Fabian Xandinho Carrasco

Don Fabián Xandinho Carrasco
Official portrait 2029
3rd President of the Serenacy of Carinansia
In office 25 June 2029 – 9 September 2039
Vice President	Ko'ēti Tlazohdira Won
Preceded by	Álvaro Serrano Paek
Succeeded by	Ko'ēti Tlazohdira Won
Secretary of Finance
In office 12 February 2028 – 24 June 2029
President	Álvaro Serrano Paek
Preceded by	Nelson Canto Paz
Succeeded by	Lorena Santos
Governor of Mangulak
In office 10 February 2012 – 9 February 2028
Lieutenant	Hugo Gutierrez
Preceded by	Raul Yoshimura
Succeeded by	Vitor Garcia
Senator of Mangulak
In office 13 August 2004 – 9 February 2012
Preceded by	Alberto Dominuez
Succeeded by	Juan Garcia
State Senator of Mangulak
In office 9 March 2001 – 22 April 2004
Personal details
Born	(1978-09-28)September 28, 1978 Reydacay, Mangulak
Died	February 19, 2076(2076-02-19) (aged 97) Cidade do Ouro, Terfloria
Manner of death	Assassination
Resting place	Xandinho Carrasco Mausoleum
Citizenship	Carinansian
Political party	Party for the Carinansian Revolution
Height	174 cm (5 ft 9 in)
Spouse(s)	María Camila Xandinho (m. 2001, d. 2024) Elisabet Xandinho Carballal (m. 2028)
Parents	Juan Martín Xandinho Torres (father) Mia Xandinho Carrasco (mother)
Education	Revolutionary College of Oligi

Fabián Xandinho Carrasco (28 September 1978 - 19 February 2076), known simply as Fabianito or Xandinho, was the 3rd president of Carinansia, serving from 25 June 2029 until his impeachment on 9 September 2039, following the National Congress vote to remove him from office and make him vulnerable to criminal proceedings for his role in the Grupo AHR scandal.

Beginning his political career as a State Senator for Mangulak in 2001, he was elected to the National Congress in a special election held in 2004 following the death of Ezequiel Alvarado Garrido. He became one of many Senators to advocate for a complete retaliation against Valoran hostilities, remaining in the position until 2012, when he stepped down to accept the governorship of Mangulak instead. During his term as governor, he passed various liberalising reforms which would later be in part emulated by President Serrano Paek during his presidency.

In 2029, he received Serrano Paek's nomination for the presidency and won the election with 56.8% of the vote, promising to extend the country's economic miracle. During his first term, the Serenacy was reclassified as a developed country by the OCDE and he promised to continue this period of unprecedented economic growth. In 2032 he annexed occupied Valora in the form of four new states, which would reach similar levels of development as the rest of the country in only a couple of years. He was re-elected in 2033 and 2037 with very favourable majorities, improving upon his initial performance.

In early 2039, the far-left hacker group Infinidad leaked the financial statements of Grupo AHR to the public, revealing extensive corruption involving the President. A massive government-wide investigation proceeded, and he was impeached in September of that year. In January 2040 he underwent criminal sentencing and was sentenced to ten years imprisoned at the Tunegra Medium Security Prison, only being released in January 2050. After his release, he turned to advocacy and formed "Para Desmatamento", an organisation aimed at criminalising further logging of the dwindling Carinansian rainforests, in a bid to clear his name. By 2063, his movement had been successful as the government had formed the Anti-Logging Agency. By this time, the public perception had shifted in his favour again.

In 2076 he was assassinated by a hitman hired by Grupo AHR, primarily due to his activism efforts going against many of their operations. As a consequence of this, the corporation would be dissolved by Chief Justice Alexandría Juderías, with all assets nationalised at the conclusion of the lengthy investigation. President Julian Águila ordered a period of national mourning for his death and approved the construction of a mausoleum for the president in Nojawa.

Early life and career

Governorship of Mangulak

The establishment of a thorough industrial development plan with the goal of encouraging the development of a strong industrial base in Mangulak was one of Carrasco's landmark policy efforts. Acknowledging the need to broaden the state's economic base beyond conventional industries like mining and agriculture, Carrasco implemented a number of creative policies to draw in capital and promote the development of high-value-added businesses. The creation of specialized industrial zones and clusters, placed to take advantage of Mangulak's distinct advantages over competitors, was a key component of this plan. These industrial zones provided access to cutting-edge services and infrastructure, favorable tax incentives, and streamlined regulatory processes, all of which helped to foster an innovative and successful business climate.

Carrasco aggressively pursued foreign direct investment (FDI) by taking advantage of Mangulak's advantageous business climate, natural resource abundance, and strategic location, in addition to promoting the expansion of the local industry. In order to present Mangulak's investment potential to international investors and multinational corporations, he oversaw focused marketing campaigns, trade missions, and investment promotion programs.

As a result of Carrasco's policies, Mangulak emerged as a leading industrial powerhouse within Carinansia, increasing the state GRP by 35% in only 16 years. The development of a vibrant industrial ecosystem in Mangulak not only propelled the state's economic growth but also positioned it as a global leader in innovation and competitiveness, with lasting implications for its continued prosperity and development. Since the start of his governorship in 2012 to 2100, the state went from being the third-poorest state in the country, to the wealthiest by GRP per capita, by a significant margin.

Presidency

Fabian Xandinho Carrasco received a growing economy under a free liberal democracy, and initially removed visa requirements for citizens from developed countries in Koelasia, Selenia, and Estovakia, and also removing the VAT on luxury goods. This resulted in Carinansia becoming the most visited country in the world, receiving almost a hundred million tourists annually in 2031. Their economic activity predominantly benefited Anáheiro, San Luis, São Lenoas, and Caluma.

For the increasing numbers of discharged veterans from the Vascara War, he established a series of construction and education projects, allowing the unskilled soldiers to work constructing new transport infrastructure, and those who seek the education ultimately becoming skilled professionals. Many members of the lower-class who had enlisted in the Serene Armed Forces ultimately became lawyers, medical and research doctors, and engineers as a result.

Involvement with Grupo AHR

Between 2036 and 2039, the Xandinho Carrasco administration colluded with Grupo AHR, a former conglomerate involved in a number of indutries; most notably, petroleum, construction, and logging sectors. The collusion unfolded over several years and involved numerous instances of corrupt practices aimed at securing favorable treatment for the conglomerate. In 2039, leaked financial statements brought the corruption to light, ultimately resulting in Xandinho Carrasco's removal from office.

Government Kickbacks

The administration of President Carrasco partnered with Grupo AHR to give building contracts at exorbitant costs while claiming to be supporting infrastructure development. By avoiding competitive bidding procedures, these contracts frequently guaranteed Grupo AHR's supremacy in the profitable construction industry. In exchange, the company enriched itself at the expense of taxpayers by giving large payments to public servants and members of Carrasco's close circle. To avoid being discovered, the gratuities were covered up via intricate financial transactions and shell corporations. Important infrastructure projects thus experienced exorbitant expenditures and poor quality.

In one case, Grupo AHR was awarded a large contract to build an essential aqueduct in Tlanukoy, a project that would have improved thousands of inhabitants' access to clean water, as earlier sources of water dried up. Subpar building materials were utilized, and in order to increase revenues, construction-related shortcuts were taken, according to later evidence. Because of this, the aqueduct had multiple leaks and structural flaws soon after it was finished, making it useless and requiring expensive repairs. According to estimates, the malfunctioning aqueduct caused losses of around $30 million in damages, most of which were caused by kickbacks that Grupo AHR paid to government officials and Carrasco's cronies.

Logging Permits

Grupo AHR obtained illegal logging permits in the ecologically fragile Eneas rainforest by taking use of its political contacts inside the Carrasco government. Environmental laws and regulatory procedures were circumvented through the use of bribery and coercion, which resulted in widespread deforestation and irreversible harm to biodiversity. Due to Grupo AHR's logging operations encroaching on their traditional territories, the indigenous communities in the area experienced marginalization and displacement. Government officials ignored Grupo AHR's unlawful operations in spite of growing evidence of environmental degradation and violations of human rights, placing a higher priority on immediate financial gain than long-term environmental sustainability, despite repeated complaints from the Rehegua and Yuasu tribes to the Indigenous Affairs Commission.

Due to the irresponsible exploitation of natural resources, the delicate ecological balance of the rainforest was irreversibly damaged, which caused the extinction of endangered species including the red-beak hedvian toucan, and the disruption of nearby ecosystems. According to conservative estimates, Grupo AHR's logging operations destroyed about 50,000 hectares of old-growth forest, costing the country over $50 million in lost biodiversity and ecological services.

Suppression of Environmental Impact Reports

Xandinho Carrasco was shown to have withheld key environmental impact evaluations that showed how the conglomerate's operations were having a disastrous effect on delicate ecosystems, especially the Eneas Rainforest. These papers, written by NGOs and impartial environmental specialists, painstakingly detailed the permanent harm—such as deforestation, habitat destruction, and water pollution—caused by Grupo AHR's mining, logging, and infrastructure projects.

But government officials plotted to stop these reports from being published and distributed, instead of taking appropriate action and implementing environmental laws. Environmental scientists and activists who tried to draw attention to the ecological destruction caused by Grupo AHR were intimidated and harassed, and threats of legal action were used to quiet them by the Carrasco government.

Due to this suppression, the public and government officials were unaware of the full level of environmental destruction in the Eneas Rainforest for years, which allowed Grupo AHR to carry on with its destructive activities without consequence. An estimated 500,000 hectares of virgin rainforest were lost as a result of mining and illegal logging, which were made possible by the suppression of environmental impact reports.

Cronyism

President Carrasco openly demonstrated cronyism when he selected Grupo AHR executives to high-ranking government positions, so superseding the public interest in favor of the conglomerate. With their significant sway over regulatory enforcement and policy decisions, these officials made sure that government initiatives complemented Grupo AHR's profit-driven goals.

Hush Fund

To hide and lessen the consequences of its widespread environmental infractions, especially in delicate areas like the Eneas Rainforest, Grupo AHR set up a secret hush fund. This fund functioned as a covert financial tool that kept the conglomerate out of trouble for its harmful actions by keeping it out of the public eye and from regulatory control.

Government representatives, law enforcement organizations, and local communities were among the groups that received money from the hush fund in exchange for their cooperation in hiding evidence of environmental misconduct and stifling critics. Hush fund money was used to target environmental activists, indigenous leaders, and whistleblowers who dared to speak out against Grupo AHR's misdeeds. These targets faced physical violence, intimidation, and harassment.

Furthermore, by paying bribes to reporters, editors, and media outlets, the hush fund was used to shape public perception and media narratives. A skewed perception of reality resulted from the suppression or downplaying of negative stories exposing Grupo AHR's environmental crimes and the amplification of favorable narratives highlighting the conglomerate's alleged benefits to economic development. The actual scope of the hush fund's operations remained unknown, with money being laundered via a convoluted web of intermediaries, offshore accounts, and dummy corporations to hide its sources and destinations. Tens of millions of cash are thought to have passed through the hush fund over the years, allowing Grupo AHR to carry on with its damaging operations without consequence.

Impeachment

Main article: Impeachment of the Xandinho Carrasco Presidency

Post-presidency life

Incarceration

Upon the conclusion of the trial, he was sentenced to twenty years of hard labour at the Tunegra Work Camp, with the possibility of parole only after ten years of incarceration minimum. In addition, he was ordered to pay fines totaling in excess of $30 million. During his time at the facility, he befriended former governor of Haxith, Leonardo Santángel, who encouraged him to improve himself. By 2045, Xandinho Carrasco became a prominent advocate for environmental protection, expressing his sorrow for his past misdeeds. In 2047, the groundwork for Para Desmatamento was laid.

Release

Activism efforts

Para Desmatamento

In 2051, he founded the environmental activist organisation 'Para Desmatamento', literally meaning "For Reforestation", a group which lobbied the government to outlaw any further logging operations in the Eneas rainforest, and strictly regulate deforestation in the Lekeadian jungle. In February 2053, the group held their first mass demonstration in São Lenoas, attracting tens of thousands.

By 2062, public perception had shifted in favor of the group. Incumbent president Achcauhtli Ventura was an outspoken environmentalist, and he managed to successfully pass legislation which prohibited any further destruction of the Eneas rainforest, and limited deforestation of the Lekeadian jungle to only twenty hectares per year, in 2063. He implemented strict mechanisms to encourage whistleblowers in the event of violations, in order to prevent violations of this law.

Exposure of unethical practices at Grupo AHR

In 2069, Xandinho shifted his focus to Grupo AHR. He extensively investigated the organisation, secretly visiting restricted facilities, and bribing employees at the corporation, to uncover unethical practices at the corporation. Most notably, he revealed the company's underpayment and exploitation of workers, as well as their blatant disregard for the environment; which they were shielding in an extensive corruption campaign.

Assassination

At 43 s 09:37 on February 19, 2076, Fabian Xandinho Carrasco was assassinated in a Cidade do Ouro alleyway during protests against logging by Grupo AHR. Local surveillance footage revealed the perpetrator to be Vicente Braga, who revealed his payment by the group, and similar illicit assassination techniques. On February 21, shortly after noon, the entire executive leadership of Grupo AHR was arrested. In the subsequent AHR Corruption Investigation, the entire corporate entity was dismantled, and its assets nationalised for the nascent Suroikoian State Construction Corporation.

Consequences

Main article: The People v. Grupo AHR