchy. The Kingdom is bordered to the North by the Republic of Skrælland, to the East by the Empire of Layarteb, to the South by the Republic of Mexico, and to the West by the Pacific Ocean.

History

Foundation of the Kingdom

The Kingdom of Apilonia is a constitutional monarchy, borne out of the Apilonia Company, a private joint-stock company formed in 1600 with the expressed goal of establishing settlements on the rumoured and as-yet unexplored Pacific Coastline of North America. The Apilonia Company faced staunch opposition from other such efforts, particularly those empowered and funded by European Kings, but was able to fund itself through a novel approach. The Chief Executive of the Apilonia Company, Sir Francis Hawkins, began to recruit wealthy, but not aristocratic, families as well as merchants and other artisans, with a promise of titles of nobility in the New World, which would have been very difficult for them to attain in their European homes. These initial investors, who put up the bulk of the funds required to build the ships and gather supplies for the expedition, would be rewarded with vast estates and titles once the New World was successfully settled, essentially ensuring that the new nation being settled would be organised as a constitutional monarchy. Although the Apilonia Expedition, as it was now officially known, was not lacking for capital, it was in urgent need of settlers, which were recruited from all over Europe.

The initial investors, concerned about retaining control of their own colony, adopted a written constitution which focused political power in the hands of the Crown and the Nobility. The large number of settlers that were required for the expedition were largely split into two classes depending on their ability to pay for their own passage and afford taxes upon arrival in the New World. Those settlers that could pay their own passage, and immediately contribute to tax revenue, received the deed for a parcel of land, with the option to pay more to increase the size of their grant, becoming the landed gentry of the envisioned Kingdom, known as Landed Yeomen. Those settlers who could not afford to purchase passage, much less pay tax immediately upon arriving, received loans from the Apilonia Expedition Trust and did not receive a land grant, instead living as tenants on the land of the Nobility or a Landed Yeoman, and became known as zero-balancers. Critically, and revolutionary for its time, all citizens held equal protections and rights guaranteed by the constitution, however the three groups formed distinct social groups. This system survived for nearly a decade after the initial founding, before a more traditional immigration policy was adopted.

The Apilonia Expedition first landed in North America in 1607, initially in Canada before exploring further westwards, settling at places like Toronto, Winnipeg and Edmonton before reaching the Pacific coastline and founding Seattle, Vancouver and Portland amongst others. In general, across this narrow swath of settlements ; expansion was quick and vigorous as Nobles and Landed Yeomen were eager to explore and settle their own domains, which meant that it was mere weeks before the Apilonian settlers came into contact with the natives. Early Apilonian history was shaped by encounters with the Native Americans that already resided in the New World, as an initially friendly meeting gave way to negative relations due to both the language barrier and cultural differences. Initial hostilities with the natives made it fundamentally clear that the Crown would need a military force of its own to defend the Kingdom, as well as to keep potentially troublesome Dukes in check out on the frontier.

Links back to the Europe, and the other places from which immigrants hailed, provided a wealth of opportunities for the Nobility, and the Landed Yeomen (many of whom were already merchants), and as a result trade became an early focus for the Kingdom. Although land trade routes would be explored and used, the dangers of crossing the vast continent encouraged most merchants to favour the sea, establishing a maritime tradition for the Kingdom, and Apilonian merchantmen were soon plying the trade lanes, particularly as early European settlers in the Far East. The now elderly King Francis identified the need to protect Apilonian shipping and ordered the establishment of the Royal Navy, under the direct command of (and financed by) the Crown, which was formed around four frigates. The RAN would continue to grow over the following decades, in line with the expansion of the Apilonian Merchant Fleet, and was the pet project of successive monarchs after King Francis’ death in 1624.

The Rise and Fall of a Colonial Empire

The Persian Gulf

Within only a few decades of the founding of the Kingdom, Apilonian merchants were conducting a roaring trade across the Pacific and Indian Oceans, as well as with the occupiers of the coastline of the Persian Gulf. Initially these trade routes were profitable and peaceful, as they were mutually beneficial in most respects, however it soon became common knowledge throughout the region that Apilonian ships would be rich pickings, forcing the fledgling Royal Navy to expand rapidly in an effort to counter these attacks, particularly prevalent around the Straits of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. After a time, it became obvious that the Navy would have to institute a convoy system, as there were simply far too few Apilonian warships to go around otherwise, beginning of a long tradition of a surprising degree of co-operation between the civilian merchant shipping companies. In general, the presence of an Apilonian warship was usually sufficient to convince would-be pirates that the potential prize was not worth the risk of engaging a warship in battle, however the pirates in the Persian Gulf became increasingly audacious over the years, stretching Apilonian naval resources to breaking point.

On 11 August 1672, three years into the reign of Queen Adrienne, Her Majesty’s Ship Vigilant, a 32-Gun Frigate under the command of Captain Sir Edward Saganami, was escorting a convoy of six merchantmen when the group was set upon by five pirate vessels, including two similarly-armed frigates and three gun-brigs, outgunning the Vigilant by quite a large margin. Despite this, Captain Saganami ordered the convoy to scatter before turning to engage the pirate. After a long, complex engagement, Vigilant was able to sink one enemy frigate and two of the pirate brigs, before being sunk herself by the remaining (damaged) frigate and brig, by which point the convoy had managed to successfully scatter and suffered no losses. This engagement was reported back to the Kingdom by the RMS Prince Adrian, and Saganami would soon become venerated by the Royal Navy, and the ‘Saganami Tradition’ is the yard-stick by which all future Apilonian officers are measured. The engagement cemented the RAN’s preeminent position within the Kingdom, and would enjoy significant funding, political and public support, until the modern day.

In the aftermath of this engagement it became fundamentally clear to Her Majesty’s Government that a permanent Apilonian naval presence in the Persian Gulf was necessary. After a failed attempt at negotiations with the Bahraini leadership, the Royal Navy conducted a bombardment of the island followed by an assault by the Royal Marines; securing the island within a week. After a precarious few months, the island received a full garrison and a Royal Governor, being formally declared the Crown Colony of Bahrain, shortly after which the construction of a Naval Dockyard at Manama was started. Although the establishment of an Apilonian naval base in the Persian Gulf helped matters, and dramatically decreased both the strain on the Navy and the success rate of pirate attacks, harassment by the pirates continued over the following years. After proof of a conspiracy by the Emir of Qatar to support the pirates against the Apilonian ‘invaders’ reached the Governor of Bahrain, a punitive expedition was launched that resulted in the full conquest of Qatar in 1704, which was subsequently absorbed as the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar. Never the less, despite the example provided by the Qatari Incident, pirate attacks continued and soon became an unacceptable provocation to an increasingly important Apilonian presence in the region. As such, in the years that followed additional troops and guns were transported from North America into the Persian Gulf under as much secrecy as was possible.

Over the following decades the Kingdom of Apilonia fought a number of campaigns against the Pirate States in the Persian Gulf, defeating each in term and imposing harsh terms upon them for the expense, in blood and treasure, of bringing them to heel. In effect, these treaties, which included a total maritime truce (giving rise to the term, Trucial States), effectively resulted in these coastal emirates becoming Apilonian protectorates in all but name, until this was made formal in 1892. Under the terms of the various treaties, the Apilonians were able to extract a number of major concessions from these states, effectively securing the Apilonian position in the Persian Gulf, in return for a promise to protect these states after the Protectorate Treaty of 1892. As a result of the treaties, the Kingdom had almost exclusive access to an extensive market and became a major source of income for the Kingdom.

Indeed, the economic importance of the Persian Gulf to many major Apilonian trading companies, into the 20th Century, was demonstrated when, from the late 1930s, the Sultanate of Oman began to interfere, politically, economically and militarily, in Apilonian interests inside the Trucial States. This, combined with threats in the Mediterranean to Malta, as well as other Apilonian colonies, created a perfect storm that resulted in a sharp economic downturn for the Kingdom as a result of both the lost income and the increased military expenditure required to resist these attacks. This led to a series of incidents in the Persian Gulf between Apilonian warships, attempting to enforce compliance with various treaty conditions, and Omani military ships attempting to intervene. Over the following years this resulted in a steady low of influence over the Trucial States who steadily moved away from Apilonian camp, despite economic and political sanctions as a result. The Sultanate of Oman attempted a similar strategy against the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar, however by this point these were long-standing Apilonian territory and a successful assimilation process had resulted in a general loyalty amongst the populous.

Despite the political defeat for the Kingdom in 1974, when the former Trucial States fully rejected their former status by joining the United Arab Sultanate, the Kingdom was still determined to maintain its influence in the region, powered by the presence of the booming Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar, as well as enforcing Apilonian naval superiority in the Persian Gulf. This was largely achieved by deliberately provocative close transits by Apilonian warships into Sultanate waters, as well as insisting on a (rather expensive) policy of shadowing all Sultanate naval vessels outside of their own waters by an Apilonian vessel. This occasionally led to hot standoffs, typically in which naval shore missile batteries fired a shot at an Apilonian warship only to be shot down by defensive weapons. It would only be in the 21st Century that a Freedom of Information (FOI) request revealed that Apilonian Captains were authorised to retaliate ‘in full’ if their ships were actually hit by an enemy missile. In short, the Admiralty’s position was that Apilonian weapons systems and training would be sufficient to prevent damage to their ships and that contemptuously ignoring such attacks would send the appropriate methods. This tit-for-tat provocation continued well into the 21st Century.

Aden and East Africa

Following the effective defeat and subjugation of what would become the Trucial States in the Persian Gulf by 1798, the Apilonian officials in the region were eager to further expand Apilonian control and influence over region, in no small part to further develop steadily growing trade links with East Africa. In March 1802, a major Apilonian expedition marched into modern-day Oman, crushing local opposition and enforcing a series of stipulations on the local Sultan as a result, including the presence of Apilonian representatives and Apilonian influence only grew over the following decades until, in 1839, a new Apilonian expedition marched further along the coast into modern-day Yemen to secure the key port city of Aden to put a stop to pirate attacks against Apilonian shipping to East Africa. Unlike the Trucial States and Oman, modern-day Yemen was administered by the Kingdom as the Aden Colony, with the city itself becoming a major port of call for merchant ships and a major naval station for the Royal Navy.

With the presence of the Aden Colony on the other side of the Gulf of Aden the Apilonian influence in Somaliland, that is modern-day Somalia, Djibouti and Eritrea, only grew and after an uprising by small tribal coalition, the Apilonian punitive expedition that resulted established the Crown Colony of Somaliland, placing the entire Gulf of Aden under Apilonian control and securing the Apilonian presence in East Africa.

Although the exact political nature of Apilonian control over the region varied over the following decades, the situation remained largely stable, and the entire region was of significant economic importance to the Kingdom. By the 1930s, however, the Sultanate of Oman, over which the Apilonian influence had waned, began to interfere political, economic and militarily in Apilonian interests in both the Trucial States and the Colony of Aden. Unlike the Trucial States, the Crown Colony of Aden was directly administered by the Kingdom and had a sizable Apilonian garrison and, like the Crown Colony of Bahrain and Qatar in the Persian Gulf, was able to resist this pressure far more effectively, although the economic impact of the various pressures of the time had a negative impact on the Apilonian administration. Violent opposition to the Apilonian presence began to be more prevalent in both Aden and Somaliland.

It was in Aden that the situation would deteriorate quickest and most seriously. What would become known as the Aden Emergency began on 14 October 1963 with the throwing of a grenade at a gathering of Apilonian officials at Aden Airport, resulting in a State of Emergency being declared. This emergency escalated in 1967, and hastened the end of Apilonian rule in the territory which had begun as a result of the Crisis of Confidence that afflicted the Kingdom during this Kingdom, resulting in the establishment of the independent Yemen on 30 November 1967 following the withdrawal of the last Apilonian forces. In Somaliland, the Apilonian withdrawal following the end of the Aden Emergency only encouraged the rebel groups in the Crown Colony, despite the Kingdom’s desire to retain a presence due to the strategic importance of the region. An insurgency continued until in 1970, a young, charismatic leader emerged, Emmanuel Xavier, who called for an end to the fighting and a negotiated end to Apilonian administration. The Apilonian Government, eager to extract the Kingdom from the situation, successfully negotiated a settlement that would allow the Kingdom to retain a naval station at Djibouti in return for granting independence. This agreement was finalised on 26 June 1970, with the establishment of the East African Republic.

Despite successfully extracting itself physically from the immediate situation, the Apilonian withdrawal from the region was largely detrimental to the stability of the region, and the Kingdom has had to retain a significant interest in the area even if a physical presence is limited to Djibouti. As such, the Kingdom’s presence and interests in the region remain prevalent to the modern day.

Government and Politics

National Government

The Crown

The Crown is the highest authority within the Kingdom of Apilonia, serving as the Head of State and having a great deal of influence over the Government even without using reserve powers, particularly in areas of defence or foreign policy. Strictly speaking, the Crown may exercise control over any aspect of the running of the Kingdom that it may choose to, however in practice the Crown leaves domestic affairs in the hands of the Government. Nevertheless, the Crown oversees all actions of the government through daily briefings, and the many actions, particularly the passage of legislation, require Royal Assent. The Crown also presides over meetings of the Senate, a role which can be exercised by either the Monarch personally or the Crown Prince, giving it substantial legislative and procedural tools. The Crown may also pardon any individuals convicted of High Crimes, and may place any individual under it’s personal protection from prosecution, although these powers are used sparingly.

The following Kings and Queens have reigned:

• 4 May 1607- 19 June 1624: King Francis I
  
• 19 June 1624 – 21 September 1630: King Edward I (Died Childless, throne passed to his younger brother
  
• 21 September 1630 – 9 May 1638: King George I (Throne passed to his Daughter, Adrienne))
  
• 9 May 1638 – 14 December 1680: Queen Adrienne (Died Childless, throne passed to her cousin)
  
• 14 December 1680 – 9 March 1694: King Edward II (Grand-Nephew of King Francis)
  
• 9 March 1694 -1 August 1710: King Francis II
  
• 1 August 1710 – 22 June 1740: King George II
  
• 22 June 1740 – 12 December 1777: King George III
  
• 12 December 1777 – 4 January 1806: King William I
  
• 4 January 1806 – 24 February 1842: King William II
  
• 24 February 1842 – 10 October 1894: King William III
  
• 10 October 1894 – 5 June 1914: King Edward IV
  
• 5 June 1914 – 29 January 1932: King Edward IV
  
• 29 January 1932 – 10 May 1955: King Francis III
  
• 10 May 1955 – 10 August 1970: King George IV
  
• 1 August 1970 – Present: King William V
  

The Government

The Apilonian Government, officially His Majesty’s Government (HMG) is the principle governing body of the Kingdom, responsible for exercising executive power, legally delegated from the Crown. The Government consists of the Prime Minister, nominated by the elected Assembly and confirmed by Parliament, and the Cabinet which consists of all the Ministers appointed by the Prime Minister to head up the various Ministries of State. The Crown is required to approve the appointment of the Prime Minister, and as such effectively has control over the composition of the Cabinet, which gives it significant influence in the running of the Government. Moreover, the Crown has the right to attend any and all meetings of the Cabinet, however in practice this rarely occurs. As a result, day-to-day governance of the Kingdom is conducted by the Government in the name of the Crown, through a vast network of ministries, departments and other organisations. Nevertheless, the Government is only empowered to exercise executive power, those powers specifically delegated from the Crown, and is not capable of passing legislation independently, however in practice the Government is formed by the political party holding a majority in Parliament, meaning that the governing party can pass legislation in this way.

Parliamnet

House of Lords

The House of Lords is a major political institution within the Kingdom, serving primarily as an advisory body to the Crown. Although originally formed in this capacity, the Senate increasingly gained more and more political power as the composition of its membership shifted from purely those appointed by the Crown to being hereditary seats held by the nobility. As a result, the House of Lords effectively became a collective bargaining tool for the nobility against the power of the Crown, a role that the House still plays to this day. The House of Lords is responsible for forming governments, by voting on candidates nominated by the democratically elected House of Commons, however in recent decades the House of Commons has effectively removed this choice by typically only nominating one candidate; the party leader of the largest or majority party, as a means of reclaiming power from the Lords. The House of Lords also has the final say on budgets suggested by the Government, as it possesses the power of the purse, as well as having the option to introduce and debate it’s own legislation, although as with legislation introduced by the Commons it must be passed by both houses, meaning that they have the power of reciprocal veto.

As such, the House of Lords possesses a substantial ability to obstruct or block an action by the Commons, however the constitutional arrangement of Parliament has been steadily moving in favour of the Commons for some decades as democratic principles became increasingly important to most Parliamentarians. Nevertheless, the Lords typically serves a review body for legislation passed by the Commons, as well as possessing a great deal of oversight capability, as well as direct influence due to the fact that most members of the House of Lords are regional administrators in their own right, so still serve an advisory body to the Crown in this respect. As a result, the trend has been for the House of Lords to introduce less legislation itself, leaving this to the Commons, however the enduring power and influence of the nobility means that the Senate is not a rubber-stamp and can and does, vote down legislation passed by the House of Commons.

Historically, the House of Lords also served as the Kingdom’s court-of-last resort, for both civil and criminal cases appealed from the High Courts of Justice, although it could refuse to hear a case (albeit not from one of its own members), as well as serving as the highest body for Judicial Review of the constitutionality of legislation and executive actions. However, after a number of cases in which the Lords interpreted the Constitution in order to protect the ‘precedents’ that established their own power, and after the Lords refused to approve a declaration of war against the Confederacy of the Urals, in support of the Realm of Cotland, in the face of both the Crown’s wishes and a sizable majority in the Commons, this format became unsustainable. As such, with the Crown’s tacit support, which ensured sufficient progressive members of the Lords voted in its favour, the Commons passed the a bill that would establish a new political institution, the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, to which all of Parliament’s judicial powers would be passed, which would be totally independent of the Crown, Parliament and His Majesty’s Government. After a contentious debate in the Lords, the support of the Crown ensured its passage, and the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020 became law in June of that year.

The House of Lords consists of fifty permanent seats. Thirty seats are held (or allocated to be held) by the thirty Dukes who rule over the main administrative sub-divisions of the Kingdom, who effectively represent the lower nobles under their jurisdiction as well as their own interests, although all lower nobles have the right to speak on the floor of the Lords. The remaining twenty seats are held by individuals appointed by the Crown, by convention these are almost always recipients of the Order of Apilonia, First Class (which, by definition, bestows a life peerage), and such represents the Kingdom’s heroes, preeminent scholars and other prominent individuals. As a result, a great deal of the Lord’s enduring influence and the reason it is tolerated despite being largely undemocratic, is the prestige of it’s members, and the checks and balances against the Duke’s provided by the Ducal Assemblies in each Duchy. Officially speaking, the House of Lords is presided over by the Crown, either the Monarch personally or in latter years the Prince of Cascadia, however in recent years this is less and less common, resulting in the position of Chief Lord of the House gaining increased prominence (with disastrous consequences during the ambition of Lord Thomas Buchanan and his rebellion). Due largely to the Senate’s increasing role as a confirmatory body, regular meetings are only held once a month, typically on the last Friday, although emergency sessions can be called.

House of Commons

Ducal Government

The Kingdom of Apilonia is, administratively, split into a number of sub-divisions known as a Duchy, each of which is the historic territory of senior members of the Apilonian Peerage known as Dukes. The Dukes were originally the largest investors in the Apilonia Expedition, and were granted vast swathes of land as a result of their investment, with subsequent Dukes typically being appointed due to their leading role in expanding the Kingdom’s borders. Over the years, the authority of the Crown has grown steadily, as has the influence of democratic voices, meaning that, in the modern-day, the Dukes, despite retaining a sufficient amount of personal authority over their Duchy, officially administer on behalf of the Crown, rather than in their own right, and their legitimacy is linked to the Crown’s constitutional position, with the constitutional position of individual nobles steadily being degraded over recent years. In response to this shift, the Dukes pooled their influence into the Senate, and expanded upon that body’s constitutional prerogatives to retain their own influence, a quasi-constitutional settlement that came to ahead in the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, in which the Senate lost many of it’s major powers to the Judiciary and to the Parliament.

Nevertheless, the Ducal Government, under the rule of law rather than the personal authority of a given noble, is responsible for the vast majority of the day-to-day lives of the Apilonian population, particularly in facilitating marginally different laws and regulations to reflect the opinions and beliefs of regional populations

The Duke

The Duke is the chief executive of each individual Duchy, serving as both the head of state and head of government, and is responsible for overseeing the operation of the Ducal Government, and implementing Ducal Laws. Traditionally a hereditary position, in which the succession of the title is the succession of the position, meaning that individual Dukes are directly responsible for training and preparing their heirs for the duties and responsibilities of their title. The Dukes carry out their management and leadership responsibilities with the support and assistance of various departments and agencies, all of which operate in the Duke’s name and the heads of which are appointed by the Duke. Moreover, the Duke is the commander-in-chief of the Ducal Guard, the combined law enforcement/fire suppression/emergency medical service that provides these services to the majority of the Duchy.

Although the Duke will typically hold administrative and executive power over their territorial domain, they will not typically own a great swathe of land in their own right, due to the extensive network of Earls and landed yeomen. Instead, in addition to directly owning the land upon which the county in which the Ducal Capital sits (the Duke of California, for example, is the principle land holder for Sacramento County, which is why his heir apparent holds the title of Earl of Sacramento), the Duke will typically own relatively small plots of land for ‘Ducal Property’, usually either to hold Ducal office buildings or private estates. This is in much the same way as that the Crown, despite ruling over the entire Kingdom, does not directly own the majority of the land outside of specific Crown Property. During the evolution of the Duke’s position within the Kingdom, the direct income of the Ducal land has been replaced by taxes, to facilitate the operations of the Ducal Government itself, and through civil rent.

Ducal Assembly

In keeping with the development of a democratic tradition within the Kingdom, each Duchy has it’s own Ducal Assembly, which serves as the legislative branch of the Duchy, and in the modern Kingdom is the only body within the Duchy that can change Ducal Law, much in the same way that Parliament is the only body authorised to change Crown Law. As such, the modern Ducal Assembly, previously more of a advisory body to the Duke, provides a very real check and balance to the executive power of the Duke. Moreover, it is the Ducal Assembly that would ratify any Constitutional amendments that have been passed by the Parliament. Although the legislative powers of the Ducal Assembly are limited to those that would only impact the Duchy itself, and cannot be in contradiction to Crown Law, the Ducal Assembly is never the less able to shape and mould their Duchy in keeping with the opinions and desires of their constituents. It was the Nevada Ducal Assembly, for example, that passed the various legislation that authorised the major casinos of Las Vegas.

County Government

Each Duchy of the Kingdom is itself split into a number of sub-divisions known as a County, each of which I the historic territory of junior members of the Apilonian Peerage, known as Earls. The Earls were originally mid-sized investors in the Apilonia Expedition, and were granted smaller areas of land to administer as a result, with subsequent Earls being appointed due to their roles in expanding the Kingdom’s borders. Whilst the authority of the Duke has waxed and waned over the years, the political status of the Earl has largely stayed the same, primarily due to their closer relationship with their territorial domains and their lack of involvement in national politics. In addition, the constitutional position of the lower nobility is far less explicit than that of the Dukes, and as such the development of the Earl’s position has been more organic and less legal.

The Earl

The Earl is the chief executive of each individual County, serving as the head of state and head of government, and is responsible for the oversight of the County Government, and implementing County by-laws. Traditionally a hereditary position, in which the succession of the title is the succession of the position, meaning that individual Earls are directly responsible for training and preparing their heirs for the duties and responsibilities of their title. The Earls carry out their management and leadership position with the support and assistance of various County Officers, who maintain their own offices to support their own activity. The Earl is directly responsible for appointing the County Clerk, responsible for administration, the County Treasurer, responsible for the budget and taxation, the Country Surrogate, responsible for health and human services, and the County Sheriff, responsible for law enforcement, amongst others.

Much like the Duke, although the Earl holds administrative and executive power over their territorial domain, they do not hold land ownership rights over their entire territory, with a network of smaller estates owned by landed yeoman. Unlike a Duke, the Earl typically remains the largest landholder across the county none the less.

County Council

Each County has a County Council, which serves as the legislative branch of the County, and like it’s counterparts at the Ducal and National level, the County Council is the only body which can change the by-laws of the county, thereby providing a check and balance to the executive power of the Earl. Like the Ducal Assembly, the County Council can only pass legislation that will effect the County itself, and cannot contradict Ducal or Crown Law.

Political Parties

The Kingdom is home to a wide-range of political ideologies and beliefs, some of which are more popular than others. Some have a great deal of national represenation, some have no elected officials at any level of government. Only five political parties enjoy represenation at the national level in the Apilonian Parliament:

The Crown Imperial Party: The Crown Imperial Party is a small political part within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining the second-smallest number of seats (approximately 50), largely due to its right-wing ideology. The Crown Imperial Party advocates for an ‘Apilonia First’ policy in all matters, and believes that the Kingdom should re-gain it’s former colonial Empire, albeit conceding that a more congenial approach would be necessary, and that any foreign-policy action is valid if it is in the best interest of the Kingdom. The Crown Imperial Party is stanchly supportive of the Crown, and if anything favours stronger executive powers for the, generally apolitical, institution over excessive political partisanship. Although the Crown Imperial Party can alienate some, due to its unashamedly Imperialist outlook, the Party does attract a broad selection of voters who believe in the Kingdom and it’s interests, indeed surprisingly, many of the inhabitants of remaining Colonial holdings, particularly those who value their Apilonian citizenship above all else, are some of the Party’s staunchest supporters, in no small part to its commitment to the maintenance and protection of the Kingdom’s colonies. Some, particularly the Socialists and some Liberals, hurl accusations of racism at the Crown Imperials for their imperialist policies, however the Party maintains that this is not the case, rather they just expect colonial citizens to consider themselves Apilonian first and foremost.

The Conservative Party: The Conservative Party is a major political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-quarter of the possible seats (115), and is a right-of-centre party largely concerned with maintaining the power and influence of the Nobility, the Landed Yeomen and those sufficiently wealthy to not require state intervention. As such, the Conservative Party typically favours liberal economic policies, to facilitate a strong business environment, favouring free market economics, limited state regulation and pursuing privatisation. Unlike the Centrists, who favour slow evolutionary change in social matters, the Conservatives typically argue against any evolution of social affairs, although this is largely from the position of avoiding excessive government involvement in such matters. The Conservative Party typically favours a strong military capability, and has consistently supported a maintenance of the Kingdom’s status internationally. In the aftermath of the Crisis of Confidence, in which the Liberal Party took much of the blame, the Conservative Party has experienced an increase in fortunes, and is generally accepted as the second largest party, typically coming in behind the Centrist Party, although there have been Conservative majority governments as recently as 2000.

Centrist Party: The Centrist Party is consistently the single largest party in the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-third of the possible seats (154), largely due to its position at the centre of the political spectrum, therefore attracting voters that are less ideologically inclined, as well as the less politically engaged. As a result, the Centrists traditionally adopt a middle-of-the road approach, seeking and building consensus with other parties rather than getting hung up on ideology, meaning that more often than not, the Centrist are the senior partner in a coalition government, although they have attracted outright majorities in the past. The Centrist Party are both fiscally and socially conservative, favouring slow, thought-out evolution rather than sweeping change and is supportive of a large, well-funded military.

The Liberal Party: The Liberal Party is a major political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining approximately one-quarter of the possible seats (115), and is a left-of-centre party largely concerned with social justice within the existing constitutional and social framework, believing that the Kingdoms should be as equalised as possible, economically, and politically. The Liberal Party is a strong proponent of health and human services, well as social security, and typically favours a smaller military budget and a general dislike for international adventurism or foreign Imperialism. The Liberal Party reached its zenith in the aftermath of the decline of the Kingdom’s colonial Empire, and presided over an era that became known as the ‘Crisis of Confidence’, which is largely attributed to the Liberal Party of the Day. As such, the Liberals, despite a number of major social policy successes during this period, found itself facing reduced support in the face of this loss of status internationally, which the average Apilonian values more than the Liberal Party would like to admit. It remains the third largest party, typically coming in behind the Conservative Party as many previous Liberal voters now vote for the Centrists.

The Socialist Collective: The Socialist Collective is a small political party within the Apilonian Parliament, usually gaining the smallest number of seats (26), largely due to its relatively far-left ideologically. The Socialist Collective advocates for a fundamental re-structuring of the Kingdom, ideally into a Republic as it calls for the abolition of both the Monarchy and the Nobility, as well as a guaranteed basic income, the re-distribution of existing wealth, the confiscation of privately owned lands and the abolition of the Royal Apilonian Military in favour of a smaller Apilonian Defence Force. In general, the Socialist Collective’s political positions are seen as too extreme by many within the Kingdom, with left-leaning voters favouring the more reasonable policies of the Liberal Party, however the Socialist Collective does have a following, typically amongst young idealists, particularly University students, resulting in most of the Collective’s seats being in constituencies that contain a major liberal University.

Military, Law Enforcement, and Intelligence

Royal Apilonian Military

Main articles: Royal Navy, Apilonian Army, and Royal Air Force

The Royal Apilonian Military (RAM) is the military forces of the Kingdom of Apilonia, also known as His Majesty's Armed Forces and the the Armed Forces of the Crown, consisting of the Navy, Army, Air Force and Coast Guard. The King of Apilonia is the commander-in-chief of the RAM, with political direction being the concern of the Prime Minister, whilst military policy is the concern of the Ministry of Defence. The RAM draws its personnel from a large pool of paid volunteers, although conscription has been used in the past it has not been required in many years although legislation remains on the books to facilitate a draft in the event of a total war situation. The Royal Apilonian Military enjoys a substantial budget, $679 billion in 2019, with significant capabilities in both defence and power projection due to its large budget, resulting in advanced and powerful technoligies which enables a widespread deployment of forces around the world.

Joint Rapid Reaction Force

Spearhead Forces

The Spearhead Forces are assets of the Joint Rapid Reaction Force that are maintained at very high readiness, typically no more than seventy-two hours, in order to respond to a crisis on very short notice. The Spearhead Forces are responsible for providing an immediate response on short notice, and preparing a landing zone to receive additional forces. The Spearhead Land Element consists of a Special Forces unit, backed up by an airborne battalion, deployed from Apilonian territory, or a Marine Commando, deployed from an amphibious assault ship, and are designed to get Apilonian boots on the ground as quickly as possible. The Spearhead Naval Element is a far more ad hoc arrangement, typically consisting of two destroyers or frigates, an attack submarine, and a Royal Fleet Auxiliary support vessel, however these are drawn from ships already underway in a given theatre, rather than ships based in home waters, to ensure a rapid response.

First Echelon

The First Echelon is a larger collection of military assets maintained at high readiness, typically between seven and ten days, responsible for following up Spearhead Forces in the event that a larger intervention is required, and is capable of unsupported operations of up to thirty days (the timeframe at which military operations are capable without Parliamentary approval). The Maritime Task Force almost always consists of a Carrier Battle Group (CBG) assigned to the theatre, although in the absence of such an asset an ad hoc force can be put together from regional forces. The Joint Landing Force is larger deployment of troops, typically either a Commando Brigade, provided by the Royal Apilonian Marines, or an Airborne Brigade, provided by the Royal Army, designed to have as small a logistical footprint as possible to facilitate rapid deployment. The Composite Air Squadron consists of fighters, strike aircraft, and support assets designed to provide a degree of air power to the First Echelon deployment, typically drawn from regionally-based squadrons.

Second Echelon

Law Enforcement

Royal Apilonian Constabulary

Main article: Royal Apilonian Constabulary

HM Marshals Service

Main article: His Majesty's Marshals Service

His Majesty’s Marshals Service (HMMS) is a Crown law enforcement agency within the Kingdom of Apilonia, and is the oldest Apilonian law enforcement agency, as a Crown counterpart to the County Sheriffs that the Earl’s were entitled to appoint. The early HM Marshals were responsible for enforcing Crown Law within their jurisdiction, capturing wanted fugitives and enforcing the judgements of the Crown Courts. The modern HM Marshal’s Service is the enforcement arm of the Crown Judiciary, and unlike every other Crown law enforcement agency is directly part of the judiciary rather than part of the Ministry of Home Affairs, ultimately answering to the Lord Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, thereby ensuring a law enforcement agency independent from the executive and legislature. In light of the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, which gave the newly-established Supreme Court both the power to strike down legislation and actions its deems unconstitutional, it is expected that, should the need ever arise to enforce it’s decisions, it would be the HM Marshals that do so, by virtue of their independence.

The Marshal’s Service remains the primary agency for fugitive operations, the protection of officers of the Crown Judiciary, the management of criminal assets, the operation of the Crown Witness Protection Program, and the execution of Crown arrest warrants.

HM Customs and Immigration Service

Main article: His Majesty's Customs and Immigration Service

His Majesty's Customs and Immigration Service (HMCIS) is a Crown law enforcement agency within the Kingdom of Apilonia, and is amongst the oldest Apilonian law enforcemenr agencies, slightly older than the HM Marshals Service. HM Customs and Immigration is responsible for enforcing a varierty of immigration and customs control on the Kingdom's borders and a wide range of major ports of entry, including rail, air and sea ports. The primary responsibilities of HM Customs and Immigration include checking the immigration status of the people arriving in and departing the Kingdom, and searching baggage, vehicles and cargo for illicit goods and/or illegal imigrants, and for ensuring that all customs and excise dues are required. As a result of these roles, the Service also has associated roles in supporting counter-terrorism efforts.

HM Prison and Probations Service

Main article: His Majesty's Prison and Probations Service

Ducal Guards

A Ducal Guard is a combined law-enforcement, fire-suppression and emergency medical organisation maintained by each Ducal Government to provide these services to the Duchy, outside of those maintained by municipal or county governments. The latter are principally concerned with remote areas away from major settlements, which will typically have a Country Services presence, even if they are technically under the jurisdiction of a given County, as well as providing a disaster response capability in the event of a major natural disaster. In addition, a Ducal Guard’s law enforcement division is responsible for enforcing Ducal Law in areas outside the jurisdiction of a County Sheriff, specifically the enforcement of traffic laws on Ducal Highways and Crown Interstates, overseeing the security of the Ducal Capital, protecting the Duke, training new officers for local police forces too small to operate an academy, providing technological and scientific services, supporting local police and helping to coordinate multi-jurisdictional task force activity in serious or complicated cases that are outside the jurisdiction of a single County Sheriff or Municipal Police Department.

The Ducal Guards, which are specifically designated as militia organisations, are the last remnants of the personal troops raised by the Dukes historically, and as such are organised in a military nature and hold military-inspired ranks. Unlike Territorial Army units, which often have historical links to the military troops raised by individual Dukes, the men and women of the Ducal Guards are under the sole command of the Duke and cannot be pressed into Crown service without the consent of the Duke. That being said, this does not prevent members of the Ducal Guard being subject to Crown Law, and the excuse of following a Duke’s orders is not a valid defence for violations of Crown Law by members of a Ducal Guard. As such, although all Ducal Guards will maintain law enforcement, fire suppression and emergency medical units, only some (typically those on a border, or otherwise isolated) maintain explicitly infantry combat units. In general, most Ducal Guards rotate it’s personnel through its various divisions, to ensure that individual Guardsmen do not forget the Ducal Guard’s core role as a public service; for example, a Guardsmen would not be able to serve solely in an infantry or riot police unit, for obvious reasons.

As such, the Ducal Guards hold a unique position between puurely law enforcement and a true military organisation.

Municipal Police Departments

In chartered cities and major municipalities, law enforcement is the responsibility of a Municipal Police Department, raised and administered by the City and exercising its jurisdiction primarily within city limits. The only distinction required to operate a Municipal PD, rather than a County Sheriff, is to be a formally chartered city, technically separate from the County in which it resides. However, typically only larger towns and cities can afford or require a municipal department, and as such smaller towns and cities will typically receive law enforcement services from their County Sheriffs, although some satellite towns of larger cities contract their law enforcement to a nearby municipal department. Typically, Municipal PDs are large, capable organisations with a wide range of capabilities, the largest in the Kingdom being the Los Angeles Police Department.

County Sheriffs

Within each County, the smallest administrative sub-division of the Kingdom, law enforcement is the primary responsibility of the County Sheriff, an elected individual almost always with a law enforcement background. Depending on the County, the Sheriff may hire and deputise as many ‘Deputy Sheriffs’ as are required, meaning that Sheriff’s Offices (or, more rarely, Sheriff’s Departments) can range in size to two or three deputies to massive organisations employing thousands, such as the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. As the Country Sheriff is elected, and confirmed by the County Earl, or County Council in counties without a noble, it is the main means by which accountability of law enforcement is maintained. The County Sheriff will typically also administer a County Jail, and is responsible for the protection of Magistrate’s Courts and County Court’s within his jurisdiction.

Intelligence Services

Royal Secuirity Service

Main article: Royal Security Service (Apilonia)

The Royal Security Service (RSS)

Justice and Crime

Supreme Court of the King's Bench

Main article: Supreme Court of the King's Bench

The Supreme Court of the King’s Bench, know as both the Supreme Court and the King’s Bench in shorthand parlance, is the highest court in the Crown Judiciary of the Kingdom of Apilonia. Formed by the elevation of the King’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice following the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act of 2020, the Supreme Court adopts top judicial powers previously he’d by the Senate. The Supreme Court has ultimate (and largely discretionary) appellate jurisdiction over all lower courts within the Kingdom, as well as original jurisdiction in specific cases, such as those relating to a member of the Royal Family, a Duke of the Realm, or a foreign dignitary. The Supreme Court also holds the power of Judicial Review, allowing it to review any official action by a Crown Servant or a Ducal Official, as well as legislation passed by any legislature, including Parliament, and the ability to overturn the action or strike down the law of deemed to be in violation of the constitution. The Supreme Court is also the only body capable of striking down a Crown Decree, if judged to be in violation of the constitution, although the Crown retains power of commutation and pardon even in cases unsuccessfully appealed to the Supreme Court.

The High Court of Justice

The High Court of Justice is the second-highest court within the mainstream courts system within the Kingdom of Apilonia, responsible for hearing all appeals, both Criminal and Civil, from the Crown Court, for criminal matters, and the Ducal Courts, for civil matters. The High Court also concerns itself with Kingdom-wide issues relating to Judicial Review, and cross-jurisdictional financial and corporate law, dealing with these issues at first instance.

Appeals Division

The Appeals Division of the High Court of Justice is, for the most part, the court of last resort for all appeals coming out of the Crown Court, as although the Apilonian Senate retains the right to hear appeals, and the Crown to commute punishment or pardon, these are treated as outside the normal judicial system (and are thus very rare). Unlike the King’s Bench, which concerns itself with appeals on the basis of points of law, the Appeals Division is more concerned about points of fact, although significant weight is granted to the ‘facts’ determined at the Crown Court. As such, appeals are typically only successful when there is new evidence casting doubt on the conviction, evidence of improper procedure or inadequate counsel, or cases in which there is deemed to be an error in the lower court’s fact-finding process.

The Appeals Division consist of a number of five regional circuits, each of which has a panel of three High Court Judges:

• 1st Circuit
• 2nd Circuit
• 3rd Circuit
• 4th Circuit
• 5th Circuit

Financial and Corporate Division

The Financial and Corporate Division of the High Court of Justice deals with Kingdom-wide business law, trusts law, probate law, insolvency, and land law in relation to issues of equity. It has specialist courts (the Patents Court and the Corporate Court) which deal with patents and registered designs and company law respectively, as well as the Tax Court. The Financial and Corporate Division works closely with the Financial Conduct Authority, the Kingdom’s financial regulator. Typically, Financial and Corporate Division judges are selected for having a suitable expertise and experience in the financial markets or a background in the financial industry.

Admiralty Division

Criminal Courts

Crown Court

The Crown Court is the highest court of first instance for criminal cases within the Kingdom, and the venue for all criminal jury trials, for determining sentences on defendants committed to them by the Magistrate’s Courts, as well as for hearing appeals against judgmenets by the Magistrate’s Courts on summary offenses. Strictly speaking, the Crown Court is one unified body which sits in dozens of locations all over the Kingdom, rather than individual instances of the Court, although they are usually termed with their location in their name; the Vancouver Crown Court, for example.

1st Circuit

• Seattle Crown Court
• Spokane Crown Court
• Portland Crown Court
• San Francisco Crown Court
• Sacramento Crown Court
• Los Angeles Crown Court
• Dan Diego Crown Court
• Carson City Crown Court

2nd Circuit

• Boise Crown Court
• Billings Crown Court
• Cheyenne Crown Court
• Salt Lake City Crown Court
• Phoenix Crown Court
• Denver Crown Court
• Albuquerque Crown Court

3rd Circuit

• Dallas Crown Court
• Houston Crown Court
• San Antonio Crown Court
• New Orleans Crown Court
• Baton Rouge Crown Court
• Little Rock Crown Court
• Tulsa Crown Court

4th Circuit

• Sioux Falls Crown Court
• Omaha Crown Court
• Minneapolis Crown Court
• Des Moines Crown Court
• Kansas City Crown Court

5th Circuit

• Ottawa Crown Court
• Toronto Crown Court
• Winnipeg Crown Court
• Calgary Crown Court
• Vancouver Crown Court
• Anchorage Crown Court

Magistrate’s Court

A Magistrate’s Court is the lowest court in the Kingdom of Apilonia, and the only level that is not, officially speaking, one court sitting at multiple locations. Almost all criminal proceedings start at a Magistrate’s Court, either by holding trials for summary offences, that is more minor crimes (such as public order offences and many traffic offences), or preliminary hearings for more serious ones, as well as some civil matters. The Magistrate’s Court hold limited sentencing powers, typically community service, fines and short custodian sentences, whilst if it is found that there is a case to answer for more serious offences (such as rape, murder), they are committed for trial at the Crown Court, which has a much wider range of sentencing powers. As a trial held at a Magistrate’s Court is before a board of two or three Magistrates, rather than a jury, defendants in some crimes (known as either-way offenses, as they can be handled at either level) may elect for trial-by-jury at the Crown Court.

Civil Courts

Ducal Courts

The Ducal Courts, of which there is one in every Duchy, is a mid-level civil court within the Kingdom of Apilonia, responsible for both hearing civil cases that have a wider applicability than a single county, hearing appeals from the County Courts, and, more rarely, hearing complaints against any Ducal Officers.

County Court

The County Court of a given county is the lowest level civil court within the Kingdom of Apilonia, and like the Magistrate’s Court is the only level that is not, officially speaking, one court sitting at multiple locations. Almost all civil proceedings start at a County Court, and the vast majority of cases are handled at this level. The County Court has jurisdiction over all civil and financial affairs, not amounting to the level of criminality, and may impose fines and various other restrictions, although not jail time.

Economy

The Kingdom of Apilonia’s economy is highly developed and mixed, it’s gross domestic product (GDP) of $14.163 trillion accounting for a significant proportion of the world GDP, and is one of the largest in the world. The Kingdom’s economy is technologically powerful, with it’s various firms and business at or near the forefront of many technological advantages, particularly in computes, pharmaceuticals and medical technology, aerospace and military equipment, due in no small part to the presence of Silicon Valley in the Duchy of California and several major military and aerospace companies, including Boeing. The Kingdom also has an extensive trade network, and is consistently high on a list of both largest importers and exporters, and maintains free trade agreements with close friends and allies. The Kingdom has been able to maintain a policy of energy independence, due to its reserves of both petroleum and natural gas.

The Kingdom’s economy is made possible by abundant natural resources, a well-developed infrastructure and high rates of productivity, resulting in high levels of median household income. The Kingdom enjoys an extensive manufacturing sector, enjoying both an internal and international market, which is also true for large services industry, as well as several major financial services institutions. The Royal Apilonia Stock Exchange (RASX) is one of the world’s largest stock exchanges by market capitalization and trade volume

Health, Education and Human Services

Healthcare

Within the Kingdom, the healthcare system is complex and is administered by the Ministry of Health, which determines overall healthcare policy as well as the provision of certain programmes. The Ministry aims to provide a baseline level of healthcare to all citizens, as well as providing medical insurance to the young, elderly, the unemployed, and any other individual without their own insurance. As a result, except in emergent cases, patients on MOH insurance will typically face longer waiting times, due to being limited in the service providers available to them, whilst those with insurance will typically have a far greater access to service providers, including both non-profit and for-profit hospitals. This allows Apilonian Doctors, particularly surgeons and those working in hospitals, to be very well-paid compared to their foreign counterparts, whilst still providing medical services to the poor and deprived. The most common means by which citizens hold medical insurance is through their employers, as its provision is a key component of most employment contracts. The Kingdom is a global leader in medical innovation, with many major hospitals also being key medical research facilities, with the Mayo Clinic, for example, being a world-renowned teaching hospital.

The Royal Community Healthcare Scheme is responsible for providing primary care and emergency medicine to all citizens, typically through Ministry of Health owned-and-operated non-profit community medical centres, particularly for primary care. The Scheme also subsidises the operating costs for ducal and privately-owned medical facilities with an Emergency Room or Trauma Centre, as well as the Emergency Medical Technician services provided by state and municipal fire departments. Due to the generally lower salaries paid to those Doctors, Nurses and Medical Technicians required to operate the Scheme, doing so is seen as a calling within the medical profession, with professional training for these individuals being heavily subsided by the Ministry of Health in return for a period of service within the Scheme before a transfer to a more profitable position. Unlike secondary and tertiary care, provided by private hospitals, service provided by the Scheme is free at the point of use. Although expensive in its own right, academic medical studies have shown that the provision of primary care, and most importantly preventative medicine, has meant that in overall terms the Scheme has saved the Ministry, and the Apilonian healthcare system as a whole, proportionally more than it cost.

The Royal Healthcare Insurance Scheme is responsible for providing baseline health insurance to those that do not private healthcare provided by their employer, or by some other means, which accounts for approximately sixteen percent of the population. Under the terms of the Apilonian Healthcare Act of 1988, which founded the Scheme, it’s insurance is only accepted by certain hospitals, including all Crown and Ducal Hospitals, Municipal medical centres and certain private facilities, resulting in higher waiting times compared to holders of private healthcare.

Education

Primary and Secondary Education

Within the Kingdom, the education system is administered, primarily, by the Ministry of Education, which determines overall policy and the provision of certain programmes. Primary Education is universal across the Kingdom, and is free-at-the-point of use; designed to allow all Apilonian children access to an education up until the age of fourteen, the National Curriculum being designed to give a broad and general knowledge base, both for day-to-day life and academically. At the age of fourteen, guided by both teachers and parents, a student will typically have two paths down which to proceed: Secondary (or High) Schools and Technical Schools. The Secondary School continues more traditionally academic subjects, typically with a view to preparing the student for application to a University, or a variety of non-technical roles as a non-graduate. The Technical School, focuses on more technical subjects, providing the less academically able student with a number of practical skills, which would provide the student with a means of making a living as a tradesman or artisan. Both schools cover the years fourteen to eighteen, and attendance remains compulsory, although both the parents and the student in question have the final say on which type of school they attend; no students are forcibly placed into either pipeline against their will.

Another option available, on a strictly voluntary basis, are the three Military Foundation Colleges; the Royal Naval College, Monterey, the Army Foundation College, Roswell, and the Air Force College, TBC. Although all differ in organisation and, to some extent, curriculum, all three colleges are designed to provide an alternative option to the conventional education system for youths, male and female, interested in a career in the Armed Forces. Although there is no service-commitment, successful completion of the MFC Syllabus results in automatic appointment to the service branch’s respective Officer Training College, although this may be declined. The MFC’s are one of the Kingdom’s greatest equalisers as, although very popular with the Nobility and Landed Gentry, whose school fees provide the bulk of the funding, admission is strictly as a result of passing an entrance exam, in which they were tested in languages, history, geography, arithmetic, algebra and geometry, all of which would be learned in universal Primary Education. This means that even prospective cadets from poorer households have the possibility of gaining admittance, and all three Colleges provided bursary schemes to support such cadets. Prospective cadets apply in their last year of Primary Education, and are appointed to their College in the Academic Year in which they would turn 14.

Although the Military Foundation Colleges all follow the National Curriculum, there is also a focus on developing leadership, navigation, and other useful military skills, in preparation for potential military service, with Physical Education and sports a key part of this. All Cadets at the Military Foundation Colleges wear the uniform of their respective service, and are taught military discipline and drill amongst other such topics. In addition, there are regular training camps, as well as opportunities during holidays to spend time with operational units, including ships at sea, under careful supervision. Great care is taken, particularly in modern times, to emphasise that there is no call-up liability for MFC Cadets, and they are not deployed operationally or to combat-zones (aside from short-durations spent with operational units on a voluntary basis), although they can be deployed in support of the local community. At the end of their four-years at their Military Foundation College, over seventy-five percent accept appointment to Officer Training.

Tertiary Education

Infrastructure

Transport

Personal and Public Transportation

Personal transportation in the Kingdom is dominated by the automobile, with over eighty per cent of Apilonian workers commuting to work via private vehicle over public transport, resulting in one of the largest automobile markets in the world and car ownership is near-universal, with the only major exceptions being the largest cities where there are extensive public transport options available, such as Los Angeles. The dominance of the automobile is enabled by an extensive highway system, linking together major population centres as well as more rural areas, as well as the National Road Network, which has existed far longer.

Although passenger trains were the dominant mode of transportation until the mid-twentieth century, the introduction of jet aircraft, and the completion of the Interstate Highway, resulted in a rapid decline in intercity rail passenger demand during the 1960s. This caused Parliament to authorise the creation of a state-owned Apilonia Railroad Corporation (ARC, operating under the trading name ApiRail) in the 1960s to maintain limited intercity rail passenger service in most of the country, providing a vital link to more rural areas where the passenger train may be the only means by which poorer citizens can travel. Nevertheless, NRC services can be very limited outside of the Pacific Seaboard, and limited trans-continental routes.

Cargo Transportation

The vast majority of cargo transportation in the Kingdom is provided by the trucking industry and the freight railroad industry. Overall, trucks of various sizes are responsible for the majority of freight movement overland, due in no small part to the variety of sizes of commercial motor vehicles, with the remainder being transported by freight railroad, of which there is an extensive network of tracks, only a small proportion of which is used for passenger services. Typically, most supply chains will make use of both methods, depending on the distance involved. Less common, albeit increasingly so, is freight aircraft, particularly for next-day delivery, which naturally comes at a premium.

Civil Aviation

The Kingdom has a thriving civil airline industry, benefiting from the existence of aerospace giant Boeing, that connects the Kingdom to the rest of the world. Although the industry itself is entirely privately owned, most major airports in the Kingdom are publicly owned. In addition to smaller regional carriers, the Apilonian civil aviation industry is dominated by two competing airlines; Apilonian Airlines, based in Dallas, Duchy of Texas, and Royal Airways, based in Seattle, Duchy of Washington. Apilonian Airlines is the larger of the two, both in terms of fleet size and revenue, although Royal Airways is not far behind, all things considered. Both airlines principally operate aircraft produced by Boeing.

Apilonian Airlines largely focuses on transpacific and transcontinental flight, and is considered the ‘flag-carrier’ for the Kingdom, although it does operate some domestic flights to compete with Royal Airways. Apilonian Airlines was a major pioneer of the hub-and-spoke model, in which the majority of domestic flights are intended to bring passengers from further afield to the various hubs for long-haul, high-capacity flights overseas. In support of this, Apilonian Airlines operates a ‘bank’ system, in which numerous domestic flights arrive in a short span of time in any of a number of flight banks into the hub airport, allowing for far shorter connection times, a key draw when competing with direct, but typically more expensive, flights offered by Royal Airways. In terms of customer experience, Apilonian Airlines has a reputation for a solid, if unremarkable, offering for business and first-class passengers and a tolerable experience for economy. The Boeing 747 has been the backbone of Apilonian Airlines long-haul fleet for decades, and is in the process of being replaced by the latest generation, the 747-8, with the smaller Boeing 737 principally serving domestic routes. The airline has three major hubs; Dallas-Fort Worth, its primary transatlantic gateway, Los Angeles, its key transpacific gateway, and Phoenix, its primary gateway for flights into the Empire of Layarteb, particularly in South America.

By contrast, Royal Airways is a key innovator in the point-to-point business model, in which smaller, but more fuel efficient aircraft are used to operate lower-demand routes to smaller destinations. In many cases, Royal Airways is the only transpacific or transatlantic flights linking secondary airports in Europe and Asia to Apilonia, principally to Seattle or Minneapolis-St Paul, or linking secondary airports in Apilonia with major destinations such as Hong Kong, Nanfang or London. This has allowed Royal Airways to diversify its competition with Apilonian Airlines, particularly in the transpacific market, serving a number of destinations not served by Apilonian Airlines. The development of the Boeing 787 Dreamliner, with its relatively small size but impressive range and efficiency, has proven particularly profitable for Royal Airways, and makes up the bulk of its fleet. Royal Airways has a reputation for a high-quality offering with its First Class directly competing with Far East carriers in a western style; less gaudy but undoubtedly luxurious, it's Business Class being the first choice for all bussiness users in the Kingdom, whilst also offering both Premium Econony and Economy seats which consistently receive positive reviews. This high quality comes at a price, of course, however Royal Airways operates a highly competative frequent-flyers programme to reward loyal customers.