Nastanovo

Republic of Nastanovo República de Nastanovo
Flag Emblem
Motto: Por Razón o Fuerza By Reason or Force
Anthem:  ¡Adiós Isabel!(official) Goodbye Isabella! ]
Map of Nastanovo with Cesyllian Neighbors
Capital	El Pato
Largest city	Esperanza
Official languages	Isabellan
Recognised national languages	Isabellan Nastnovian Quecha
Demonym(s)	Nastnovian (ethnic) Nastonovian (citizen)
Government	Unitary Multiparty Presidential Republic
• President	His Excellency, President Gabriel De León of Nastanovo
• Vice-Chairwoman of the Council of Ministers	Alicia Garcia-Lopez
Legislature	Congressus de la Paz
Establishment  Self-Liberation against Isabella
• First Founding	1584 CE
• National Revolution of La Gran República de Fernándia	1770 CE
• “The Tragedy of Elaklania"	1775 CE
• Sovereignty of Nastanovo	1789 CE
• People's Republic	1926 CE
• La Augustiato	1930 CE
• Declaration of the Republic	1997 CE
Population
• 2020 estimate	54,000,000
• Febuaray 2020 census	54,826,139
Currency	Mint (NVM)
Date format	mm.dd.yyyy
Driving side	right
ISO 3166 code	NSV
Internet TLD	.nv

Nastanovo, known officially as the Republic of Nastanovo(Isbellan: La República de Nastanovo), is a nation in the southern areas of Cesylle, bordered by the United States of Elaklania, the Federal Republic of Osceloa in its north and to its south bordered by the Second Republic of Solistaria and the Empire of Inoarze. Nastanovo is is a Unitary Multiparty Presidential Republic led by the Party for the Stability of the Republic (PSR). Its capital, El Pato, rests on the east coast, with a population of 4.7 million. Other cities include Esperanza, La Joya, Percaoiva, and Isla del León.

History

Antiquity

Something soon

First Founding

The arrival of the Isabellanese Empire is considered the beginning of history in consideration of the region of Ashintoka, with the region being conquered by the Isabellanese and the lands being striped from the minor tribes of the area and being roped into the same Viceroyalty as Elaklania, countless natives toiled and burned away their lives to transfer the wealth and resources of the region towards their “motherland”, and yet they still asked for more, by the 1760’s with Isabella constantly at war, she would pull more and more native men to fight for her worthless conflicts, thus diluting the bloodline of the natives until they were nearly stamped out, a new identity would form as a result of the conquests and utter destruction of the native identities of those in the Ashintokian region, these people were known as the Nastnovians, built from the ashes of the Ashintokian native peoples. Isabella would simply take more and more and continue to try and further her steel grip on the colony until it finally all boiled over.

National Revolution of La Gran República de Fernándia

In 1770 the colonies of Elaklania and Nastanovo had enough of perfidious Isabella’s continuous demands and punishments so they sought to free themselves from colonial rule. Nastanovo made the first move with General Bernardo Freire declaring the independence of not only Nastanovo but all of the colony under the name of “La Gran República de Fernándia” or The Grand Republic, the rise of the Grand Republic in Nastanovo would see the beginning of what is now referred to as the “National Revolution” as well as many victories against the armies of Isabella from Freire’s “First Revolutionary Army” and initial cooperation between the peoples of Nastanovo and Elaklania, it would take three years of brutal warfare to kick the armies of Isabella off of the mainland and for the republic to finally receive recognition from other states on Isabella’s continent. Soon as the Republic had finally gained itself its independence state building had begun, while Elaklanian General Manuel Andre Osceola had attempted to build Monarchist support for him (and it worked for him in Elaklania) though the message would fall flat on Nastnovian ears as they had spent the near last 4 years fighting against a Monarch, thus the sacrifices of the National Revolution would be seen in vain by the Nastnovians. The issue would come to a head as Osceola fancied a clique of independence advocates for Elaklania and wrote a new constitution under the nose of Nastnovian officials and in 1774 declared independence from the Republic thus starting the event today known as the “Tragedy of Elaklania”. The declaration of Independence would not stand with Nastnovian Republicans who unequivocally supported the Grand Republic and thus a brother’s war broke out between Elaklania and Nastanovo. From the Elaklanian declaration of independence in 1774 to 1775 the Brother’s war raged, though it was more so considered a Brother’s Quarrel more than anything, as these once compatriots would not fight each other more often than not save for the most radical amongst them. Though the efforts of the Nastnovian Military would be in vain as Elaklania’s Emperor would best them decidedly in battle and bring an end to the war in Elaklanian Independence and a loss of land on the side of Nastanovo which would bring to birth the country of Osceola, constantly reminding Nastanovo of the breakaway of Elaklania and their defeat.

The Tragedy of Elaklania and the Sovereignty of Nastanovo

In 1777, after 2 years of trying to keep the Grand Republic alive and failing to pass a constitution General Bernardo Freire mysteriously disappeared and with no one individual or group declared to be the successors to him, a power struggle broke out between Monarchists who wished to rule similar to Elaklania’s Emperor and Radical Republicans attempting to keep the dream of the General alive, though the Republican dream would not die in fire and fury, but instead it would simply snuff itself out in tragedy, with no one able to fill the boots of General Freire the Republicans could not and would not rally behind anyone besides those who truly carried the “Revolutionary Torch of El General” of whom, none met the absolutely brutal requirements thus with the general apathy of the population with the Republic, a referendum was put forth by Presidential decree (The way the country practically functioned for the last 7 years), this referendum was whether or not to elect a King, Emperor, Monarch like figure, and the result of a totally not rigged vote, President Santos De Santa Ana became Lord Sovereign (TOTALLY NOT A KING) of the Sovereignty of Nastanovo, a man born into petty wealth and even pettier lands who won the vote off of the backs of the far more wealthy landowners who surrounded his property and promised to make him King if he expanded their properties. Though this was the death of The Grand Republic, once more general apathy of the population saved Nastanovo from tearing itself apart further, thus when the King became hungry for further expansion in 1790, the population followed him to war. Nastanovo went south and west instead of attempting to pacify Elaklania (a prospect which seemed impossible to De Santa Ana.) and marched on leaving stations of outposts which would sooner or later become villages until he met the Sea of Helkar, Nastanovo would continue to bully its weaker neighbors, in reference to Solistaria, The Empire of Inoarze and the Kingdom of Percivia, for decades until they unified into a coalition against it in 1807 and proved itself to still be a military power. With the lessons and events of Fernándia still within the doctrines of the Nastnovian Military, leading to victory after victory against the coalition and, after taking a city from the coalition the Lord Sovereign during the age, the son of Santos De Santa Ana, Jorge De Santa Ana, noticed a duck in the pond as he inspecting the troops, he declared that the capital would be moved to this city and from that day forward the Kingdom of Percivia would be absorbed not only to show the Military prowess of the Nastnovian Military but also to show the mercy of nature which still ruled the lands, Percivia would be renamed to Perciva as a province of Nastanovo and the events of which finally brought Nastanovo to its modern borders as it could not fully chase down the coalition forces through the rest of the continent and could only go as far as the lakes of Viracocha. The 1st Coalition Wars would end in 1819 as the final nation laid down its arms against Nastanovo and the states signed a peace, well earned on the part of Nasonovo, from this point on, 1840 to 1920 would be regarded as the age of 2 Sovereigns Carlos and Dario De Santa Ana. Carlos De Santa would rule from 1842 after the passing of Jorge De Santa Ana in 1841 and his first project would be to construct a massive palace in El Pato and declare it the Marble Palace, in fact most of the city would become the marble palace as it stretched from inland to the seas due to Carlos’ wish to always take a swim, though the project would be expensive and lead to a multitude of labor problems, which included strikes and walkouts, but most of these attempts for better labor rights would be squashed and met with extreme prejudice, and eventually enough people who needed jobs would complete the Marble Palace thus earning Carlos the nickname of “The Marble Sovereign.” Most of his reign can however be described as far less of a beauty than marble, oppressing workers and building one large palace, and finally, perhaps most tarnishing of all, participation in the First Great War. [Too many men lost for too little gain.] Carlos De Santa Ana would die of a heart attack in Spring of 1897 which historians theorize to have been caused by poisoning and would be replaced by his son Jorge De Santa Ana who would be the final Lord Sovereign of Nastanovo due to the coming revolution. Following the coronation of Jorge De Santa Ana in Winter of 1897, much of the efforts would be placed on rebuilding Nastanovo from the horrors of the Great War, a process which would take decades and lead into the mid 1920’s wherein workers were striking over continuously horrible working conditions which had been the norm since the early 1800’s and when the army had been sent in to crush another strike, it was the army who this time in October of 1926, tired of putting down their fellow Nastnovians and their fellow workers, would turn on their officers and lead the workers to overtake the Marble Palace and the city of El Pato, from which the De Santa Ana family had already fled from never to be seen again, and declare victory for the working class in October of 1926 and abolish the office of the Lord Sovereign. Thus the end of the Marble Sovereignty had come, with it the end of the Sovereignty of Nastanovo, not with bang, but with a whimper.

The October Revolution and the People's Republic

It would seem almost as though the impossible had come but the events of October 1926 in El Pato would prove that the Red Banner had a home in Nastanovo, if only for a little while. Following the examples of the multitude of socialist movements, from Druermark to [insert socialist powers here] the People’s Republic was formed on the basis of an industrial workers led republic. The economy was put to a national council of workers directed by a 1,000 individual large board known as the “Board for Economic Control and Equality” (BECE), with a parliament of the first Trade Unions Nastanovo had ever seen known as the Trade Union Congress forming the backbone of the legislation, and with no official head of state or government, Nastanovo could theoretically be considered anarchist in nature in this period. Though debated in the TUC eventually the position of President would be decided to be reinstated since the days of Fernándia. The First President would be declared to be a Steelworker-Writer from the city of La Joya known as Emilo Vasquez, considered by many as the Father of Nastnovian Socialism. President Vasquez’s first acts during his term would be land reform, Provincial changes, and his final (and fatal) act being a reformation of the military. Seeing as there was only a few pieces of land owned by several estates President Vasquez ordered not only the complete dismantlement of the the properties and the confiscation of them for the state, but a complete redistribution of land across the board to working peasants and farmers, a system to prevent the complete abuse of farmers at the hands of the state was introduced, known Nationally as the Trust Act, commonly referred to as the New Economic Policy. The NEP was a means for farmers to bring their gains towards the cities, not only have fair compensation by a purchase of the state but also have a dynamic market to allow for greater gains should they so wish. It was a mild success as the market flowed naturally though farmers were skeptical of the BECE’s methods. The second of President Vasquez’s first acts would be Provincial reform, from numerous unorganized provinces rose the provinces of Modern Nastanovo, chosen to represent regions, ethnicities, and industrial/economic capabilities. For every large city and industrial based province there was an agrarian province just as strong and provided for. For every group which seemed oppressed their representatives would come along to build legislation, though this idea would never be allowed to truly flourish as the final reform would doom the People’s Republic. The Third and final act of President Vasquez’s first acts would be to reform the military, this would fail immeasurably. In an attempt to form an Army willing to form the basis of the Cesyllian Revolution, they were met with complete pushback from the high command of the armed forces, many of whom served under the Sovereignty who never necessarily agreed with Socialism. While the plan called for a reform of command to Soldier’s councils and a forgoing of the process of High Command, the results of this would be units and their commanding officers completely refusing to sign off, with only the younger guard willing to hand over power, this would cause a power struggle between the President and several officers which would come a head in 1930. On the precipice of a World War, President Vasquez would be sworn in once more after the election of 1930, but it would not last, as the army surrounded the city, and “In the name of Nastanovo’s Honor”, ordered President Vasquez to stand down lest El Pato fall to a siege, President Vasquez refused and thus, the Nastnovian Civil War was sparked.

The Nastnovian Civil War, The Second Great War, and the Aldlockean Nuclear Crisis

In such a short period of time Nastanovo had gone across the entire political spectrum, from Monarchy to Republic to now the flames of civil war. With the outbreak of the Second World War across the world, Nastanovo’s civil war only became another theater in the great struggle between the Nationalist and Socialist powers. While the Republic burned from East to West sides were taken, the military occupied the cities while the Government continued its hold on the countryside full of peasants who were loyal to the government as a result of the land reform under President Vasquez. President Vasquez himself was assumed killed during the Battle of El Pato, and thus the government continued to split. A back and forth routine began, the military would take a city, the leftists would run to the hills and get help from the socialists, the leftists would return, and the military would retreat and get help from the nationalists, rinse and repeat. For months into years this would continue, to the point where in 1934 there was a reported battle of medieval knights across the fields of País del León, and men who had no more rounds to fire, turned towards knives and daggers. Numerous factions between all sides would form, unite, and turn on each other, foreign influence was at its height during this time, with notable states such as Maris powers aiding the Military along with political and militaristic powers from the state of Aldlocke in the Federation of Cesylle, while Druermarsk and their socialist sphere along with Elaklania would aid the leftist Republicans. However during the Fifth battle of El Pato, the tides changed. A New General made himself known with his complete and merciless methods, General Benicio De Augsto. De Augsto’s father was a military man during the Coalition wars and thus had the exact type of methods ready to put down the leftists, he was ruthless, he was dangerous, but most importantly, he was stupidly macho. Taking control of the War Council following the Capture of El Pato, he waged a total war against the Communists similar to that of the 2nd world war which raged in the forefront of the world’s minds, all which would not surrender were burned or captured. By the time he reached La Joya and with it the west coast of Nastanovo in December of 1936, the Republic was dead and rotting, so he installed himself as President, dissolved the TUC and BECE, and restructured Nastanovo along his vision. There was no one to stop him as the Leftist-Republican Government had fled to Druermarsk and their Red Army was shattered in the hills and countryside. Those who were willing turned coat and were pardoned by the President joining back with the rest of Nastanovo in shame, so Newly inaugurated President Benicio De Augsto quickly wrote up a brand new Constitution for the “State of Nastanovo”, which would henceforth be known as the "Constitution of '37". This Constitution gave rise to the Serene Congress and the Supreme Court, with powers given to both as legislative and judicial respectively. Notable decrees from President De Augsto included affording Legislative power to the Supreme Court and the introduction of a 35% popularity threshold for new parties to enter the Congress. Many would later call these policies a mere shining of De Augsto’s authoritarian practices. De Augsto also founded the Party for the Stability of the State (PSS), which rapidly became the most powerful and only party in the Congress through compulsory membership. The Era of Fratricide was over. Nastanovo would never be the same with De Agusto in charge. The State of Nastanovo was born. With the end of the Civil War and the Rise of the State of Nastanovo, and the continuation of the Second World War, President Benicio De Augsto sought to modernize Nastanovo at the expense of its rivals, internal and abroad. With the leftists in retreat and guerilla’s abounding in the newly reestablished state, De Augsto’s idea was to simply burn and rebuild from the ground up and to him this constituted an invasion of Elaklania. He did away with the land reforms of President Vasquez and confiscated all properties towards the state, made the army capable of dispersing the Serene Congress, and strangely kept President Vasquez’s provincial maps of the 5 Provinces. With these initial acts, De Augsto realized he would need aid from outside sources, drafting war plans and turning to Aldlocke once more to aid in the rebuilding of the armed forces, in particular a redevelopment of the military industries, much of which had been overused or destroyed during the Era of Fratricide. The plan was to invade through Osceola in a lightning war fashion with Fernándista militia’s leading the charge against the nation and eventually reach Elaklania and fully annex the state within a year and a half’s time. This would be payback for the dissolution of the Grand Republic and would finally lead towards the place in the sun for Nastanovo, then it could finally unite Southern Cesylle and destroy communism across the continent. But then, 2 years following the end of the Era of Fratricide came the Great Deluge, a meteor dubbed by Nastnovian astronomers as God’s wrath crashed into the world and caused one of the greatest catastrophes in the history of Nastanovo, De Augusto was forced to make peace with Elaklania and withdraw soldiers from the war and turned his attention towards the rest of the nation. The relief efforts of De Augsto from the military did much to increase his fringe popularity, affected by the loss of men in Elaklania and which at this point was only high as he was seen as a hero to the right for routing the communists and a hero to the center for ending the civil war. One of these projects was to build a sequence of hydroelectric dams all across the nation to provide power for the cities and areas heavily affected by the impact. The environmental concerns were second place and the 27 dams were constructed across rivers in Nastanovo. Throughout reconstruction De Augusto simply did his best to rebuild and ensure the protection of the state, being referred to as an Internalist and agreeing with the notion. These projects made him willing to establish elections, but with the PSS’ massive popularity and no other party able to cross the 35% threshold, De Augusto won his second term as President However as some rivers were heavily affected protests began to spring up against these endeavors following his election, in 1942 De Augsto used his popularity with the right to begin increasing the powers of the President and overtaking the Field Marshals in positions of military power, making the military his personal army to as he wished. In 1947 following Nastanovo’s aid towards the International coalition against the Federation of Cesylle, though reluctant to do so, a great purge occurred within the military after De Augsto won his 3rd term which ended the military’s sympathy’s towards nationalism and fascism as a whole cementing De Augsto’s place at the height of his power, Internalism had gotten a hold of Nastanovo and it would not let go.

La Augustiato

By 1952 and the election of De Augusto for the 4th time and reconstruction of Nastanovo being complete across all regards stability had returned across the nation, for the most part, while some socialist remnants continued to fight across the ends of the countryside and the border regions multitudes of rebels continued to try and enter the nation so this led to the leading diplomat of Nastanovo, Julius Modesto, to propose to President De Augsto the idea of unifying the regions of southern Cesylle, not into one nation as the President feared but into a alliance, Modesto called it the Defense Treaty of Independent Nations, a form for anti-imperialism across the continent and a way to control the borders between the nations around Nastanovo, he proposed this to be a foundation of friendship between Elaklania and Nastanovo, preposterous the President thought, but perhaps by-gones could be by-gones between the two and they could work together to form something better out of the ashes of the region. Through months of negotiation and meetings the organization had been announced to the world as a form of the nations once oppressed by Isabella to win themselves a future, Nastanovo saw it as a chance to get at the edge and finally overtake its rivals and so did De Augusto. Finally with his power secured he declared himself President for life, and though the center and right were unwilling to come into conflict over this issue, the left found itself exemplified to fight against this obvious abuse of power Following De Augusto’s rise to full power as President for life he turned his attention away from securing his position in politics and towards securing Nastanovo’s position on the world stage. For nearly over 20 years Nastanovo hadn’t involved itself heavily with the affairs of the continent at large or the world aside from the building of DTIN, with this in mind President De Augusto had been passively increasing the military budget of Nastanovo and as a result at least 2% of the national GDP had already been directed towards the military. De Augusto felt his nation was ready to rally once more for a war against its neighbors. He needed a way to test the might of the Nastnovian equipment first though, and this is when in 1965 the 1st Jaklands war broke out between Nutarra and its southern rival Cortecca in April of 1965. With Nastanovo’s foreign policy lining up towards Cortecca, President De Augusto determined it was in the best interest of the continental peace and Nastanovo’s safety that men of the 1st Guards tank division to Cortecca on the side of the Anti-Communist forces there under a DTIN peacekeeping force. The war, though costly through the amount of weapons Nastanovo provided to Cortecca, proved one thing and it was the thing the President wished to hear most, the Nastnovian tanks and soldiers were more the capable of handling a firefight, overall by the war’s end in November of 1965 a clear message had been sent by Nastanovo through its participation, the Saber of Cesylle hadn’t yet rusted away, and as a result President De Augusto and by extension Nastanovo turned its eyes southward to old enemies for centuries old grudges to be settled.

The Second Coalition Wars: In early May of 1972 the first border skirmishes began between Solistaria and Nastanovo, these clashes were of minor infantry disputes between border officers until a Solistarian infantryman was shot in the leg which prompted an angered response from the Prime Minister of Solistaria to President De Augusto, the letter demanded reparations from Nastanovo for the previously lost equipment and reimbursement for the incident. President De Augusto responded by sending the whole of the Nastnovian military to bear against Solistaria in mid May, 17 divisions of the Nastnovian Army across the border engaged in what was to be a war much in the same methods as old doctrine, a lightning war which at first worked, the tanks of Nastanovo raced to capture port cities and starve the enemy within their own borders. While the infantry moved from village to village securing placements and responses in the border regions. By late 1972 the Nastnovians were well through the occupational process throughout the border states and cities of the northwest coasts, however as they approached the Solistarian capital of Sol, the Nastnovians encountered the first real threat and this was the Solistarian 7th army. Comprised of 3 tank divisions and 6 infantry divisions the Solistarian 7th army moved to intercept the 4 tank divisions and their 3 motorized support divisions of the Nastnovian 3rd Army, in late November of 1972 they met in the suburbs of Sol and from skirmishes rose the 1st battle of Sol. For 96 days the Nastnovian 3rd Army and the Solistarian 7th army clashed in the capital inflicting heavy casualties on both sides, all the while the Solistarian military began their offensive to return into their lands by early January of 1973, throughout those 96 days the Nastnovian military had been cutting through the countryside pacifying villages and setting up “encampments” to secure the new border regions, orders from High Command designated these regions were soon to be integrated “Brotherly Republics” to the Greater Nastnovian State. By early 1973 the first battle of Sol had concluded with a decisive Nastnovian defeat heavily increasing the morale of the Solistarian forces who continued their offensive with renewed vigor, this is when the Empire of Inoarze saw its chance and joined the war on the side of the Nastnovians, with no intention of helping them but instead with the intentions of carving new lands out of Solisataria, 10 Divisions of the Empire of Inoarze invaded across the Solistarian-Inoarze border which prompted a mass resignation on the part of the Solisatian Government with their replacements being military officers and war heroes to invoke the spirit of Solistaria, to no avail. As the Inoarzans moved into their regions of the countryside closer to Nastanovo it attempted to brush the Nastnovian military with their own operations creating skirmishes and false flag attempts between the two nations. By May of 1973 with the war reaching its first year anniversary the entire situation began to deteriorate and quickly, the drywood that was southern Cesylle was about to catch flame and fast. In Solistaria, by June, the military-government had already been facing backlash from their implementation of Martial law, In Nastanovo the military lost its steam following its operations to secure its flank from Inoarze, and in Inoarze an Empire full of steam had entered ready and willing to expand in the name of its Emperor who had seemingly struck gold with his chance to expand his realm. In July of 1973 the 2nd battle of Sol began without the Solistarian 7th Army to hold out yet again. While the 7th army was in north-eastern Solistaria holding against Inoarze, the Nastnovian 3rd Army approached a protesting Sol and began Operation: Ironbars. Operation Ironbars began as merely another securement of a city across the coast but would soon turn into a triple counter-insurgency operation as the Nastnovian 3rd Army moved to secure the city against the military and paramilitaries which had grown by hundreds throughout the protests and civil disobedience. Reports of Nastnovian cruelty during the battle only intensified the fighting in the countryside as the 2nd battle for Sol continued. Civilian casualties rivaled military casualties in the 2nd battle however by the end of August Sol decidedly sat within Nastnovian hands as the 3rd Army continued further through the coast continuing their lightning war strategy. All the while the southern front along the Solistarian-Inoarze border began to collapse into disparate fighting as the Solisatrian military began to retreat en masse to further inland with new defensive line after defensive line being erected across the rivers and fields of Inner Solistaria.

At this point in early 1974 the Inoarzans and Nastnovians continued their offensives into the heartlands of Solisataria, the further inland they got, the more insurgencies seemed to be popping up, communists, natives, rogue units the whole situation became chaos as the Imperial Army and Nastnovian Army moved through the areas, which gave Solistaria its chance to reorganize and comprise its remaining forces into a counter attack. From four different parts of the front Solistaria used the last of the steam it had to push against the oncoming wave of Inoarze and Nastanovo. In March of 1974 the operation commenced and at first was a complete success, Field Marshal Peronisa Dominguez of Solistaria commented to the press of Solistaria for the first time throughout the war that Solistaria had successfully “Broke the Saber and shot the bird” in reference to defeating Nastanovo and Inoarze across the fronts. The operation however began to suffer from mass casualties and domestic insurgents attacking the Solistarian military as well as the foreign soldiers. By late 1974 and the declared end of the operation, Solistaria had acclaimed a quarter of Nastnovian countryside gains and 15% of Inoarzian gains, the coasts however remained well within foreign occupation. In early 1975 the war was observed to have become a standstill between the three nations, no major operations had commenced and the skirmishes between the nations had little casualties, more battles between insurgents and separatists were the issue which was becoming more often than battles of sovereign nations. This changed in February of 1975 when the city of Sol began acting erratically, the Nastnovian garrison noted movement of workers and the stalling of an average work day throughout the first week of february, then it turned into multiple explosions throughout the 2nd week of february which put the garrison on edge and called for support from divisions on the front which was denied, instead a new division of recruits fresh out of basic training would be sent to Sol to aid the garrison, an easy job High Command thought, this would be no easy job. With the arrival of the 107th infantry division to Sol and changing of command, the citizens of Sol decided it was now or never and on February 27th 1975 the ‘Commune de la Sol’ was declared on open radio frequencies as the Communist party of Solistaria called for their cells across the cities to revolt against both the foreigners and government. Throughout February 27th, 28th, and into March 1st, 2nd, and 3rd, the 107th infantry division of Nastanovo would attempt to break the barricades of the city along with the ‘rat hideouts’ the Communards had throughout the city, it seemed like when you crushed one holdout, 3 more popped up. It was a revolution in the making. Sol wasn’t the only city to face this issue either, throughout Solistaria the cities faced revolt to mixed results. In the southernmost coasts, the last holdouts of the military government of Solistaria, the revolution succeeded and as a result began to reach out to its ASL allies for equipment from Aosta and Duermark, however further inland where the insurgencies had already been going on for over 4 years at this point the militaries of the foreigners cracked down hard. Nastnovian infantry, in remembrance of the 2nd World War, engaged in “housekeeping”, a doctrine of clearing homes of suspected communists systematically used by Agusto during the civil war, which resulted in thousands of unnecessary civilian deaths in the villages of the occupied heartland and occupied coastal cities. In Inoarze, its Imperial policing units, already experienced in crushing radicals both left and right, began its operations and by March’s end many of the communes throughout the nation had fallen save for the ones which overthrew the southernmost coastal garrisons, the only commune which still stood as a result of the February proclamation was Sol, which had held out for a month as the 3rd battle of Sol raged, the military of Solistaria began to act independently of high command as the Republic of Solistaria began to collapse, by mid March the Republic of Solistaria was no more and in April a successor government was declared by Inoarze in the southeast, the March of Sol.

The Fall of the Commune De La Sol: The March of Sol alienated the whole of Solisartia against Inoarze, the Communists immediately began their offensive, the first offensive since ‘74, into Inoarzan lines which took back most of the recently taken Inoarzan controlled coasts and some innerlands. As the Communists and Imperials battled across the southern coasts, the remnants of Solistaria and its military government turned to Nastanovo with a deal. The meeting between Nastnovian local command and Field Marshal Peronisa Dominguez of Solistaria was deciding on turning their forces against both the communists and Imperials, in exchange for territorial concession and joining DTIN, Nastanovo would aid Solistaria in reclaiming its territory from Inoarze and southern cities from the communists. What had to happen first though would be an reclaiming of Sol, however as the commanders spoke to one another, the Commune had already broken down with the final barricades being cleared close to the Palace of Justice in Sol, within hours Field Marshal Peronisa Dominguez of Solistaria was already back in Sol and prepared his proclamation, over a Nastnovian televised speech Domingez expressed his deeply felt hatred for the suffering this war had caused and blamed the previous president for the whole ordeal and expressed his willingness to cooperate with Nastanovo against the Imperials who threatened their republic, as a result the 2nd Republic of Solistaria was declared in September of 1975 after 7 months of the Commune De la Sol holding against the forces of Nastanovo. The right wing paramilitaries rallied behind the new republic as their chance to both get back at the invaders and to rally a new national identity for war in the hearts of the field. The center and many civilians, though reluctant to the agreement, were happy to see their lands back in control of their country, those not under Nastnovian occupation anyway. By 1976 the war had suddenly become an endeavor unfavorable to the Empire, many had already died and with this much dirt in their shoes, the Inoarzans were unwilling to give up their gains and their march. In the time Inoarze spent collecting itself to fight the communists, the DTIN force of Nastanovo and Solistaria gathered in the central cities of Solistaria to push from the North and central fronts against the Inoarzans, while the Imperials pushed together their focus to hold from the central and southern fronts, it was in the North where in June of 1976 a general offensive was declared from the Nastnovian 3rd Army and the Solistarian 7th Army pushing in the north. The fighting though desperate and small in comparison to the battles in the south continued to prove the way these nations saw each other. Rivals pushed to the edge from pettines unwilling to give up anything, and this mindset fuelled the battles to come. By late August of 1976 the Inoarzans had been forced to generally retreat from their Nastnovian and Solistarian gains and into the decisively held mountains between Inoarze and Nastanovo as well as the Diablo river between Inoarze and Solistaria. From September of 1976 into February of 1977 the war effectively ended, no further offensives could take place from either side as all sides dug in and prepared for a greater conflict, a greater conflict which would never come. A ceasefire order across all sides in March of 1977 would be called for peace to be discussed, in all matters Inoarze at the longest point in the conflict put aside its stiff upper lip for gaining much ground against Solistaria and losing some to Nastanovo, a joint occupation of the border regions between Solistaria and its neighbors was agreed to and all sides were accepting of peace, however the situation of communist insurrectionism was brought up by the Solistarian delegation, Inoarze and Nastanovo both agreed towards aiding the Solistarians in putting down the insurrection in the south and burning out their cells within the state itself, by the conclusion of the negotiations during the week all sides gathered their forces to put down the Commune de la Sol, which hadn’t been in Sol for at least 2 years at this point. In April of 1977 the final offensive began into the Commune between the three powers as all moved to crush city after city, By November the whole of the Commune had fallen save for a few islands, including the island of Nevis, west of the capital of Solistaria. The island of Nevis had been fortified to a near impregnable fortress, many of the fortifications built for looking out into the sea following the Deluge, and by all means their stone and concrete fortifications held throughout the years. By the time the now built DTIN-Coalition forces arrived near its coast, from the water canons shot into the sea forts to little avail, DTIN-Coalition forces set forth Operation Death Blow, also called The Landing, in May of 1977: a three-part strategic aerostatic bombing of Nevis. A three-nation army — including troops from the Nastnovian 3rd Army, Solistarian 107th Infantry Division, and 1st Inoarzan Tank Division — amassed a large naval fleet to complete Operation Death Blow. The operation within the island of Nevis took place on May 27th, 1977 and was called the Beachhead. A Nevisite sea fortress — originally built by Solistairan Revolutionaries in the early 1800’s then captured by the communists and equipped with an anti-aircraft gun in 1975 — failed to function during the invasion. Nevis was shelled and captured by DTIN along with its settlements of Stella Maris and La Delta to the high casualties suffered by Nastanovo during the operation. The Communist Party never officially surrendered. However, Nevis relinquished its sovereignty to the 2nd Republic of Solistaria and signed the Treaty of Santo Dominco, the treaty which officially ended the Second Coalition War, ending the Commune in December of 1977. By the end of the conflict, at least 700,000 people had died in the war; high estimates counting civilian casualties count nearly 2.5 million people. Particular casualties on the side of Nastanovo had reached over 110,000 people with at least 10,000 of those being KIA casualties. The communists and anarchists which were captured throughout the war were massacred by DTIN led Nastnovian forces and buried in mass graves in the border regions between Nastanovo and Inoarze. Along with the Treaty of Santo Dominco outlawing the self-determination of the villages and cities of Solistaria, the treaty allowed for Nastanovo to observe the heartlands of Solistaria for communist activity and could intervene in the region if it so wished. With 1978 rolling in and all operations across all nations declared to be concluded by February, the 2nd Coalition wars had concluded without much celebration, in Inoarze military parades throughout the newly conquered states were held, in Solistaria they began to rebuild following the destruction of their country, and in Nastanovo the war which would have been considered the great victory of the Nastnovian state was instead a conflict of continuous bloodshed, but in the minds of Nastnovian high command and Augusto himself, 1807 had been avenged.

La Revolucion del ‘95 and the Declaration of the Republic

By 1979, and the rebuilding of Solistaria well underway with Inoarzan and Nastnovian support, Southern Cesylle could finally be seen as though it were finally at peace with itself, capable of self governance under DTIN’s watchful eye. However dissent was brewing at home in Nastanovo, clearly the war had upset many sides of the political spectrum. To the average citizen and center-right, De Augusto had just put the nation through a hell of conflict for nearly 6 years, it wasn’t a good look at all. To the right wing of both the PSS and the nation De Augusto could not be more popular, he restored the status of Nastanovo as the saber of Cesylle on the continent and avenged 1809. He had ended another communist experiment in its cradle and expanded DTIN, Nastanovo’s lifeboat against the red menace. Though some on the right turned to more pacifistic views to secure their political stances, overall the opinion of the right was that the Golden blood of Nastanovo paid well for the prosperity and dominance to come. While the center and right had lived with the process, the Liberal and hardline leftist portions of the population had it with the PSS, De Augusto, along with the whole status quo. As a result, by 1980 protests began the same as anti-war protests had gone on before during the 2nd Coalition Wars, however these were far more organized and oftentimes violent. Riot police were called and right wing paramilitaries were recruited from to replace wounded officers, political violence began to rise and between February of 1980 to 1982 constant riots and protests against the war and its consequences began and would be brutally repressed causing more protests as the cycle continued. All of which fueled the beginning anti-Augusto sentiment being felt by the legislative bodies of Nastanovo, select senators began to turn on him with their terms nowhere near over, and many PSS assembly men abstaining or remaining absent from meetings. By 1983 a shift had occurred in the politics of Nastanovo, for the first time in the history of the Nastnovian state President Bencio De Augusto dissolved the Serene Congress, both houses were declared null and void until 1987 and any meeting between more than 30 Assembly members or 10 senators would be liable for reprimanding, this is when the Assembly members began to take things into their own hands, resigning and working with the protestors they found great allies in the intelligentsia of El Pato as well as the student movements of the higher education fields, examples include the college students of the Royal Institute of Technology and Mathematics as well as students from even below universities such as the Students’ Assembly of Songbird High School. Nearly 40 assemblymen had resigned and began working with the students by late 1983, and together met in La Joya to discuss a following action, done in secret and the dead of night 20 of the 40 assembly persons, select student leaders, and a number of local politicians discussed a plan to reform the state and bring down the Augustiato. This plan, however universally agreed upon it was, was split into 2 camps, those unwilling to reform through violence and those willing to do whatever it took even through violence. Some assembly members and particular leaders of the student leaders were the ones to suggest violence. Throughout the evening the debates got heated and by the time a consensus had been reached, 7 of the student leaders and 3 assembly members had walked out as the majority voted in favor of electoralism. Many of those who walked out claimed the best interests of the workers, among them a one La Joyan named Daniel Rojas at age 17, and by extension this rhetoric meant that Communism, the red ghost that it was, returned to Nastanovo in 1983. The 17 remaining assembly members filled out the positions necessary to run a political party, all present local officials signed on and the remaining students acted as the party’s first members. This party was the “Party of the People’s Justice” or the PPJ and would act as the first rival party to the PSS. By 1987 and the called upon elections occurring, the PPJ failed to win any seats in the Assembly, not for lack of trying however. For their first 4 years they had campaigned beyond any belief from Augusto’s censorship and other programs to keep the party down and with their percentage reaching 10% of the vote, by no means would it be considered a failure. For Augusto it seemed as though he had finally, perhaps unintentionally, purged the rot for the party he needed to stay in charge with and for the next 5 years there would continue to be little competition between the PSS and the PPJ until in October of 1993 a hijacked news center in Frescura broadcasted on both radio and television the formation of a new organization for the nation to look to for liberation or fear, De Augusto is said to have been watching live and as soon as he saw the symbol appear on his television, a hammer and sickle with a star above it, in the Marble Palace he began demanding that his special forces take out whoever was broadcasting the message. The message itself declared that a reckoning against the state for its abuse of the common people and throwing them into the meat grinder that was the second coalition war. This movement declared itself to the nation as “The 18th of September Movement” or the 18SM, in reference to the battle between General Bernardo Freire and his “First Revolutionary Army” against the royal army of Isabella which began the Nastnovian war for independence. By the end of the evening the broadcast had been taken down by Nastnovian military police in Frescura and as the police looked for the assailants, the building combusted as a result of an IED left behind by rebels killed 7 special forces and 10 militarized police of the city, signaling to the President that Frescura was firmly in rebel hands, which could only mean so was most of the countryside around the city in Isle de Leon. Immediately martial law was declared across the entire state and the military began slash and burn tactics against the rebels, turning not only the local populations against them but also the populations of center and liberal alike in the cities, the tactics of the fascist “Dic-tat-or” Augusto weren’t working anymore as the world grew wiser against its evils, and as a result the rebels held most of the cities in Isla de Leon by December of 1994, which constituted only one message the rebellion had dug in and would only dislodged through extermination and liquidation. Outside of Isle de Leon, the rebels’ main support base and supplying regions, the 18SM waged guerilla warfare against the Augustiato government, main tactics included mailed pipe bombs into police units across the nation and general assaults on military encampments throughout the roads and checkpoints between states, at this point there had been some desertions of the Nastnovian military to the 18SM, even some from the airforce as several fighter jets had been stolen or taken from a base in Isle De Leon, however there was still struggle between the major cells of the 18SM and the Army of Nastanovo, which culminated to the battle of Esperanza in March of 1995, a 3 infantry divisions of the Army of Nastanovo and 1 tank division along with the city’s garrison stood along the streets looking for any sign of rebels, in the early morning of March 17th the rebels began their assault on the city from all sides and even within. Bombings and attacks took place and civilians of the city itself took up arms against the regime, with many rallying to the side of 18SM defeat for the military seemed inevitable, the commanding officer ordered barricades built across the streets and lined his tanks to face the rebels, one by one the tanks exploded from AT rockets provided from outside sources and other related attacks, the barricades fell day after day as the military moved closer into the town hall and on May 20th of 1995 Esperanza fell and with it the west of Nastanovo, the historical colony of Nastanovo, fell to rebel forces all that remained in government control was the northern state of Recoto and Perciva. De Augusto believed that should he rally his forces outside of Isle De Leon and capture the leader of the rebellion he could end it in one kick. As he built his forces in El Pato a stroke of luck came, in early June, specifically on the 7th, his soldiers had received the name and location of the leader of the 18SM and Augusto planned to read the name and reveal the leader’s face on national television. Demanding a press conference the earliest he was told he could announce it was on June 18th to which De Augusto agreed, he figured it would be then he could begin Operation: Hammered. However when De Augusto woke and got ready for his early morning press conference, he could feel something was different about that day, he claimed to have heard bells constantly. At 7 in the morning when the camera’s began rolling, and De Augusto began his speech, he read the introduction and first paragraph explaining what had happened thus far, and got to the leader of 18SM, Daniel Rojas, announcing his name loudly and with distaste before a reporter stood up and shouted; “¡Viva Rojas! ¡Abajo el estado!” This reporter then pulled a gun from his pocket and in quick succession multiple reporters began to scramble and security attempted to move in, though it was too late. As the reporter pulled the trigger and the bullet reached Augusto, it entered his left eye and exited out through the back of his head, bleeding out on the floor, the situation descended into chaos but one truth emerged, President Bencio De Augusto was dead, the second President in the history of Nastanovo to be killed in office. The state was falling apart all around them, black thursday was coming.

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Rico Nombre sings in Astrovision fight me.