Communist Party of Alscia: Difference between revisions
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The weakness of the PCA was largely due to it failing to find a role within Alscian society. Although Alscia was a site of [[Alscia#Society|social and intellectual ferment]] which helped popularise radical ideologies among Gylians, most [[Socialism in Gylias|socialist]] support was siphoned by the [[Popular Progressive Front|FPP]], and the PCA failed to define a clear position either supportive or critical of the [[Alscia#The "hurried province"|"hurried province"]]. | The weakness of the PCA was largely due to it failing to find a role within Alscian society. Although Alscia was a site of [[Alscia#Society|social and intellectual ferment]] which helped popularise radical ideologies among Gylians, most [[Socialism in Gylias|socialist]] support was siphoned by the [[Popular Progressive Front|FPP]], and the PCA failed to define a clear position either supportive or critical of the [[Alscia#The "hurried province"|"hurried province"]]. | ||
Additionally, the PCA faced strong hostility from several key figures in the Alscian establishment, known as ''[[il palazzo]]''. [[Valentina Potenza]] and finance minister [[Letizia Silvestri]] were among Alscia's vocal {{wpl|anti-communism|anti-communists}}, and they both agreed that the party would be best marginalised by creating widespread prosperity in Alscia and a {{wpl|welfare state}}, thus reducing the appeal of communism. | |||
The PCA was strongly opposed to the [[Megelan]]ese Futurist regime, and in the 1920s became a bitter enemy of the [[Futurist Party of Alscia|PFA]]. The PCA physically attacked PFA meetings and disrupted their events. It earned praise from [[Party of Freedom|PdL]] leader [[Beatrice Albini]] for its fights against Futurism, despite the two parties' mutual dislike. | The PCA was strongly opposed to the [[Megelan]]ese Futurist regime, and in the 1920s became a bitter enemy of the [[Futurist Party of Alscia|PFA]]. The PCA physically attacked PFA meetings and disrupted their events. It earned praise from [[Party of Freedom|PdL]] leader [[Beatrice Albini]] for its fights against Futurism, despite the two parties' mutual dislike. |
Latest revision as of 17:48, 12 October 2022
Communist Party of Alscia Partito Comunista di Alscia | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | PCA |
Leader | Alessandro Martella |
Founded | 1908 |
Dissolved | 1939 |
Succeeded by | Communists (Free Territories) |
Ideology | Communism |
Political position | Left-wing |
Colours | Red |
The Communist Party of Alscia (Italian: Partito Comunista di Alscia, abbreviated PCA) was a communist political party in Alscia.
The PCA was the first Gylian communist party to gain representation. Despite Alscia's role as a haven for radicals, the PCA notably failed to benefit from the growing popularity of communism and socialism, being hampered by tactical dilemmas and internal tensions.
History
The PCA was founded in 1908, after the organisation of Alscia as a province of the Cacertian Empire.
It won 1 seat in the Legislative Council in 1908, held by leader Alessandro Martella. It lost the seat in 1912, but regained it in 1916. The win–loss cycle would repeat itself in Legislative Council elections until 1932, earning it the nicknames i quadriennali ("the four-yearlies") and "one-seat wonders". A famous cartoon in The Senik Sun depicted the party preparing a "four-year plan", which turns out to be winning two Council seats.
It was notably more successful in local elections, where it did not trail far behind the SP and SDP, and would cooperate with them in municipal socialist programs.
The weakness of the PCA was largely due to it failing to find a role within Alscian society. Although Alscia was a site of social and intellectual ferment which helped popularise radical ideologies among Gylians, most socialist support was siphoned by the FPP, and the PCA failed to define a clear position either supportive or critical of the "hurried province".
Additionally, the PCA faced strong hostility from several key figures in the Alscian establishment, known as il palazzo. Valentina Potenza and finance minister Letizia Silvestri were among Alscia's vocal anti-communists, and they both agreed that the party would be best marginalised by creating widespread prosperity in Alscia and a welfare state, thus reducing the appeal of communism.
The PCA was strongly opposed to the Megelanese Futurist regime, and in the 1920s became a bitter enemy of the PFA. The PCA physically attacked PFA meetings and disrupted their events. It earned praise from PdL leader Beatrice Albini for its fights against Futurism, despite the two parties' mutual dislike.
The economic crisis that hit the province in the 1930s increased PCA support. It increased its vote at the 1932 and 1936 elections, reaching its peak of 2 seats in the latter. It voted in favour of the Donatella Rossetti government's aggressive stimulus to fight the crisis, but criticised it for not going far enough.
The PFA ceased to exist when Alscia joined the Free Territories in 1939. The majority of its members remained active in Free Territories politics, affiliating with either communists or anarchists, depending on their leanings.
Ideology
The PCA was a communist party. Its minimum programme demanded the strengthening of workers' rights and trade unions, the provision of welfare and social rights, and consoldiation and expansion of democracy in Alscia. Its maximum programme demanded the abolition of capitalism, expropriation of wealth, and workers' control of the economy.
In foreign policy, the party aggressively pushed for destabilisation and destruction of Xevden, aiding and encouraging Gylian rebels. It had ties with the Communist Party of Megelan and the Ruvelkan Socialist Republic.
The PCA suffered from factionalism during its existence, the product of different streams of left-wing thought gathered together in one party. Notable dividing issues included the role of the state, internationalism versus localism, stance towards the Cacertian Empire, and alliances — particularly whether to aim for a united front or popular front.
Broadly, three factions could be identified within the party:
- The left faction. They were left communists, sympathetic towards anarchists, and notably reluctant participants in the "bourgeois" Legislative Council. They emphasised autonomous organisation of the working class, criticised the authoritarianism of Megelanese and Ruvelkan communists, and supported the Free Territories during the Ruvelkan Civil War.
- The centre faction. They were broadly centrist Marxists, supportive of both reformism and revolution as a means to achieve goals. They sought a rapprochement with the SP and SDP, hoping to split the FPP and supplant it with a left-wing alliance.
- The right faction. They were an unstable compromise between socialist reformism and Blanquist tendencies, believing that seizing power and using the power of the state were the best means to achieve communism. They supported the Megelanese communists and the Ruvelkan Socialist Republic, and believed in centralised planning, earning the enmity of the cooperative movement.
Each faction affiliated with different groups in the Free Territories: the left faction with anarcho-communists, the centre faction with moderate socialists, and the right faction with the statist–authoritarian tendency that would later coalesce into the RR.
Symbols
The party used a shade of red as its colour and the symbol of a hammer and sickle inside a red star.
Election results
Legislative Council of Alscia
Election | FPV | % | Seats | ± | Government |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1908 | 24.171 | 7,7% | 1 / 70
|
1 | Opposition |
1912 | 25.689 | 5,5% | 0 / 70
|
1 | No seats |
1916 | 30.817 | 5,0% | 1 / 70
|
1 | Opposition |
1920 | 34.960 | 4,7% | 0 / 70
|
1 | No seats |
1924 | 44.006 | 5,3% | 1 / 70
|
1 | Opposition |
1928 | 49.735 | 5,4% | 0 / 70
|
1 | No seats |
1932 | 82.402 | 7,9% | 1 / 70
|
1 | Opposition |
1936 | 96.286 | 8,4% | 2 / 70
|
1 | Opposition |
Local elections
Election | FPV | % | Councillors | ± |
---|---|---|---|---|
1908 | 29.449 | 9,2% | 30 / 350
|
30 |
1910 | 36.122 | 8,8% | 31 / 350
|
1 |
1912 | 44.281 | 9,4% | 33 / 350
|
2 |
1914 | 49.924 | 9,1% | 32 / 350
|
1 |
1916 | 59.168 | 9,6% | 46 / 480
|
14 |
1918 | 59.758 | 9,0% | 43 / 480
|
3 |
1920 | 73.288 | 10,0% | 55 / 550
|
12 |
1922 | 82.729 | 10,4% | 57 / 550
|
2 |
1924 | 81.047 | 9,7% | 53 / 550
|
4 |
1926 | 86.708 | 9,9% | 64 / 650
|
11 |
1928 | 86.576 | 9,4% | 61 / 650
|
3 |
1930 | 102.971 | 10,5% | 76 / 720
|
15 |
1932 | 113.812 | 10,9% | 78 / 720
|
2 |
1934 | 124.666 | 11,4% | 82 / 720
|
4 |
1936 | 128.382 | 11,2% | 94 / 840
|
12 |
1938 | 131.726 | 11,1% | 92 / 840
|
2 |