old>Y11971alex |
|
| (5 intermediate revisions by 2 users not shown) |
| Line 1: |
Line 1: |
| Coming into the 19th Century, Themiclesia was facing two ongoing wars, and its economy was threatened by industrialization in the Organized States. Themiclesian politics during this time is characterized by addressing divisive social problems, shifting paradigms in the political structure, and diplomatic setbacks. The first half of the century saw the disintegration of traditional governance and the rivalry of radical and moderate reformists, while the second half is considerably more stable under the leadership of the moderate faction that would become the Liberal Party. The transition from an agrarian economy to an industrialized one began and continued throughout the Century.
| | {{wip}} |
| | '''Themiclesian politics in the 1800s''' evolved from centralized, authoritarianism to parliamentary democracy by the end of the century, with a recognized {{wp|dominant-party system|dominant-party period}} between 1801 and 1819. The iniquity of fiscal burden of war, made acute by consecutive defeat, was one of the most powerful themes in the political scene and has been connected with both the [[Conservative Party (Themiclesia)|Conservative]] and [[Liberal Party (Themiclesia)|Liberal]] parties that dominated the century. Military failure led to dimunution of royal power and the dissolution of the royal party that supported it. |
|
| |
|
| ==Background==
| | Profits, connected to broad swathes of society, was another source of contention. Colonial interests aligned with royal desires for expansion and power across Columbia, and its distribution to the crown's supporters in the aristocracy is deeply associated with resentment against military expenditure by aristocrats that opposed the crown. At the same time, the near-complete elimination of tariffs bolstered Themiclesia's international trade and granted influence to those involved in it. After the collapse of Themiclesian monopoly on tea, silk, and porcelain, manufacturing industry allied with political reformism to create the Liberal platform, while the Conservatives came to be characterized by agrarian interests and opposition to unrestricted pursuit of productivity that easily converted into political power. |
| ===War in Maverica===
| |
| Through the Treaty of Williamsborg of 1681, Themiclesia acquired rights over northwest Maverica. Ostlandian settlers, revolting against the Galvisti Empire, lobbied Themiclesia for their neutrality in this conflict, and offered those territories in exchange; Themiclesia accepted and acquired it by doing nothing to assist the Galvisti Empire, a move widely regarded as a diplomatic success at the time. However, this area was mostly settled by Ostlandians, and relations between them and the Themiclesian government soon grew sour. Ostlandians' inability to use the Themiclesian language prevented them from integrating into Themiclesian society or seek public office, creating a contrast between Themiclesian governors and Ostlandian subjects, leading to a string of revolts starting in 1790. The government initially responded with conciliation, but the replacement of Prime Minister Ts'jon Njon in 1792 with K'ung Tok-to occasioned a complete reversal in policy, instead deploying over 30,000 troops to suppress the rebellion. In 1823, the were around 250,000 troops in the area, and their maintenance consumed over 70% of the national budget. Domestically, the war was growing increasingly unpopular as well, due to high casualties and the practice of compulsory enlistment outside of military families.
| |
|
| |
|
| ===Economic depression===
| | Like most other democratic systems of the age, Themiclesian democracy was explicitly confined to classes considered invested in society, discriminated first through hereditary right then property. Both parties altered [[Parliamentary franchise in Themiclesia|the franchise]] principally for their political benefit, but neither weathered the risk of disenfranchising existing voters. Suffrage thus extended from fewer than 9,000 holders in 1801 to over 4,200,000 by 1900. Elections were heavily influenced by bribery and gentlemen's agreements between local parties to fix outcomes. As the suffrage expanded, many candidates relied on treating and pressure from "social leaders" like employers, landlords, and gang bosses to support their campaigns; the susceptibility of electors to pressure was often used as an argument against expansion of the franchise by both parties. |
| The Themiclesian economy, measured in government revenues, showed a decreasing trend between 1822 and 1831. Modern economists attribute this to declining exports, as Themiclesian textiles were subject to competition from industrialized Columbian manufacturers, while those in Themiclesia still wove by traditional, manually-operated looms. At that time, however, the prevailing view was that too few people were working in the textile industry, creating too little finished products to export; the decline in manufacturing volume due to shortage of labour is in turn viewed as the direct consequence of drafting soldiers from productive agricultural and industrial roles.
| |
|
| |
|
| ==Early policy changes==
| | {{wp|Loyal opposition}} only became institutionally accepted in the premiership of the Lord of Dubh (1826 – 33), previous to which the Conservatives attempted to purged their opponents from all public offices, supporting their dominance. His and several subsequent administrations saw Conservative weakening and the conversion of some supporters to Reformist causes, and previous measures meant to cement power to the gentry, as defined by heritage, allowed an opposition to co-exist. After the widening of the franchise, power in both parties lay with notables who both exerted influence over politicians between elections and assisted in turning out voters during them. These notables were a large subset of Themiclesia's social elites, who collectively dominated not only the politics but the economy as well. |
| [[File:宋丞相司马温公光.jpg|thumbnail|Go, prime minister 1832–1838]]
| |
| ===Memorandum of Ga Trieds===
| |
| {{cquote|今發兵數十萬於安南，皆以男丁充之。男丁既役於軍旅，農田荒廢，工商停擺。百業不興則物寡，物寡則價高，價高則財寡。軍旅之費億萬又加於民，則財更寡。財物並寡，是以民貧。積年而貧，財物並盡，國家朝廷何以為繼焉？上上之策，唯弭兵而已。況歲出泰半於戎馬，校尉朋比為奸，爭相貪墨。付之軍費，如劫百姓而富佞幸，臧則藏而不用，故錢寡。士卒幸於得十之一二，所得薪餉亦散之外國，國財安能不盡？其弭兵，校尉不能圖其費，國政又為一清矣。 | |
| Now hundreds of thousands of soldiers have been deployed to the south, and all of them are filled with working-age men. Working-age men having been put to service in the armies, farms are left to waste, and businesses are suspended. If production is suspended then goods are scarce; if goods are scarce then prices are high; if prices are high then the public has little wealth left. The enormous expenses of the army are also defrayed by the public, further reducing their wealth. If both goods and wealth is scarce, the public is impoverished. If impoverishment continues, and when money and goods are all depleted, how will the state and court sustain themselves? The single best policy is to stop war. Also, since field officers are corrupt and trip over themselves to embezzle funds, and the government still gives them funds, it is as though the army robs and profiteers off the public, and they accumulate wealth and does not spend it, hence the lack of money on the market. Soldiers are lucky to receive one or two tenths of their nominal salaries, and what they obtain is spent abroad. How can the nation's wealth not deplete? If the war is stopped, the officers will have no money to embezzle, and administration is purified of corruption.
| |
| —Ga, c. May 1830}}
| |
| In a scathing memorandum that was publicly posted, Ga analyzed the faults of the current policies and connected them to known issues, such as the massive budget shortfall that was being filled by hiking taxes, which in itself, according to Ga, is a source of the issues. Ga was a student in the Pondside Academy, the preparatory school for future bureaucrats that have passed the system of examinations. The Pondside Academy has enjoyed by convention a degree of influence in politics, as most high ministers have been its members at one time or another. Ga's memorandum received immediate support from factions at court that stood against the incumbent prime minister. Rural gentry, whose income had also been affected by the draft, also stood with Ga and submitted similar memoranda to the government, expressing their dissatisfaction with the continuation of the war.
| |
|
| |
|
| ===End of the War in Maverica=== | | ==Background== |
| Ga's position spread through the bureaucracy mainly due to the disproportionate appropriations to the forces. Despite increase in taxation, several ministries had their budgets diverted to the forces, and officials in them generally did not view the war as necessary. In particular, the Ministry of Public Works received barely half its budget in 1829. Overwhelmingly called upon, Prime Minister Drjaw Ljon-mrjon quietly resigned in Jan. 1832, leaving his deputy Go to take over. Go quickly arranged for the end of the war.
| | [[Emperor Gwidh-mjen]] (r. 1680 – 1738) expanded royal influence by cultivating a faction through lucrative opportunities within his gift that occupied important positions of state and was pliant to the crown's demands, which generally revolved around strengthening military power in Columbia. Members of the faction were either invested by the crown in the success of its colonial ventures or holders of existing interests there, such as over Camian copper extraction and minting of coins, which both funded royal coffers and gave the holder a share of minted coins. This faction developed into a political party around the crown in the 18th century and was responsible for several wars in the region. |
| | |
| ===Go's permiership===
| |
| A self-styled political moderate, Go championed the traditional philosophy of the ideological mean; in modern terms, this may be interpreted as centrism. During his tenure, Go made it his priority to soothe the exacerbated social and economic disparity between the landed classes and landless peasants. To this end, he remitted taxes on any newly opened farmland and ordered at least 120,000 soldiers demobilized and restored to "decent" standing, despite their notional "vile" status. He also repealed several temporary levies on essential agricultural products, so that the gross tax rate stood at around 12~15% during his premiership. He also reduced land tax, permitting peasants to stop selling their land to the privileged in order to escape from the formerly crippling land tax. Much of this is made possible by the termination of the war.
| |
| | |
| Go's efforts in other areas were less successful, such as promoting free local schools, but his legacy is best remembered for his decision to end the war. Though Go never formally accepted Ga's memorandum, it is most often understood that his policies were in accordance with Ga's proposals, given the example of his predecessor, who had refused to end the war earlier. Go's foremost negative legacy, as viewed by modern political analysts, was his attempt at "stabilizing" society by renewed enforcement of the traditional sumptuary laws that strictly regulated what each class may wear. Go's motto during his premiership was 弭兵輕稅 and 與民休息, or " diminish armaments to lighten taxes" and "allow people respite and relaxation".
| |
| | |
| ==Experiments with radical reform==
| |
| Go died in 1838, and his replacement, Grjwon, planned to take a much more aggressive approach to reform Themiclesia to usher in an age of prosperity.
| |
| | |
| [[File:宋参政欧阳文忠公修.jpg|thumbnail|Grjwon, prime minister 1838–45]] | |
| ===Possible Casaterran influence===
| |
| There is considerable debate as to whether Grjwon was under the influence of Casaterran schools of thought, and both conclusion have been drawn and supported by well-regarded scholars. Unlike Go, who preferred to allow the system to fix itself by removing obstacles to previous patterns of economic development, Grjwon was seized of the idea that Themiclesian society had structural deficiencies that prevented it from becoming as wealthy as it could. Grjwon has previously been experienced as a local administrator, and some scholars have contended that he practiced an early form of state capitalism by developing businesses controlled by the local government, for the purpose of creating a budgetary surplus in his region of responsibility. Others have argued instead that he was simply profiteering by virtue of his office, since whatever surplus he did create has mostly gone missing, likely into his own pocket. Under Go's government, Grjwon served as a minister for public works; one of his key policies before premiership was the selective prohibition on transporation of certain goods across internal boundaries, in order to control prices.
| |
| | |
| ===Grjwon's economic policy===
| |
| Go's permiership began with restrictions on internal commerce, which he hoped would create demand for goods that was not produced locally. For example, he forbade the transport of rice to the coastal prefectures, with the intention of stimulating rice agriculture there, which, he thought, would significantly lower rice prices by eliminating transport costs. He deduced this from the presence of large tracts of unused land in those regions. Whatever his intentions may have been, in the immediate term this caused rice prices in the interior to drop, making agriculture unprofitable, and prices in the coastal regions to soar, leading to rampant anger amongst the commoners who had to purchase rice. On the other hand, Griuen also made positive strides towards the industrialization of production, receiving information from Casaterra. He stated,
| |
| {{cquote|洋人因勤富，國人以惰貧。人生無智者，致知需勤學。
| |
| Foreigners are rich because of their fastidiousness; nationals are poor because they are lazy. There is no man born intelligent; to achieve knowledge requires study.}}
| |
| It is generally held that Grjwon correctly perceived that the cause for the disparity of wealth between Casaterran states and Themiclesia was due to the technologies that the former possessed and the latter lacked. He proceeded to act upon this by creating a budget for purchasing foreign equipment, to study and replicate them for domestic use. Having done that, he pressed on with his capricious methods to compel the acquisition of technology and gave little thought to the stability of the national economy. He was heavy-handed in dealing with those who did not desire to adopt new techniques, who often had reasons or problems that Grjwon did not address. He often took to order an entire county's farmers to experiment with foreign crops or farming methods; failures to produce good results were penalized. Not only did this constantly threaten the harvest, it also alienated proprietors, who often found themselves forced to stop farming crops of a proven yield and join Griuen's experiments.
| |
| | |
| Nevertheless, it should also be realized that the first successful transplants of industrial production occurred under Grjwon. For this, he enjoyed a good reputation amongst some reform-minded individuals, though much of the gentry is suspicious of him. However, Grjwon was also eager to capitalize on the nascent industries and imposed heavy taxation on them.
| |
| | |
| ===Resistance to Grjwon ===
| |
| [[File:宋韩魏公琦.jpg|thumbnail|Ghrwed, one of Grjwon's enemies at court]]
| |
| Grjwon came under heavy criticism in 1841 due to a case of mismamagement of a power loom that he had instructed to be imported from the Tyrannian Empire. Textiles were a major export in Themiclesia, and traditional techniques were a closely guarded trade secret. When Grjwon demanded textiles producers to adopt the new machinery and share their old methods with each other so that they could be improved, many textiles guilds complained to scholar-officials in their respective localities, not daring to criticize the Prime Minister openly. Learning of this dissention, Grjwon passed an edict to reduce textiles price levels, probably intending to force the manufacturers to co-operate with each other to share technology so that costs would be reduced. However, the only direct result is the bankruptcy of at 113 textiles manufactureres, since technology is not as easily transferred as Griuen had hoped. Similar problems occurred into other industries in which Grjwon intervened. The prime minister also made it a habit to order large amounts of people to take up another trade, in anticipation of an expansion of demand on the products of that trade.
| |
| | |
| In 1843, economic chaos permeated the countryside, causing unemployed and dislocated peasants to pour to the capital city, having heard of fantastical tales of "machines that magically produce things out of nothing", which to these migrants meant free goods. Grjwon had no policy to deal with this sudden influx of population, and he elected to refuse their admittance into the capital city. Migrants responded by building dwellings on the lands that surrounded the city; local magistrates were equally helpless in any attempt to feed, administer, or even evict tens of thousands new-arrivals. The loss of labour in the countryside intensified as the 1840s progressed, making the grain shortage in the coastal areas considerably exaggerated. The bureaucratic nuisance that Grjwon introduced also engendered a general disaffection for him by the powerful gentry, in addition to reduction in rent income by those who lived in the rural areas and had no official post. His handling of the migrant situation was particularly disheartening to the gentry. Known to take extreme measures in his local work, he had some of them imprisoned.
| |
| | |
| ===Grjwon's removal===
| |
| By 1845, Grjwon was widely unpopular. To secure himself, he attempted to remove an oft-contrarian minister, in this case Ra Kjon-ghen , the minister for finance. However, Grjwon found enough opposition in the Court of Meridian Correspondence and Ultraport (mostly controlled by the nobility) that he could not procure the dismissal edict. He threatened the Emperor with resignation, claiming that only he knew how to improve the Themiclesian economy; the Emperor refused to respond directly. In the end, Grjwon was persuaded to resign by Ra, who was convinced that he and his six colleagues were capable of replacing Grjwon, who, according to the other ministers, was abusive and conceited. This became a constitutional precedent in Themiclesia, that a government needs to be appointed as a whole group, and that the Court of Meridian Correspondence had political powers.
| |
|
| |
|
| ==Liberal reforms==
| | However, the royal party's mutualistic relationship hinged on continual military success, which in turn demanded the keeping of a large and expensive army and navy, and Themiclesia's ability to control the Halu'an Sea and Columbia was pressured by Casaterran interests in the area. This military expenditure was borne by metropolitan aristocrats, hereditary nobles and large landowners, particularly those that opposed the growth of the crown's powers. This is because those that allied with the crown were apt to receive benefits from colonial and domestic enterprises that offset their contributions to royal policies. |
| The court faction that would become the Liberal Party produced eight prime ministers without interruption between 1845 and 1900. Historical assessements of these figures have generally found a surprising amount of ideolgoical continuity between them, which some have attributed to their upbringing and career experience. All eight are from established family backgrounds and have at least two scholar-officials in their immediate families. All eight possess the dual qualification of "Rural Recommendations" and "Superior Scholar of the Forest of Letters". Seven of the eight have been local officials and ministers in the predecessor's government. This coalition's ability to retain power is itself an extensively studied subject matter.
| |
|
| |
|
| ===Establishment of the ruling coalition===
| | For the early and mid-18th century, the crown's hold over power was stable, but signs of strain emerged in the [[Maverican Wars|First Maverican War]], which tested the government's resolve in suppressing Ostlandic revolts in the north of Maverica. Then in the final decade of the century, Themiclesia faced four and a possible fifth convergent, hostile fronts—the Tyrannians and Hallians on naval control over the Halu'an, the Camians and Ostlandics over the north of Maverica, and the Sieuxerrians over Solevant. Interests of the royal party existed in all fronts, which the crown was bound to defend in order to maintain the unity of his faction. This proved impossible to do by force, and the faction split over whose interests would be defended in preference. |
| [[File:宋参政范文正公仲淹.jpg|thumbnail|Ra, prime minister 1845–60]] | |
| Ra, at age 57, was a comparatively youthful prime minister. Taking cues from the fall of Grjwon's government, he attempted to find a balanced group of individuals who could do "a bit for everyone". Ra's primary motivation was to stay in office for as long as possible, and to achieve that he was willing to follow most what his supporters wanted. In the late 1840s, it has become apparent to most Themiclesians that reforms are inevitable, as Go's policy of simple laissez-faire, though beneficial in the department of soothing social tensions, could not restore the balance of trade and the widening gap between the economic power of Themiclesia and the Organized States. However, Griuen's method of compulsory reform was also discredited. Some scholars have suggested that Ra deliberately avoided making firm policy commitments so that he would have flexibility while in office and enjoy as much support as possible. The government had been divided between Griuen's supporters and his opponents; with both factions in cabinet, Griuen's political activities have been focused on discrediting his opponents. Ra deemed this pernicious, so he intended to assemble a ''group'' of individuals who would govern together and, when required, take responsibility together, also making his government more palpable.
| |
|
| |
|
| ===Ra's policies===
| | The metropolitan aristocrats, facing hiking taxation to defend what they often viewed as corruption between the crown and its cronies, united in 1795 under the leadership of the [[Lord of Gar-lang]] to restore peace via the [[Treaty of Kien-k'ang]]. Viewing this as a setback, [[Emperor 'Ei (Themiclesia)|Emperor 'Ei]] began to intrigue in the reconstitution of his faction, with some success over the next four years and appointing a prime minister that supported rebuilding the military. However, Gar-lang and his faction stirred up renewed fears about warfare in 1799 – 1800, which persuaded much of the gentry that permanent checks on royal power would be necessary, as the emperor could not be trusted to respect the will of the vast majority of the gentry. |
| Like Grjwon, Ra found the main issue in Themiclesia's lagging development as the lack of technology. Grjwon was successful in introducing a range of machinery and their related infrastructure, at great cost, to Themiclesia. Ra, as his first act in office, repealed some of the more detrimental of Grjwon's economic policies, such as the ban on shipping rice to the coast. He also proceeded to utilize the large unemployed population that was virtually besieging the capital city to establish an industrial base in the experimental industries; this move was applauded as excellent parallel thinking. Ra's premiership, in this very vein, was known for its creative solutions, even though some have criticized this "creativity" as exploition of marginalized groups.
| |
| {{cquote|人如魚，君如釣。可以誘，不可追。可以導，不可迫。終上鉤，終為用。
| |
| Men are like fish, and the ruler akin to a fisherman. You can bait, not chase. You can guide, not force. At the end of the day, the fish will take the bait and be of use.}}
| |
| Ra believed that if Casaterran methods were truly superior to domestic ones, they would be voluntarily adopted, and there was therefore no need to compel their adoption. Technology only needed to be imported and viably demonstrated to the right people so that the public learns of them and may assess for themselves the merits of introduced technology. In this he was similar to Go, in that he left commercial decisions to its eventual beneficiaries. This way, he shielded himself from political responsibility.
| |
|
| |
|
| The industries developed first under Casaterran influence were cottage industries that utilized simple machines; industries for consumer goods were soon to follow. The efficiency of Casaterran machinery was indisputable, and those willing to adopt automation soon out-competed those that were not. As a wealth of cheap manufactured goods flooded the market, Ra was deeply admired by the commons.
| | ==Great Settlement== |
| | {{main|Great Settlement (Themiclesia)}} |
| | Gar-lang created a widespread bureaucratic opposition to the throne through resignations, refusal to take office, and stopping funds from reaching the royal purse. At the same time, he applied social pressure on the crown's former allies in the bureaucracy and explained that the crown was not in a position to restitute their lost properties in the colonies. The result of Gar-lang's political manoeuvres is the Great Settlement (大憲, ''ladh-ng′jarh''), whereby Emperor 'Ei made a public oath that he would not govern without the assent of the entire aristocracy, though the mechanism through which this occurs was not in the oath. |
|
| |
|
| ===Assessments of Ra=== | | ==Conservative dominance== |
| Deeply influenced by the memorandum that Ga submitted in 1830, Ra prioritized the material benefit of the public and exports over all other objectives. The importance of infrastructure was not yet realized under the first half of his premiership. In order to make available funds to support industrialization, Ra evidently also shared Go's distaste for warfare; he proceeded to reduce the size of the Army by half in 1851, from 120,000 to just over 60,000. To compensate for lost defence capability, he also carefully selected a tactful foreign minister—Rjom Dah—ho is often considered responsible for bringing about three treaties that were crucial in keeping regional peace. These were concluded with the Organized States, Rajian, and the Maverican state of Yanarksburg; Themiclesia had to waive a certain amount of tariffs for the treaties so that businesses in these countries could sell at a profit in Themiclesia, but the government considered this relatively small loss of revenue worthwhile compared to war.
| |
|
| |
|
| Historically, writers have preferred to emphasize the rashness of Grjwon to contrast with the meditative approach of Ra; though rooted in reality to some extent, the experience during Grjwon's premiership played an invaluable role during the following administration. The government came to perceive the limits in its abilities and that of the society to accept new technology; as a result, Ra's government published a plan, the first of its kind, that expresses its policy promises through a formal document. Feeling comparatively confident, Ra commented at the end of the document, "[...] and let all the learned men of this realm assess what I pledge to them." It is possible that this is a response to the feeling that government policies were announced with little warning during Grjwon's government, and the enfranchised public desired some sort of declaration of what they could expect out of a prime minister beforehand.
| | ==Silent Revolution== |
| | The silent revolution was a period of rapid political clash that some historians have described as a concrete phenemenon between about 1825 and 1839, when "the revolution grew in volume" taking the form of strikes and public assemblies. According to ''Roots of Democracy'' (1950), the analysis wherein now regarded as traditional, two political philosophies competed for general acceptance during this period. It is stated in that work, both philosophies exetnd beyond politics ''in sensu stricto'' and included interpretations of history, current interests, and outlook for the nation. |
|
| |
|
| Ra's mild policies and finesse in dealing with social phenomena has earned his administration one of the longer lifespans in the 19th Century. Orthodox scholarship held that Ra's adherence to the philosophy of the mean guided him in implementing reforms gradually and evenly, though more modern analyses suggest that most of his policies are the result of extensive compromise rather than a natural sense of balance.
| | ===Political philosophy=== |
| | ''Roots of Democracy'' argues that the two main persuasions of political power during the Silent Revolution are a response to the Enlightenment in Casaterra. They seek to answer fundamental questions like why the Themiclesian government exists, whose desires should be enforced, and if there is a natural or equal right to political voice. However, this view is later evaluated as a partial description, since political support for either accreting party came from all classes, many of which did not necessarily embrace all the philosophical extensions of their favoured party. It is a more modern view that considerable overlap existed in the two historical parties, "else their supporters would have been diametrically opposed to each other, with no room of reconciliation or co-operation." |
|
| |
|
| Ra retired from government in 1860. His replacement, Hjowng Tad-sek, did not transfer the main focus on immediately exportable goods and consumer goods, interpreted as material wealth, either. This persistent attention to material wealth by the government has somewhat delayed the development of heavy industry in Themiclesia, though some historians have asserted that the government developed its own economic theories as early as the 1850s. Such a theory is based on the idea that the consumer ultimately determines price, and the most secure way to produce profits is in the final sale. Themiclesia in the 1840s and 50s also lacked capital of the concentration that would enable rapid development of heavy industry; to maintain political stability, the government naturally selected the comparatively achievable industry of consumer goods to favour in the first place. Opposing scholars retort that as late as the 1880s the government was assessing material wealth by how many pieces of clothing, articles of utensils, and number of rooms in a house that a family owned.
| | Critics of the Conservatives say that they regard the state, including its government and people, as a form of patrimony, or chattels ordained to serve a fixed interest, and this interest is hereditary and incompatible with the public welfare; equally, they consider Conservative politics as not fundamentally different from absolute monarchy, only that the monarch is no longer personal but corporate—in the shape of the landed classes that have, by the Great Settlement of 1801, formed a represented body and imposed their will in lieu of that of the crown. Apologists of Conservative philosophy argue that as long as a hereditary crown exists, only a hereditary and autonomous aristocracy can resist royal power, and this need justifies the hereditary privileges that the gentry enjoys. In 1830, the principle of virtual representation was also enlisted, arguing that aristocratic interests are inclusive of their tenants and servants, who make up a considerable portion of Themiclesia's population. |
|
| |
|
| ===Under Hiong Nehm-seek===
| | Critics of the Reformist lobby argue that their early demands, which involved a politically-active monarch that possessed a gamut of powers enjoyed by Casaterran ones, were dangerous to the maintenance of restrained government, as the monarch has lately behaved badly and as there is no safeguard against similar ones in the future. They said that "propertied men could be created and uncreated by the monarch or legislature, and their political will can thus never become independent of them", while the existing hereditary franchise was less vulnerable to manipulation and more suitable to govern, being "seeped in the real demands, skills, and traditions of administration and statesmanship." Apologists of Reformist thought, heavily influenced by mercantilism, believed that money was the "universal and objective denominator of worth" and access to political power should be qualified around that basis, rather than "superstitions about heredity or nobility of thought." |
| Hjowng officially accepted the position of prime minister only in 1862, governing as deputy prime minister between his accession and then. By 1870, there was a flourishing strip of industrial manufacture mostly along the coast and the delta of the River Gha. The success of the industries attracted peasants from the entire country to seek better fortunes there, and working conditions failed to improve as much as was desired. As Themiclesia became more integrated with the international market, there is some research to suggest that working wages actually decreased between 1845 and 1865, though by purchasing power parity it should have increased significantly during that time, credit to the appearance of mass-manufactured goods on the market. These goods competed with hand-made goods, forcing many small family industries to become rapidly unemployed. These also contributed to the influx of people to the coastal regions in the 1870s.
| |
|
| |
|
| Hjong is well-remembered for his attention to infrastructure, particularly transport. While the effects are not felt during his premiership, the provision of better public roads permitted goods to reach a greater market.
| | ===Economic outlook=== |
| | Reformists frequently argue that Conservative politics invariably give primacy to the existing interests of the aristocracy, which in 1830 was agrarian; this bias, in turn, leads to protectionism, policies that ensure labour supply in the countryside and restrict mobility, and overtaxation of internal and external trade. It was a key Conservative counter-argument that the economic interests of the gentry were diverse, interconnected, and outward, so their political will must therefore, in their own interest, be moderate and unbiased. |
|
| |
|
| ===Under Drjang Ken-gjeng=== | | ==See also== |
| Driang had been the minister for finance under Hiong, though policies particular to him seem to be unusually concentrated in matters of culture and education. Driang originally had a conservative-leaning reputation (in this context conservative indicates opposition to unrestricted industrialization), though as prime minister he has quite clearly demonstrated his predecessor's ability to maintain a united government that is responsive to the requirements of the enfranchised literati. The plan to make education more available had previously been under consideration a half century ago, though it fell to Driang to realize it. The government was conflicted as to the subjects to be taught in widespread education, but in the end Driang decided that conventional subjects (called "Small Studies") for young children in literati families should be made available to all children in the first place. Small Studies, in modern terms, is linguistics.
| | *[[Themiclesia]] |
| Though such a decision may seem bizarre given the relative unimportance of linguistics in modern primary schools, the choice is in reality meant to soothe the literate classes that the state continues to value their traditional remit and source of prestige. Another factor in this decision is the ease of finding staff to teach these subjects; most literati are quite capable of teaching Small Studies once they have mastered it as a pre-requisite to studying literature and philosophy. This policy had the unintended effect of introducing the same Proper Speech (雅言, ''ngra-ngian''), once the preserve of the literate class, to children of all births and all provinces. Ironically, one of the policies most meant to reinforce traditional privilege has irrevocably damaged its exclusivity.
| |
|
| |
|
| [[Category:Themiclesia]][[Category:Septentrion]] | | [[Category:Septentrion]][[Category:Themiclesia]] |
Themiclesian politics in the 1800s evolved from centralized, authoritarianism to parliamentary democracy by the end of the century, with a recognized dominant-party period between 1801 and 1819. The iniquity of fiscal burden of war, made acute by consecutive defeat, was one of the most powerful themes in the political scene and has been connected with both the Conservative and Liberal parties that dominated the century. Military failure led to dimunution of royal power and the dissolution of the royal party that supported it.
Profits, connected to broad swathes of society, was another source of contention. Colonial interests aligned with royal desires for expansion and power across Columbia, and its distribution to the crown's supporters in the aristocracy is deeply associated with resentment against military expenditure by aristocrats that opposed the crown. At the same time, the near-complete elimination of tariffs bolstered Themiclesia's international trade and granted influence to those involved in it. After the collapse of Themiclesian monopoly on tea, silk, and porcelain, manufacturing industry allied with political reformism to create the Liberal platform, while the Conservatives came to be characterized by agrarian interests and opposition to unrestricted pursuit of productivity that easily converted into political power.
Like most other democratic systems of the age, Themiclesian democracy was explicitly confined to classes considered invested in society, discriminated first through hereditary right then property. Both parties altered the franchise principally for their political benefit, but neither weathered the risk of disenfranchising existing voters. Suffrage thus extended from fewer than 9,000 holders in 1801 to over 4,200,000 by 1900. Elections were heavily influenced by bribery and gentlemen's agreements between local parties to fix outcomes. As the suffrage expanded, many candidates relied on treating and pressure from "social leaders" like employers, landlords, and gang bosses to support their campaigns; the susceptibility of electors to pressure was often used as an argument against expansion of the franchise by both parties.
Loyal opposition only became institutionally accepted in the premiership of the Lord of Dubh (1826 – 33), previous to which the Conservatives attempted to purged their opponents from all public offices, supporting their dominance. His and several subsequent administrations saw Conservative weakening and the conversion of some supporters to Reformist causes, and previous measures meant to cement power to the gentry, as defined by heritage, allowed an opposition to co-exist. After the widening of the franchise, power in both parties lay with notables who both exerted influence over politicians between elections and assisted in turning out voters during them. These notables were a large subset of Themiclesia's social elites, who collectively dominated not only the politics but the economy as well.
Background
Emperor Gwidh-mjen (r. 1680 – 1738) expanded royal influence by cultivating a faction through lucrative opportunities within his gift that occupied important positions of state and was pliant to the crown's demands, which generally revolved around strengthening military power in Columbia. Members of the faction were either invested by the crown in the success of its colonial ventures or holders of existing interests there, such as over Camian copper extraction and minting of coins, which both funded royal coffers and gave the holder a share of minted coins. This faction developed into a political party around the crown in the 18th century and was responsible for several wars in the region.
However, the royal party's mutualistic relationship hinged on continual military success, which in turn demanded the keeping of a large and expensive army and navy, and Themiclesia's ability to control the Halu'an Sea and Columbia was pressured by Casaterran interests in the area. This military expenditure was borne by metropolitan aristocrats, hereditary nobles and large landowners, particularly those that opposed the growth of the crown's powers. This is because those that allied with the crown were apt to receive benefits from colonial and domestic enterprises that offset their contributions to royal policies.
For the early and mid-18th century, the crown's hold over power was stable, but signs of strain emerged in the First Maverican War, which tested the government's resolve in suppressing Ostlandic revolts in the north of Maverica. Then in the final decade of the century, Themiclesia faced four and a possible fifth convergent, hostile fronts—the Tyrannians and Hallians on naval control over the Halu'an, the Camians and Ostlandics over the north of Maverica, and the Sieuxerrians over Solevant. Interests of the royal party existed in all fronts, which the crown was bound to defend in order to maintain the unity of his faction. This proved impossible to do by force, and the faction split over whose interests would be defended in preference.
The metropolitan aristocrats, facing hiking taxation to defend what they often viewed as corruption between the crown and its cronies, united in 1795 under the leadership of the Lord of Gar-lang to restore peace via the Treaty of Kien-k'ang. Viewing this as a setback, Emperor 'Ei began to intrigue in the reconstitution of his faction, with some success over the next four years and appointing a prime minister that supported rebuilding the military. However, Gar-lang and his faction stirred up renewed fears about warfare in 1799 – 1800, which persuaded much of the gentry that permanent checks on royal power would be necessary, as the emperor could not be trusted to respect the will of the vast majority of the gentry.
Great Settlement
Gar-lang created a widespread bureaucratic opposition to the throne through resignations, refusal to take office, and stopping funds from reaching the royal purse. At the same time, he applied social pressure on the crown's former allies in the bureaucracy and explained that the crown was not in a position to restitute their lost properties in the colonies. The result of Gar-lang's political manoeuvres is the Great Settlement (大憲, ladh-ng′jarh), whereby Emperor 'Ei made a public oath that he would not govern without the assent of the entire aristocracy, though the mechanism through which this occurs was not in the oath.
Conservative dominance
Silent Revolution
The silent revolution was a period of rapid political clash that some historians have described as a concrete phenemenon between about 1825 and 1839, when "the revolution grew in volume" taking the form of strikes and public assemblies. According to Roots of Democracy (1950), the analysis wherein now regarded as traditional, two political philosophies competed for general acceptance during this period. It is stated in that work, both philosophies exetnd beyond politics in sensu stricto and included interpretations of history, current interests, and outlook for the nation.
Political philosophy
Roots of Democracy argues that the two main persuasions of political power during the Silent Revolution are a response to the Enlightenment in Casaterra. They seek to answer fundamental questions like why the Themiclesian government exists, whose desires should be enforced, and if there is a natural or equal right to political voice. However, this view is later evaluated as a partial description, since political support for either accreting party came from all classes, many of which did not necessarily embrace all the philosophical extensions of their favoured party. It is a more modern view that considerable overlap existed in the two historical parties, "else their supporters would have been diametrically opposed to each other, with no room of reconciliation or co-operation."
Critics of the Conservatives say that they regard the state, including its government and people, as a form of patrimony, or chattels ordained to serve a fixed interest, and this interest is hereditary and incompatible with the public welfare; equally, they consider Conservative politics as not fundamentally different from absolute monarchy, only that the monarch is no longer personal but corporate—in the shape of the landed classes that have, by the Great Settlement of 1801, formed a represented body and imposed their will in lieu of that of the crown. Apologists of Conservative philosophy argue that as long as a hereditary crown exists, only a hereditary and autonomous aristocracy can resist royal power, and this need justifies the hereditary privileges that the gentry enjoys. In 1830, the principle of virtual representation was also enlisted, arguing that aristocratic interests are inclusive of their tenants and servants, who make up a considerable portion of Themiclesia's population.
Critics of the Reformist lobby argue that their early demands, which involved a politically-active monarch that possessed a gamut of powers enjoyed by Casaterran ones, were dangerous to the maintenance of restrained government, as the monarch has lately behaved badly and as there is no safeguard against similar ones in the future. They said that "propertied men could be created and uncreated by the monarch or legislature, and their political will can thus never become independent of them", while the existing hereditary franchise was less vulnerable to manipulation and more suitable to govern, being "seeped in the real demands, skills, and traditions of administration and statesmanship." Apologists of Reformist thought, heavily influenced by mercantilism, believed that money was the "universal and objective denominator of worth" and access to political power should be qualified around that basis, rather than "superstitions about heredity or nobility of thought."
Economic outlook
Reformists frequently argue that Conservative politics invariably give primacy to the existing interests of the aristocracy, which in 1830 was agrarian; this bias, in turn, leads to protectionism, policies that ensure labour supply in the countryside and restrict mobility, and overtaxation of internal and external trade. It was a key Conservative counter-argument that the economic interests of the gentry were diverse, interconnected, and outward, so their political will must therefore, in their own interest, be moderate and unbiased.
See also
