Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia
震旦泰彌人 | |
|---|---|
| Total population | |
| c. 1.5 million (2017 estimate) | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
| 端寧 Tonning | 323,000 |
| 醴 ri′ | 229,000 |
| 建康 Kien-k'ang | 193,000 |
| 浦 p′a′ | 172,000 |
| 懷 ghwrei | 156,000 |
| Languages | |
| Dayashinese | |
| Religion | |
| Shintoism, Buddhism | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Dayashina | |
The Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia consists of those individuals native to Dayashina but permanently residing in Themiclesia, or their offsprings that still identify with Dayashina culturally or linguistically. In the previous census conducted in 2017, they number 1,501,200 individuals, most of them fluent in Dayashinese, though only a third of them are native to Dayashina. Dayashina's relationship with Themiclesia and domestic conditions have occassioned several major waves of emigration to Themiclesia, though the primary cause in recent decades is seeking business opportunities.
History
Dayashina was under a feudal, military rule for most of its pre-modern history, practicing an isolationist policy until Casaterran interests in trade caused the latter to acquiesce to external contact officially in 1855. Dayashina became development-focused after the middle of the 19th century, and the expansion and modernization of the military was considered a primary objective. This inclination towards the military is to form a persistent and potent cause for Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia. This is especially true in the 1930s, when militarism and territorial expansion dominated government agenda. Today, Dayashinese policy, particularly under prime minister Daichi Noru, to emphasize military might movivated some to leave the country, often to Themiclesia.
Pre-modern history
Contact between Themiclesia and Dayasahina was minimal prior to the 1850s. With connections to Menghean scholars, Themiclesian rulers knew about Dayashina or at least the isles which Dayashina now governs. Information about developments in Dayashina generally reach Themiclesia after polities in Menghe learn of them. Dayashina was known in Themiclesia as ′wer′-na (委奴).
19th century
In the 1850s, Dayashina and Themiclesia formally exchanged diplomatic missions. It was raised the term ′wer-na was considered derogatory in Dayashina, but the Themiclesian government was reluctant to alter it; after a time, this request was still accommodated.
As Menghe under Myon Dynasty was equally isolationist at this time, Themiclesia found a valuable trading partner in Dayashina, and commerce between the two states expanded in volume and frequency noticeably, a trend that would continue for the next half-century. Into the 1880s, nationalist and militarist sentiment spread widely; the government became more assertive in civic life, establishing state control over media, imposing military service, and increasing expenditures on the armed forces. Under these conditions, some Dayashinese people, especially Ito's opponents, found Dayashina an unsuitable place to live. Many of these families chose to re-settle in Themiclesia, as Menghe was governed by three embattled states.
Some members of this group became influential in Themiclesian foreign policy in the early 20th century, as they raionalized the views that the increasingly expansionist Dayashina held. Amongst them, Hujiwara Maoto (Dayashinese: 藤原真詠, ふじわらのまおと; also Fujiwara no Maoto), became the Themiclesian foreign minister under the Lord of Krungh and achieved great renown in both his native and adoptive countries. Hujiwara's success inspired many more Dayashinese, dissatisfied with the cliques of military leaders and industrialists, who effectively monopolized government, to emigrate to Themiclesia.
1900 – 1936
Themiclesia was portrayed in some progressive Dayashinese literature as a late-developing state that owed its success to the capitalist and liberal economy, created by lowering tariffs and encouraging private industry. The government's limited role in industry was especially praised by liberal thinkers, who understood this as a result of a strong democracy. This light is often compared to that of Namyang State, which took a similar view of Themiclesia's situation in the late 19th century. In nationalist publications, many of which promoted the view that the world was in a diachotomy between Casaterra and Hemithea, Themiclesia had discarded or betrayed its Hemithean heritage for Casaterran materialism.
Progressive-minded Dayashinese immigrants effected far-reaching changes on Themiclesian society. Both Themiclesian and Casaterran aesthetics were consciously utilized by the upper and middle classes to maintain their superior positions, leading Dayashinee commentators to comment that their "oligopoly on culture" inspired admiration and openness even in the lower classes. They praised the Themiclesian elites for their liberalism but supported the notion that culture should not be a privilege of class; to this end, they advocated for the insertion of broader and complimentary description of forign states into public school curricula. Such thinkers also assert that the same could feasibly happen in Dayashina, except the zaibatsu (large horizontal conglomerates), nationalist politicians, and ultimately the military were standing in the way. They cite that Themiclesia nearly disarmed itself at the eve of modernization. Such views were virulently attacked by Dayashinese officials.
Hujiwara Maoto wrote in 1910 that "power in Themiclesia rests with a class of well-connected citizens who profit directly and indirectly from commerce and lose from warfare and revolution, rather than those who anticipate profit from those things," referring to the limited franchise before the Krungh administration that established in 1801 expressly to check hawkish interests in the aristocracy and officials eager for promotion through warfare, and "on account of this design, Themiclesia has avoided both expensive foreign wars and a disastrous worker's revolution."
Another area in which Dayashinese immigrants encouraged liberalization is female employment and participation in public life. While it had become common for middle- and working-class women to take up employment, upper class females found themselves confined to their homes in a social sense. For such women to meet unmarried but marriagible men privately was deeply scandalous, and most marriages were still arranged by parents; the culture of marriage between families of equal standing was still a strong principle. By the 1930s, these limitations were things of the past, largely due to Dayashinese authors' public criticism of the inequity of this system, deftly supported by quotes selected from classical texts that supported feminine independence.
As the war drew near, censorship and ideological uniformity became prevalent in Dayashinese society, enforced by the military police (kempei-tai). As emigration became more difficult, critics of the regime began to escape the country covertly. Themiclesia became a favourite destination for disenfranchised and persecuted intellectuals, artists, and journalists, as it already had a well-established Dayashinese community of the liberal identity. After 1936, when Dayashina and Themiclesia were officially at war, emigration from Dayashina was prohibited; those that sought to leave were branded as collaborators.
1936 – 1952
The main sources of Dayashinese immigration during this period are all connected to the Pan-Septentrion War. Themiclesian forces captured large numbers of Dayashinese prisoners during the war. In 1942, Dayashinese forces withdrew from the Dzhungestani front to be employed in Meridia, where Allied forces applied increasing pressure. Roughtly 60,000 Dayashinese prisoners were captured, most being interned at dedicated facilities. To undermine Dayashinese morale, the Themiclesian government published large quantities of stories (some of questionable veracity) about Dayashinese prisoners willingly naturalizing to Themiclesia. They were then encouraged to write to their friends and family about the quality of life and peaceful intentions of Themiclesia. The Dayashinese responded by censoring such stories and intercepting correspondence from reaching recpients, and instead circulated photographs (some also of questionable veracity) of Dayashinese people being mistreated in Themiclesia. Those naturalized were released and awarded land and cash.
A second source of Dayashinese immigration occurred the occupation of Dayashina. War crimes trials organized in Dayashina compelled many Dayashinese officers, fearing indictment, to flee the country and settle in Themiclesia. They used pseudonyms and disguises to pass for ordinary soldiers and intentionally took up residence in the most inaccessible areas. They favoured Themiclesia partly because the country had abolished capital punishment, and it seemed unlikely that it would be re-instated to against them.
Towards the end of this period, a considerable population moved to Themiclesia out of a distaste or mistrust for the government. In this paradigm, they assayed Themiclesian politics a bulwark against aggression and its concomitant dangers. In contrast with previous waves of immigration from Dayashina, which mostly represented the privileged classes disillusioned with militaristic government, this wave of immigrants consisted mostly of ex-soldiers and their families. In 1948 alone, over 64,000 Dayashinese arrived in P′a′. Many spent their life's savings on passage, though their squalor was undoubtedly exaggerated by the plummetting value of the Dayashinese Yen after the war. The atmosphere of uncertainty during the occupation added to the impetus to emigrate. This sudden influx of labour is thought to have assisted the Themiclesian reconstruction efforts.
1950 – 1982
During this period, Dayashinese immigration to Themiclesia slowed, Dayashina's future as a politically independent state settled. Due concerns over the stability of the newly-established Republic of Menghe, Dayashina was assigned great strategic import, and as a result funds flooded into its stricken economy in an attempt to dissuade its populace from communism. Those disaffectioned with the preservation of the monarchy and pre-war social structures still emigrated in a steady stream to Themiclesia.
Economic migrants composed another major component of immigrations in this period. Though the Dayashinese economy was recovering rapidly, Themiclesia boasted higher living standards by a considerable margin (being closer to Western ones), a more developed welfare state, and a thriving and resourceful diaspora community that welcomed their compatriots. As such, Themiclesia was still portrayed positively by many Dayashinese that found themselves left behind in the recovery of the late 50s and 60s. This view may have been engendered by the iniquitous distribution of financial returns in pre-war Dayashina (and in some wise, post-war too), where industrialists enjoyed a far higher share of economic return than their employees, which artificially lowers living standards for labourers; in Themiclesia, the distribution was less partial to capital, and the war effort of industrial unions had the effect of reducing suspicion towards it.
Towards the end of this period, the Dayashinese economy expanded more rapidly than that of Themiclesia. During the second half of the 1970s, the immigration/emigration balance between Themiclesia and Dayashina swayed in favour of the latter, though the net amount was still positive for Themiclesia, but by a minuscule and decreasing margin at the end of the decade.
1978 – 2001
1982 was the first year in which those departing for Dayashina exceeded those arriving, and both economic setbacks in Themiclesia and Dayashina's resounding resurfacing as an economic powerhouse in many industries has been credited for this reversal. Skilled Themiclesian workers were hired by Dayashinese industries when domestic companies retreated due to lack of liquidity in the financial world. Dayashinese stock markets showed great promise, prompting a wave of businesses to set up operations in Dayashina, motivating further settlement there. Though native Themiclesians moved to Dayashina, Dayashinese-Themiclesians returned to it in considerable amounts.
Amongst those retro-immigrating, young adults, particularly males, were noticeably over-represented; not all of them intended to settle permanently in Dayashina, a portion promising to return to Themiclesia after making their fortune in commerce or equities. This resulted in an awkward gender imbalance that reflected in the consumption of comics and literature, two things closely associated with Dayashinese culture in Themiclesia.
Since 1990
Two major factors have been cited to explain Dayashinese migration to Themiclesia since 1990. The first and more apparent is Menghe's economic re-integration to the world.
Demographics
Language
Most Dayashinese-Themiclesians today are bilingual in both Dayashinese and Shinasthana. Due to the diaspora's separation from the home country, the variety of Dayashinese has shown some distinct developments compared to mainstream usages, the difference particularly apparent in orthography, as the standard Dayashinese readings of Mengja were adapted to reflect the larger syllable inventory of Shinasthana, and the post-PSW orthographical reforms which put the orthography in line with speech did not occur in Themiclesia.
Division II readings
One of the key differences between Shinasthana and the standard Menghean language is the richer system of medial glides between onset and nucleus. While the phonology Dayashinese Mouji and that of Botong-ǒ Menghean were both influenced by Middle Menghean, the language of the Chollǒ aristocracy, both have been significantly altered to comform to the dominant phonologies of their host languages, Dayashinese and the Haedong languages, respectively. Amgonst the features lost in transliteration were Division II features, which is preserved in Shinasthana as /r/ in the south and a set of centralized vowels and retroflexed consonants in the north. As the language of the north better corresponds with that of the Chollǒ aristocracy that colonized north Themiclesia in the 6th century, Dayashinese Mouji readings are surprisingly congruous with that of the north.
Culture
Notable individuals
- Hujiwara Maoto, Lord Maoto, MP PA (真詠君藤原真詠; 1848 – 1920), diplomat, MP for Saw 1890 – 1913, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under the Lord of Krungh, from 1903 to 1907, elevated to peerage in 1911; Order of Authors, 1912; Lord-Commander of Royal Guards, 1915.
- Kuroyamada Akira, C. (黑山田卿亮; 1910 – 1981), businessman, military officer, writer; chairman of Kuroyamada Pest Chemicals Ltd.; Captain-general of Marines 1960 – 62; notable works include A Cheater's Guide to Board Games, Effects of Vegetable Gardens on Political Opinion, and Terrestrial and Maritime Rodent Control.
- Sawara Hikari, C. (早良卿光, 1911 – 1975), scientist, politician; Secretary of State for Education 1968 – 1971; Chief Baron of the Household 1971 – 72; works include Public Education in the Modern Era.
- Namae Nashi (名前なし, b. 1994), rapper, gamer, provocateur.
Challenges
War criminals
After Dayashina surrendered in mid-1946, the occupying powers arranged for trials against Dayashinese military leaders implicated in the country's many war crimes, particularly in but not limited to Maracaibo. While the Dayashinese emperor had already commanded the highest commanders, mainly Suzuki's faction, to commit suicide, the allies were determined to proceed with trials for all military officers accused of war crimes. Some of the accused concealed themselves with assumed names or other means, but others planned to escape from the country. Initially fleeing to Hanhae, a number made the difficult trek over Polvokia and Dzhungestan to enter Themiclesia. The Themiclesian government announced, without this knowledge, a general amnesty (criminal liability only) on all crimes committed on domestic land and against its people. Many military officers thus sought refuge in Themiclesia under identities of those who served there, where war crimes had been pardoned. While the Themiclesian government may have been aware, the Foreign Office believed it was within the country's discretion to ignore them. No effort was undertaken to identify the migrants, since they settled in the remotest places and lived in total seclusion. Today, most investigators think they settled in the northeastern Msem-hljun Prefecture. At the time, the various military bodies that patrolled the area were also deployed to occupy Menghe, leaving the government unable to take much action. By the time the occupation was withdrawn (late 1949), the government was working to restore relations with the future Dayashinese and Menghean government, so potential action against them was never tabled.
References