Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia: Difference between revisions

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| native_name      = 震旦泰彌人
| native_name      = 震旦泰彌人
| population      = '''{{Circa|1.5 million}}'''<br/>{{small|(2017 estimate)}}  
| population      = '''{{Circa|1.5 million}}'''<br/>{{small|(2017 estimate)}}  
| region1 = 端寧 ''ton-nêng county''
| region1 = 端寧 Tonning
| pop1    = 323,000
| pop1    = 323,000
| ref1    =
| ref1    =
| region2 = 醴泉 ''rii'-mskwjon county''
| region2 = 醴 ''ri′''
| pop2    = 229,000
| pop2    = 229,000
| ref2    =  
| ref2    =  
Line 12: Line 12:
|pop3    = 193,000
|pop3    = 193,000
|ref3    =  
|ref3    =  
| region4 = 合浦 ''gep-ba' county''
| region4 = 浦 ''p′a′''
| pop4    = 172,000
| pop4    = 172,000
| ref4    =  
| ref4    =  
| region5 = 懷仁 ''ghwrei-njing county''
| region5 = 懷 ''ghwrei''
| pop5    = 156,000
| pop5    = 156,000
| ref5    =  
| ref5    =  
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==History==
==History==
Dayashina was under a highly isolationist shougunate (feudal military rule) for most of its pre-modern history, until Casaterran interests in free trade destabilized the shougunate, causing the latter to loosen restrictions on external contact around 1830.  Gradually, Dayashina acceded to Casaterran customs and established diplomatic and commercial relations with foreign states in the accepted manner.  Dayashina, after a brief period of exploration, gradually became development-focused after the middle of the 19th Century; amongst the areas receiving government attention, the expansion and modernization of the military was considered a primary objective into the later part of the Century.  This inclination towards the military is to form a persistent and potent cause driving Dayashinese people to leave their native country.  This is especially true in the 1930s, when the power of the forces eclipsed that of the government.  To this day, Dayashina's propensity to emphasize its military might has annoyed some individuals so much that they leave the country, often to Themiclesia.
Dayashina was under a feudal, military rule for most of its pre-modern history, practicing an isolationist policy until Casaterran interests in trade caused the latter to acquiesce to external contact officially in 1855.  Dayashina became development-focused after the middle of the 19th century, and the expansion and modernization of the military was considered a primary objective.  This inclination towards the military is to form a persistent and potent cause for Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia.  This is especially true in the 1930s, when militarism and territorial expansion dominated government agenda.  Today, Dayashinese policy, particularly under prime minister Daichi Noru, to emphasize military might movivated some to leave the country, often to Themiclesia.


===Before 1830===
===Pre-modern history===
Contact, official or private, between Themiclesia and Dayasahina was minimal prior to the 1830s.  Originating from the Menghean scholarly community, the ruling class of early Themiclesia had knowledge of Dayashina, or at least of the isles which Dayashina now governs.  Information about developments in Dayashina generally only reach Themiclesia after polities in Menghe learn them.  At this time, Dayashina was called ''′wer-na'' (倭奴, probably phonetic transliteration from Dayashinese).  Despite the distances involved, Themiclesian histories (which included descriptive annals for Menghean states) record several instances of diplomatic interaction between Menghean states and Dayashina, e.g. "On the 4th Day of the Third Month, in the second year of T′adh-nêng [394], the king of ''′wer-na'' sent emissaries arriving in Meng, paying obeisence to the pretended ruler and brought tribute".<ref>泰寧二年三月丙午，委奴國王遣使詣孟，拜僭主，有獻焉</ref>  Likewise, "The king of ''′wer-na'' send emissaries to deliver a communique to the ruler of [[Menghe#History|Jin Dynasty]], in which the king styled himself 'son of heaven' and addressed himself 'emperor'.  The ruler of Krjem was greatly infuriated", an incident in 570.<ref>倭奴國王遣使投書金主，稱天子，號皇帝。金主大怒</ref>  In Dayashina, Themiclesia was known comparatively little.  The only reference before the modern period is 西土晉 (''sner-t′a-tsjinh'', "occidental land of Tsjinh").
Contact between Themiclesia and Dayasahina was minimal prior to the 1850s.  With connections to Menghean scholars, Themiclesian rulers knew about Dayashina or at least the isles which Dayashina now governs.  Information about developments in Dayashina generally reach Themiclesia after polities in Menghe learn of them.  Dayashina was known in Themiclesia as ''′wer′-na'' (委奴).   


===19th Century===
===19th century===
On Jan. 2nd, 1839, the Dayashinese emperor sent a letter of credence to Themiclesia with the nation's first embassy; after some initial confusion, the embassy was accredited.  One of the key issues of the day is that the term ''′wer-na'' has been deprecated in Dayashina for a long time, and the Themiclesian government was initially reluctant to alter it; after a time, this request was still accommodated.  Under the premiership of Gar Trjêdh (1838–45), the Themiclesian govenrment also sent an emissary to Dayashina in reciprocity; the letter addressed the Dayashinese head of state as "your majesty" (陛下), which represented a major departure from the traditionalist view that the title was reserved for the Themiclesian emperor.
In the 1850s, Dayashina and Themiclesia formally exchanged diplomatic missions.  It was raised the term ''′wer-na'' was considered derogatory in Dayashina, but the Themiclesian government was reluctant to alter it; after a time, this request was still accommodated.   


As Menghe under Myon Dynasty was equally isolationist at this time, Themiclesia found a valuable trading partner in Dayashina, and commerce between the two states expanded in volume and frequency noticeably in the 1830s, a trend that would continue for the next half-century.  Into the 1880s, nationalist and militarist sentiment spread widely; the government became more assertive in civil life, establishing control over media and imposing military service.  Under the premiership of [Ito Hirofumi], the Dayashinese emperor's status was elevated to that of a deity, to which doing obeisances was mandatory.  Expenditure on the armed forces increased.  Under these conditions, some Dayashinese people, especially Ito's opponents, found Dayashina an unsuitable place to live.  Many of these families re-settled in Themiclesia, as Menghe was government by three embattled states.
As Menghe under Myon Dynasty was equally isolationist at this time, Themiclesia found a valuable trading partner in Dayashina, and commerce between the two states expanded in volume and frequency noticeably, a trend that would continue for the next half-century.  Into the 1880s, nationalist and militarist sentiment spread widely; the government became more assertive in civic life, establishing state control over media, imposing military service, and increasing expenditures on the armed forces.  Under these conditions, some Dayashinese people, especially Ito's opponents, found Dayashina an unsuitable place to live.  Many of these families chose to re-settle in Themiclesia, as Menghe was governed by three embattled states.


Some members of this group became influential in Themiclesian foreign policy in the early 20th Century, as they raionalized the views that the increasingly expansionist Dayashina held.  Amongst them, Hujiwara no Maoto (藤原真詠), who became the Themiclesian Minister to the Organized States in 1902, achieved great renown in both his native and adoptive countries.  Nijou's success inspired many more Dayashinese, dissatisfied with the cliques of military leaders and industrialists effectively monopolizing government, to emigrate to Themiclesia.
Some members of this group became influential in Themiclesian foreign policy in the early 20th century, as they raionalized the views that the increasingly expansionist Dayashina held.  Amongst them, [[Hujiwara Maoto]] ({{wp|Japanese language|Dayashinese}}: 藤原真詠, ふじわらのまおと; also Fujiwara no Maoto), became the Themiclesian foreign minister under the [[Lord of Krungh]] and achieved great renown in both his native and adoptive countries.  Hujiwara's success inspired many more Dayashinese, dissatisfied with the cliques of military leaders and industrialists, who effectively monopolized government, to emigrate to Themiclesia.


===1900–1936===
===1900 – 1936===
In the eyes of many progressive Dayashinese citizens, Themiclesia appeared as an ideal, liberal state—everything that Dayashina should be but is not; to others, Themiclesia was an enormity that sold out to Casaterran materialism and impediment to the Hemithean and Dayashinese cause, particularly.  Nevertheless, the presence of many progressive-minded Dayashinese also effect far-reaching changes on Themiclesian society.  Up until this time, ''pro forma'' traditional aesthetics were still maintained by the upper classes "like a sense of decency".  Nevertheless, Dayashinese thinkers believed that Themiclesia was, under the surface, a liberal state.  Throughout the period between 1900 and 1910, Dayashinese thinkers published many books openly discussing the "furtiveness" of Themiclesian society, wherewith the more liberal Themiclesia became, the more important traditional appearances became.  Such thinkers also assert that the same situation could very well happen in Dayashina, and the ''zaibatsu'' (large conglomerates) and the military establishment were standing in the way.  They cite the example that Themiclesia disbanded their army at the eve of modernization to further the notion that the military is an obstacle and hindrance, rather than an asset.  Such views were virulently attacked in Dayashina.
Themiclesia was portrayed in some progressive Dayashinese literature as a late-developing state that owed its success to the capitalist and liberal economy, created by lowering tariffs and encouraging private industry.  The government's limited role in industry was especially praised by liberal thinkers, who understood this as a result of a strong democracy.  This light is often compared to that of Namyang State, which took a similar view of Themiclesia's situation in the late 19th century.  In nationalist publications, many of which promoted the view that the world was in a diachotomy between Casaterra and Hemithea, Themiclesia had discarded or betrayed its Hemithean heritage for Casaterran materialism.   


Another area in which Dayashinese immigrants encouraged liberalization is female employment and participation in public life.  While it had become common for middle- and working-class women to take up employment, upper class females found themselves confined to their homes in a social sense.  For such women to meet men of marriagible age privately was deeply scandalous, and most marriages were still arranged by parents; the culture of marriage between families of equal standing was still a guiding principle during this time.  By the 1930s, these limitations were things of the past, largely due to Dayashinese authors' public criticism of the inequity of this system, deftly supported by quotes from classical texts that supported feminine independence.
Progressive-minded Dayashinese immigrants effected far-reaching changes on Themiclesian society.  Both Themiclesian and Casaterran aesthetics were consciously utilized by the upper and middle classes to maintain their superior positions, leading Dayashinee commentators to comment that their "oligopoly on culture" inspired admiration and openness even in the lower classes.  They praised the Themiclesian elites for their liberalism but supported the notion that culture should not be a privilege of class; to this end, they advocated for the insertion of broader and complimentary description of forign states into public school curricula.  Such thinkers also assert that the same could feasibly happen in Dayashina, except the ''zaibatsu'' (large horizontal conglomerates), nationalist politicians, and ultimately the military were standing in the way.  They cite that Themiclesia nearly disarmed itself at the eve of modernization.  Such views were virulently attacked by Dayashinese officials.


As the war drew near, censorship and ideological uniformity became more prevalent in Dayashinese society, enforced by the '' kempei-tai'' (military police).  As emigration became more difficult, critics of the regime began to escape the country covertly.  Themiclesia became a favourite destination for disenfranchised and persecuted intellectuals, artists, and journalists, as it already had a well-established Dayashinese community of the liberal identity.  After 1936, when Dayashina and Themiclesia were officially at war, emigration from Dayashina was prohibited; those that sought to leave were branded as collaborators.
Hujiwara Maoto wrote in 1910 that "power in Themiclesia rests with a class of well-connected citizens who profit directly and indirectly from commerce and lose from warfare and revolution, rather than those who anticipate profit from those things," referring to the limited franchise before the Krungh administration that established in 1801 expressly to check hawkish interests in the aristocracy and officials eager for promotion through warfare, and "on account of this design, Themiclesia has avoided both expensive foreign wars and a disastrous worker's revolution."


===1936–1952===
Another area in which Dayashinese immigrants encouraged liberalization is female employment and participation in public life.  While it had become common for middle- and working-class women to take up employment, upper class females found themselves confined to their homes in a social sense.  For such women to meet unmarried but marriagible men privately was deeply scandalous, and most marriages were still arranged by parents; the culture of marriage between families of equal standing was still a strong principle.  By the 1930s, these limitations were things of the past, largely due to Dayashinese authors' public criticism of the inequity of this system, deftly supported by quotes selected from classical texts that supported feminine independence.
The main sources of Dayashinese immigration during this period are all connected to the [[Pan-Septentrion War]].  In comparable numbers, the Themiclesian forces captured large numbers of Dayashinese prisoners-of-war during the entire segment of the war in which Dayashina was involved, which is to say 1936–1942.  In 1942, Dayashinese forces were withdrawn from the Dzhungestani front to be employed in Meridia, where Allied forces were applying pressure.  Roughtly 60,000 Dayashinese prisoners were captured during this period, with most being interned at dedicated facilities.  To undermine the morale and dedication of the Dayashinese forces, the Themiclesian government published large quantities of stories (some of questionable veracity) about Dayashinese soldiers or prisoners willingly naturalizing to Themiclesian nationality.  They were then encouraged to write their friends and family about the quality of life and peaceful intentions of Themiclesia.  The Dayashinese responded by blocking such stories and correspondence from reaching the ranks and instead circulating photographs of their comrades being mistreated in Themiclesia.  Nevertheless, over 3,900 eventually naturalized; they were released promptly and awarded land and cash.


A second source of Dayashinese immigration occurred in the immediate aftermath of the war.  As the Allies occupied Dayashina, trials for war crimes were organized, and many Dayashinese officers, fearing indictment, fled the country and settled in Themiclesia.  They used pseudonyms and disguises to pass for ordinary soldiers, and intentionally they chose to take up residence in the most inaccessible areas.  One of the main reasons Themiclesia, though an Allied state, appeared favourable to them is that the country had abolished capital punishment in 1853, and it seemed unlikely that it would be re-instated to penalize them.
As the war drew near, censorship and ideological uniformity became prevalent in Dayashinese society, enforced by the military police (''kempei-tai'').  As emigration became more difficult, critics of the regime began to escape the country covertly.  Themiclesia became a favourite destination for disenfranchised and persecuted intellectuals, artists, and journalists, as it already had a well-established Dayashinese community of the liberal identity.  After 1936, when Dayashina and Themiclesia were officially at war, emigration from Dayashina was prohibited; those that sought to leave were branded as collaborators.


Towards the end of this period, a much larger population segment also elected to move to Themiclesia out of a distaste or mistrust for the government to imperil their lives yet again in the future.  In this paradigm, they assayed the pacifist disposition of Themiclesian culture a bulwark against aggression and its concomitant dangers.  In contrast with previous waves of immigration from Dayashina, which mostly represented the privileged and educated classes disillusioned with the militaristic government, this wave of immigrants consisted mostly of ex-soldiers and their families.  In 1948 alone, over 64,000 Dayashinese arrived in Gep-bo′ by ship, many of them spending their life's savings on passage, though their squalour was undoubtedly exacerbated by the plummetting value of the Dayashinese Yen after the war.  The atmosphere of uncertainty during the occupation added to the impetus to emigrate.  This sudden influx of labour was to have a profound impact on the post-war reconstruction efforts in Themiclesia.
===1936 – 1952===
The main sources of Dayashinese immigration during this period are all connected to the [[Pan-Septentrion War]].  Themiclesian forces captured large numbers of Dayashinese prisoners during the war.  In 1942, Dayashinese forces withdrew from the Dzhungestani front to be employed in Meridia, where Allied forces applied increasing pressure.  Roughtly 60,000 Dayashinese prisoners were captured, most being interned at dedicated facilities.  To undermine Dayashinese morale, the Themiclesian government published large quantities of stories (some of questionable veracity) about Dayashinese prisoners willingly naturalizing to Themiclesia.  They were then encouraged to write to their friends and family about the quality of life and peaceful intentions of Themiclesia.  The Dayashinese responded by censoring such stories and intercepting correspondence from reaching recpients, and instead circulated photographs (some also of questionable veracity) of Dayashinese people being mistreated in Themiclesia.  Those naturalized were released and awarded land and cash.


===1950–1982===
A second source of Dayashinese immigration occurred the occupation of Dayashina.  War crimes trials organized in Dayashina compelled many Dayashinese officers, fearing indictment, to flee the country and settle in Themiclesia.  They used pseudonyms and disguises to pass for ordinary soldiers and intentionally took up residence in the most inaccessible areas.  They favoured Themiclesia partly because the country had [[Capital punishment in Themiclesia|abolished capital punishment]], and it seemed unlikely that it would be re-instated to against them.
During these three decades, Dayashinese immigration to Themiclesia slowed, as the dust settled over Dayashina's future as a politically independent state.  Due to rapidly souring relations between the Grand Alliance and the Coalition of Northern Casaterran States and concerns over the stability of the newly-established [[Menghe#History|Republic of Menghe]], Dayashina was accorded a place of great diplomatic and strategic import.  As a result, funds flooded into its stricken fiscal landscape to secure its populace from the lure of communism.  Those disaffectionated of the preservation of the monarchy and, by-and-large, pre-war social structures, still emigrated in a steady stream to Themiclesia.


Economic migrants composed another major component of immigrations in this period.  Though the Dayashinese economy was recovering rapidly, Themiclesia boasted higher living standards by a considerable margin (being closer to Columbian ones), a more developed welfare state, and a thriving and resourceful diaspora community that welcomed any of their compatriots.  As such, Themiclesia was still regarded with a degree of admiration in many Dayashinese people that found themselves left behind in the recovery of the late 50s and 60s.  This view may have been engendered by the iniquitous distribution of financial returns in pre-war Dayashina (and in some wise, post-war too), where industrialists enjoyed a far higher share of economic return than their employees, which artificially lowers living standards for labourers; in Themiclesia, the split was less partial to capital.  Some wealthy Dayashinese also regarded Themiclesia favourably as a place of less social tension and fewer conflict.
Towards the end of this period, a considerable population moved to Themiclesia out of a distaste or mistrust for the government.  In this paradigm, they assayed Themiclesian politics a bulwark against aggression and its concomitant dangers.  In contrast with previous waves of immigration from Dayashina, which mostly represented the privileged classes disillusioned with militaristic government, this wave of immigrants consisted mostly of ex-soldiers and their families.  In 1948 alone, over 64,000 Dayashinese arrived in P′a′.  Many spent their life's savings on passage, though their squalor was undoubtedly exaggerated by the plummetting value of the Dayashinese Yen after the war.  The atmosphere of uncertainty during the occupation added to the impetus to emigrate.  This sudden influx of labour is thought to have assisted the Themiclesian reconstruction efforts.
 
===1950 – 1982===
During this period, Dayashinese immigration to Themiclesia slowed, Dayashina's future as a politically independent state settled.  Due concerns over the stability of the newly-established [[Menghe#History|Republic of Menghe]], Dayashina was assigned great strategic import, and as a result funds flooded into its stricken economy in an attempt to dissuade its populace from communism.  Those disaffectioned with the preservation of the monarchy and pre-war social structures still emigrated in a steady stream to Themiclesia.
 
Economic migrants composed another major component of immigrations in this period.  Though the Dayashinese economy was recovering rapidly, Themiclesia boasted higher living standards by a considerable margin (being closer to Western ones), a more developed welfare state, and a thriving and resourceful diaspora community that welcomed their compatriots.  As such, Themiclesia was still portrayed positively by many Dayashinese that found themselves left behind in the recovery of the late 50s and 60s.  This view may have been engendered by the iniquitous distribution of financial returns in pre-war Dayashina (and in some wise, post-war too), where industrialists enjoyed a far higher share of economic return than their employees, which artificially lowers living standards for labourers; in Themiclesia, the distribution was less partial to capital, and the war effort of industrial unions had the effect of reducing suspicion towards it.   


Towards the end of this period, the Dayashinese economy expanded more rapidly than that of Themiclesia.  During the second half of the 1970s, the immigration/emigration balance between Themiclesia and Dayashina swayed in favour of the latter, though the net amount was still positive for Themiclesia, but by a minuscule and decreasing margin at the end of the decade.
Towards the end of this period, the Dayashinese economy expanded more rapidly than that of Themiclesia.  During the second half of the 1970s, the immigration/emigration balance between Themiclesia and Dayashina swayed in favour of the latter, though the net amount was still positive for Themiclesia, but by a minuscule and decreasing margin at the end of the decade.


===1982–1990===
===1978 – 2001===
1982 was the first year in which emigration to Dayashina exceeded immigration from for the first time in history, and Dayashina's resounding resurfacing as an economic powerhouse is to be credited for this reversal.  In contrast to the Themiclesian economy, which suffered a few hiccups in this period, the Dayashinese one, particularly the stock market, showed great promise and enjoyed the praiseful name of "economic miracle".  Though few Themiclesians moved to Dayashina, Dayashinese-Themiclesians returned to their former country in considerable amounts.  Amongst those retro-immigrating, young adults, particularly males, were noticeably over-represented; not all of them intended to settle permanently in Dayashina, a portion promising to return to Themiclesia after making their fortune in commerce or equities.  This resulted in an awkward gender imbalance that reflected in the consumption of comics and literature, two things closely associated with Dayashinese culture in Themiclesia currently.
1982 was the first year in which those departing for Dayashina exceeded those arriving, and both economic setbacks in Themiclesia and Dayashina's resounding resurfacing as an economic powerhouse in many industries has been credited for this reversal.  Skilled Themiclesian workers were hired by Dayashinese industries when domestic companies retreated due to lack of liquidity in the financial world.  Dayashinese stock markets showed great promise, prompting a wave of businesses to set up operations in Dayashina, motivating further settlement there.  Though native Themiclesians moved to Dayashina, Dayashinese-Themiclesians returned to it in considerable amounts.   
 
Amongst those retro-immigrating, young adults, particularly males, were noticeably over-represented; not all of them intended to settle permanently in Dayashina, a portion promising to return to Themiclesia after making their fortune in commerce or equities.  This resulted in an awkward gender imbalance that reflected in the consumption of comics and literature, two things closely associated with Dayashinese culture in Themiclesia.


===Since 1990===
===Since 1990===
Two major factors influenced migration to Themiclesia since 1990.  The first and more apparent is the economic re-admission of [[Menghe]] to the international community, which, in the course of the decade, drastically altered the flow of capital internationally. Secondly, Dayashina's economy burst in an unprecedented bubble at the close of the 80s.  In combination, Themiclesia was deemed a financial sanctuary and base of operation for many Dayashinese people who desired to secure their assets from default and bankruptcy of financial institutions.  This is particularly true for investors interested in the newly-open Menghean market but did not want to conduct an independent foray into it in investments; Themiclesia's natural advantage of cultural similarity with Menghe, along with its mutual funds that had a well-diversified portfolio in Menghean industry, attracted the attention of many Dayashinese people.  In addition to moving their assets there, they sometimes settled there as well; this group tends to be more aged than others, though not to the exclusion of younger, professional portfolio managers.  The burst of the economic bubble also became the bane of many a retro-immigrant to Dayashina.  While most of them had something to show for in their years in Dayashina, a large number of individuals suffered disproportionately and returned to Themiclesia in shock.  With them also came more economic migrants purely seeking new opportunities in the calmer Themiclesian economy.
Two major factors have been cited to explain Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia since 1990.  The first and more apparent is Menghe's economic re-integration to the world. <!--Secondly, Dayashina's economy burst in an unprecedented bubble at the close of the 80s.  In combination, Themiclesia was deemed a financial sanctuary and base of operation for many Dayashinese people who desired to secure their assets from default and bankruptcy of financial institutions.  This is particularly true for investors interested in the newly-open Menghean market but did not want to conduct an independent foray into it in investments; Themiclesia's natural advantage of cultural similarity with Menghe, along with its mutual funds that had a well-diversified portfolio in Menghean industry, attracted the attention of many Dayashinese people.  In addition to moving their assets there, they sometimes settled there as well; this group tends to be more aged than others, though not to the exclusion of younger, professional portfolio managers.  The burst of the economic bubble also became the bane of many a retro-immigrant to Dayashina.  While most of them had something to show for in their years in Dayashina, a large number of individuals suffered disproportionately and returned to Themiclesia in shock.  With them also came more economic migrants purely seeking new opportunities in the calmer Themiclesian economy.


As the Dayashinese economy failed to recover its zenith in the 1980s, the 1990s saw an increased tendency for Dayashinese immigrants to integrate culturally with mainstream Themiclesian society.  Others saw Menghe as the new land of opportunities and immigrated there, with many success stories prompting aspiring entrepreneurs to seek opportunities there.  A major factor that alters the nature of immigration after 2010 is a visible emergence of sentimentality over Dayashina's role in the Pan-Septentrion War; as an issue that directly drove hundreds of thousands of Dayashinese to leave the country in the 30s, 40s, and 50s, Dayashina's renewed emphasis on military expenditure is a divisive matter not only domestically but in Themiclesia as well.  Some hold the view that Dayashina, out of respect for the millions perished for a war of unjust aggression, should not place the military in a position of prominence; a smaller but equally vocal segment of the diaspora, some connected with the ultra-nationlist right-wing of Dayashinese politics, believe that a rewnewed focus on defence is not only necessary but desirable, for the defence of their nation and its "deserved" position of authority on the international stage.  Such an attitude has prompted, again, a small number of well-known persons to leave the country.
As the Dayashinese economy failed to recover its zenith in the 1980s, the 1990s saw an increased tendency for Dayashinese immigrants to integrate culturally with mainstream Themiclesian society.  Others saw Menghe as the new land of opportunities and immigrated there, with many success stories prompting aspiring entrepreneurs to seek opportunities there.  A major factor that alters the nature of immigration after 2010 is a visible emergence of sentimentality over Dayashina's role in the Pan-Septentrion War; as an issue that directly drove hundreds of thousands of Dayashinese to leave the country in the 30s, 40s, and 50s, Dayashina's renewed emphasis on military expenditure is a divisive matter not only domestically but in Themiclesia as well.  Some hold the view that Dayashina, out of respect for the millions perished for a war of unjust aggression, should not place the military in a position of prominence; a smaller but equally vocal segment of the diaspora, some connected with the ultra-nationlist right-wing of Dayashinese politics, believe that a rewnewed focus on defence is not only necessary but desirable, for the defence of their nation and its "deserved" position of authority on the international stage.  Such an attitude has prompted, again, a small number of well-known persons to leave the country.-->


==Demographics==
==Demographics==
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==Culture==
==Culture==
==Notable individuals==
*'''[[Hujiwara Maoto|Hujiwara Maoto, Lord Maoto, MP PA]]''' (真詠君藤原真詠; 1848 – 1920), diplomat, MP for Saw 1890 – 1913, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the [[Lord of Krungh]], from 1903 to 1907, elevated to [[Peerage of Themiclesia|peerage]] in 1911; Order of Authors, 1912; Lord-Commander of Royal Guards, 1915.
*'''[[Kuroyamada Akira]], C.''' (黑山田卿亮; 1910 – 1981), businessman, military officer, writer; chairman of Kuroyamada Pest Chemicals Ltd.; Captain-general of Marines 1960 – 62; notable works include ''A Cheater's Guide to Board Games'', ''Effects of Vegetable Gardens on Political Opinion'', and ''Terrestrial and Maritime Rodent Control''.
*'''Sawara Hikari, C.''' (早良卿光, 1911 – 1975), scientist, politician; Secretary of State for Education 1968 – 1971; Chief Baron of the Household 1971 – 72; works include ''Public Education in the Modern Era''.
*'''[[Namae-nashi (musician)|Namae Nashi]]''' (名前なし, b. 1994), rapper, gamer, provocateur.


==Challenges==
==Challenges==
===War criminals===
After Dayashina surrendered in mid-1946, the occupying powers arranged for trials against Dayashinese military leaders implicated in the country's many {{wp|war crime|war crimes}}, particularly in but not limited to [[Maracaibo]].  While the Dayashinese emperor had already commanded the highest commanders, mainly Suzuki's faction, to commit suicide, the allies were determined to proceed with trials for all military officers accused of war crimes.  Some of the accused concealed themselves with assumed names or other means, but others planned to escape from the country.  Initially fleeing to Hanhae, a number made the difficult trek over Polvokia and Dzhungestan to enter Themiclesia.  The Themiclesian government announced, without this knowledge, a general {{wp|amnesty}} (criminal liability only) on all crimes committed on domestic land and against its people.  Many military officers thus sought refuge in Themiclesia under identities of those who served there, where war crimes had been pardoned.  While the Themiclesian government may have been aware, the Foreign Office believed it was within the country's discretion to ignore them.  No effort was undertaken to identify the migrants, since they settled in the remotest places and lived in total seclusion.  Today, most investigators think they settled in the northeastern Msem-hljun Prefecture. At the time, the various military bodies that patrolled the area were also deployed to occupy Menghe, leaving the government unable to take much action.  By the time the occupation was withdrawn (late 1949), the government was working to restore relations with the future Dayashinese and Menghean government, so potential action against them was never tabled.


==References==
==References==

Latest revision as of 02:57, 29 January 2021

Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia
震旦泰彌人
Total population
c. 1.5 million
(2017 estimate)
Regions with significant populations
端寧 Tonning323,000
醴 ri′229,000
建康 Kien-k'ang193,000
浦 p′a′172,000
懷 ghwrei156,000
Languages
Dayashinese
Religion
Shintoism, Buddhism
Related ethnic groups
Dayashina

The Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia consists of those individuals native to Dayashina but permanently residing in Themiclesia, or their offsprings that still identify with Dayashina culturally or linguistically. In the previous census conducted in 2017, they number 1,501,200 individuals, most of them fluent in Dayashinese, though only a third of them are native to Dayashina. Dayashina's relationship with Themiclesia and domestic conditions have occassioned several major waves of emigration to Themiclesia, though the primary cause in recent decades is seeking business opportunities.

History

Dayashina was under a feudal, military rule for most of its pre-modern history, practicing an isolationist policy until Casaterran interests in trade caused the latter to acquiesce to external contact officially in 1855. Dayashina became development-focused after the middle of the 19th century, and the expansion and modernization of the military was considered a primary objective. This inclination towards the military is to form a persistent and potent cause for Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia. This is especially true in the 1930s, when militarism and territorial expansion dominated government agenda. Today, Dayashinese policy, particularly under prime minister Daichi Noru, to emphasize military might movivated some to leave the country, often to Themiclesia.

Pre-modern history

Contact between Themiclesia and Dayasahina was minimal prior to the 1850s. With connections to Menghean scholars, Themiclesian rulers knew about Dayashina or at least the isles which Dayashina now governs. Information about developments in Dayashina generally reach Themiclesia after polities in Menghe learn of them. Dayashina was known in Themiclesia as ′wer′-na (委奴).

19th century

In the 1850s, Dayashina and Themiclesia formally exchanged diplomatic missions. It was raised the term ′wer-na was considered derogatory in Dayashina, but the Themiclesian government was reluctant to alter it; after a time, this request was still accommodated.

As Menghe under Myon Dynasty was equally isolationist at this time, Themiclesia found a valuable trading partner in Dayashina, and commerce between the two states expanded in volume and frequency noticeably, a trend that would continue for the next half-century. Into the 1880s, nationalist and militarist sentiment spread widely; the government became more assertive in civic life, establishing state control over media, imposing military service, and increasing expenditures on the armed forces. Under these conditions, some Dayashinese people, especially Ito's opponents, found Dayashina an unsuitable place to live. Many of these families chose to re-settle in Themiclesia, as Menghe was governed by three embattled states.

Some members of this group became influential in Themiclesian foreign policy in the early 20th century, as they raionalized the views that the increasingly expansionist Dayashina held. Amongst them, Hujiwara Maoto (Dayashinese: 藤原真詠, ふじわらのまおと; also Fujiwara no Maoto), became the Themiclesian foreign minister under the Lord of Krungh and achieved great renown in both his native and adoptive countries. Hujiwara's success inspired many more Dayashinese, dissatisfied with the cliques of military leaders and industrialists, who effectively monopolized government, to emigrate to Themiclesia.

1900 – 1936

Themiclesia was portrayed in some progressive Dayashinese literature as a late-developing state that owed its success to the capitalist and liberal economy, created by lowering tariffs and encouraging private industry. The government's limited role in industry was especially praised by liberal thinkers, who understood this as a result of a strong democracy. This light is often compared to that of Namyang State, which took a similar view of Themiclesia's situation in the late 19th century. In nationalist publications, many of which promoted the view that the world was in a diachotomy between Casaterra and Hemithea, Themiclesia had discarded or betrayed its Hemithean heritage for Casaterran materialism.

Progressive-minded Dayashinese immigrants effected far-reaching changes on Themiclesian society. Both Themiclesian and Casaterran aesthetics were consciously utilized by the upper and middle classes to maintain their superior positions, leading Dayashinee commentators to comment that their "oligopoly on culture" inspired admiration and openness even in the lower classes. They praised the Themiclesian elites for their liberalism but supported the notion that culture should not be a privilege of class; to this end, they advocated for the insertion of broader and complimentary description of forign states into public school curricula. Such thinkers also assert that the same could feasibly happen in Dayashina, except the zaibatsu (large horizontal conglomerates), nationalist politicians, and ultimately the military were standing in the way. They cite that Themiclesia nearly disarmed itself at the eve of modernization. Such views were virulently attacked by Dayashinese officials.

Hujiwara Maoto wrote in 1910 that "power in Themiclesia rests with a class of well-connected citizens who profit directly and indirectly from commerce and lose from warfare and revolution, rather than those who anticipate profit from those things," referring to the limited franchise before the Krungh administration that established in 1801 expressly to check hawkish interests in the aristocracy and officials eager for promotion through warfare, and "on account of this design, Themiclesia has avoided both expensive foreign wars and a disastrous worker's revolution."

Another area in which Dayashinese immigrants encouraged liberalization is female employment and participation in public life. While it had become common for middle- and working-class women to take up employment, upper class females found themselves confined to their homes in a social sense. For such women to meet unmarried but marriagible men privately was deeply scandalous, and most marriages were still arranged by parents; the culture of marriage between families of equal standing was still a strong principle. By the 1930s, these limitations were things of the past, largely due to Dayashinese authors' public criticism of the inequity of this system, deftly supported by quotes selected from classical texts that supported feminine independence.

As the war drew near, censorship and ideological uniformity became prevalent in Dayashinese society, enforced by the military police (kempei-tai). As emigration became more difficult, critics of the regime began to escape the country covertly. Themiclesia became a favourite destination for disenfranchised and persecuted intellectuals, artists, and journalists, as it already had a well-established Dayashinese community of the liberal identity. After 1936, when Dayashina and Themiclesia were officially at war, emigration from Dayashina was prohibited; those that sought to leave were branded as collaborators.

1936 – 1952

The main sources of Dayashinese immigration during this period are all connected to the Pan-Septentrion War. Themiclesian forces captured large numbers of Dayashinese prisoners during the war. In 1942, Dayashinese forces withdrew from the Dzhungestani front to be employed in Meridia, where Allied forces applied increasing pressure. Roughtly 60,000 Dayashinese prisoners were captured, most being interned at dedicated facilities. To undermine Dayashinese morale, the Themiclesian government published large quantities of stories (some of questionable veracity) about Dayashinese prisoners willingly naturalizing to Themiclesia. They were then encouraged to write to their friends and family about the quality of life and peaceful intentions of Themiclesia. The Dayashinese responded by censoring such stories and intercepting correspondence from reaching recpients, and instead circulated photographs (some also of questionable veracity) of Dayashinese people being mistreated in Themiclesia. Those naturalized were released and awarded land and cash.

A second source of Dayashinese immigration occurred the occupation of Dayashina. War crimes trials organized in Dayashina compelled many Dayashinese officers, fearing indictment, to flee the country and settle in Themiclesia. They used pseudonyms and disguises to pass for ordinary soldiers and intentionally took up residence in the most inaccessible areas. They favoured Themiclesia partly because the country had abolished capital punishment, and it seemed unlikely that it would be re-instated to against them.

Towards the end of this period, a considerable population moved to Themiclesia out of a distaste or mistrust for the government. In this paradigm, they assayed Themiclesian politics a bulwark against aggression and its concomitant dangers. In contrast with previous waves of immigration from Dayashina, which mostly represented the privileged classes disillusioned with militaristic government, this wave of immigrants consisted mostly of ex-soldiers and their families. In 1948 alone, over 64,000 Dayashinese arrived in P′a′. Many spent their life's savings on passage, though their squalor was undoubtedly exaggerated by the plummetting value of the Dayashinese Yen after the war. The atmosphere of uncertainty during the occupation added to the impetus to emigrate. This sudden influx of labour is thought to have assisted the Themiclesian reconstruction efforts.

1950 – 1982

During this period, Dayashinese immigration to Themiclesia slowed, Dayashina's future as a politically independent state settled. Due concerns over the stability of the newly-established Republic of Menghe, Dayashina was assigned great strategic import, and as a result funds flooded into its stricken economy in an attempt to dissuade its populace from communism. Those disaffectioned with the preservation of the monarchy and pre-war social structures still emigrated in a steady stream to Themiclesia.

Economic migrants composed another major component of immigrations in this period. Though the Dayashinese economy was recovering rapidly, Themiclesia boasted higher living standards by a considerable margin (being closer to Western ones), a more developed welfare state, and a thriving and resourceful diaspora community that welcomed their compatriots. As such, Themiclesia was still portrayed positively by many Dayashinese that found themselves left behind in the recovery of the late 50s and 60s. This view may have been engendered by the iniquitous distribution of financial returns in pre-war Dayashina (and in some wise, post-war too), where industrialists enjoyed a far higher share of economic return than their employees, which artificially lowers living standards for labourers; in Themiclesia, the distribution was less partial to capital, and the war effort of industrial unions had the effect of reducing suspicion towards it.

Towards the end of this period, the Dayashinese economy expanded more rapidly than that of Themiclesia. During the second half of the 1970s, the immigration/emigration balance between Themiclesia and Dayashina swayed in favour of the latter, though the net amount was still positive for Themiclesia, but by a minuscule and decreasing margin at the end of the decade.

1978 – 2001

1982 was the first year in which those departing for Dayashina exceeded those arriving, and both economic setbacks in Themiclesia and Dayashina's resounding resurfacing as an economic powerhouse in many industries has been credited for this reversal. Skilled Themiclesian workers were hired by Dayashinese industries when domestic companies retreated due to lack of liquidity in the financial world. Dayashinese stock markets showed great promise, prompting a wave of businesses to set up operations in Dayashina, motivating further settlement there. Though native Themiclesians moved to Dayashina, Dayashinese-Themiclesians returned to it in considerable amounts.

Amongst those retro-immigrating, young adults, particularly males, were noticeably over-represented; not all of them intended to settle permanently in Dayashina, a portion promising to return to Themiclesia after making their fortune in commerce or equities. This resulted in an awkward gender imbalance that reflected in the consumption of comics and literature, two things closely associated with Dayashinese culture in Themiclesia.

Since 1990

Two major factors have been cited to explain Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia since 1990. The first and more apparent is Menghe's economic re-integration to the world.

Demographics

Language

Most Dayashinese-Themiclesians today are bilingual in both Dayashinese and Shinasthana. Due to the diaspora's separation from the home country, the variety of Dayashinese has shown some distinct developments compared to mainstream usages, the difference particularly apparent in orthography, as the standard Dayashinese readings of Mengja were adapted to reflect the larger syllable inventory of Shinasthana, and the post-PSW orthographical reforms which put the orthography in line with speech did not occur in Themiclesia.

Division II readings

One of the key differences between Shinasthana and the standard Menghean language is the richer system of medial glides between onset and nucleus. While the phonology Dayashinese Mouji and that of Botong-ǒ Menghean were both influenced by Middle Menghean, the language of the Chollǒ aristocracy, both have been significantly altered to comform to the dominant phonologies of their host languages, Dayashinese and the Haedong languages, respectively. Amgonst the features lost in transliteration were Division II features, which is preserved in Shinasthana as /r/ in the south and a set of centralized vowels and retroflexed consonants in the north. As the language of the north better corresponds with that of the Chollǒ aristocracy that colonized north Themiclesia in the 6th century, Dayashinese Mouji readings are surprisingly congruous with that of the north.

Culture

Notable individuals

  • Hujiwara Maoto, Lord Maoto, MP PA (真詠君藤原真詠; 1848 – 1920), diplomat, MP for Saw 1890 – 1913, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the Lord of Krungh, from 1903 to 1907, elevated to peerage in 1911; Order of Authors, 1912; Lord-Commander of Royal Guards, 1915.
  • Kuroyamada Akira, C. (黑山田卿亮; 1910 – 1981), businessman, military officer, writer; chairman of Kuroyamada Pest Chemicals Ltd.; Captain-general of Marines 1960 – 62; notable works include A Cheater's Guide to Board Games, Effects of Vegetable Gardens on Political Opinion, and Terrestrial and Maritime Rodent Control.
  • Sawara Hikari, C. (早良卿光, 1911 – 1975), scientist, politician; Secretary of State for Education 1968 – 1971; Chief Baron of the Household 1971 – 72; works include Public Education in the Modern Era.
  • Namae Nashi (名前なし, b. 1994), rapper, gamer, provocateur.

Challenges

War criminals

After Dayashina surrendered in mid-1946, the occupying powers arranged for trials against Dayashinese military leaders implicated in the country's many war crimes, particularly in but not limited to Maracaibo. While the Dayashinese emperor had already commanded the highest commanders, mainly Suzuki's faction, to commit suicide, the allies were determined to proceed with trials for all military officers accused of war crimes. Some of the accused concealed themselves with assumed names or other means, but others planned to escape from the country. Initially fleeing to Hanhae, a number made the difficult trek over Polvokia and Dzhungestan to enter Themiclesia. The Themiclesian government announced, without this knowledge, a general amnesty (criminal liability only) on all crimes committed on domestic land and against its people. Many military officers thus sought refuge in Themiclesia under identities of those who served there, where war crimes had been pardoned. While the Themiclesian government may have been aware, the Foreign Office believed it was within the country's discretion to ignore them. No effort was undertaken to identify the migrants, since they settled in the remotest places and lived in total seclusion. Today, most investigators think they settled in the northeastern Msem-hljun Prefecture. At the time, the various military bodies that patrolled the area were also deployed to occupy Menghe, leaving the government unable to take much action. By the time the occupation was withdrawn (late 1949), the government was working to restore relations with the future Dayashinese and Menghean government, so potential action against them was never tabled.

References


See also

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