Xiutecuhtli Cárintecatl

Don Xiutecuhtli Cárintecatl
Official portrait, 2001.
1st President of the Serenacy of Carinansia
In office 16 June 1965 – 24 June 2021
Vice President	Iago Prestes Caetano (1965-1969) Enrique San Martín (1969-1973) Eduarda Martins Quintana (1974) Puquykilla Huayanay Quisuyupanqui (1974- 1989) Emmanuel Covarrubias (1989-2009) Inhué Dengra (2009-2017) Álvaro Serrano Paek (2017-2021)
Preceded by	Alberto V as Emperor of Cárinansia Position established
Succeeded by	Álvaro Serrano Paek
President of the Revolutionary Committee
In office 14 March 1961 – 31 December 1966
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Position disestablished
Chairman of the Party for the Cárinansian Revolution
In office 23 January 1956 – 20 January 2021
Preceded by	Agustin Fernández
Succeeded by	Africa Baztán
Personal details
Born	Javier Matamoros (1921-03-04)March 4, 1921 Oligi, Province of Anaheiro, Imperial State of Carinansia
Died	October 29, 2021(2021-10-29) (aged 100) Isla de Fuentes, Mangulak, Carinansia
Resting place	Pantheon of the Fatherland, Tlajoyotl
Citizenship	Carinansian
Political party	Party for the Cárinansian Revolution
Spouse(s)	Estela Matamoros (d. 1939) Itzae Cárintecatl (m. 1974, d. 1978)
Children	Illapa Cárintecatl Nina Ureña
Parent	María Matamoros (mother)
Residence	Casa Oligi (as President)
Occupation	Politician, military officer
Military service
Allegiance	Carinansia (1951-1965) Imperial State of Carinansia (1939-1951)
Branch/service	Army
Years of service	1939-1965
Rank	Field Marshal
Unit	11th Special Forces Division (1944-1951)
Commands	Haxith Army Lekeadian Army Army of Northern Mangulak
Battles/wars	Great World War Battle of Bales Battle of Moliropa Battle of San Esteban Carinansian Civil War Battle of Teecamatl Battle of Plaimo Battle of Oligi Battle of Voclaria City
Awards	Order of St. Albert (twice) Order of St. Peter Imperial Glory Ribbon

Xiutecuhtli Cárintecatl (4 March 1921 – 29 October 2021), known simply as Cárintecatl, Matamoros, or "the Liberator of Cárinansia", was a Carinansian general and the primary leader of the PRC rebellion against the ruling Imperial State, who served as the 1st President of Carinansia for over five decades following his force's victory in the civil war.

In 1954, after being imprisoned for his role in the Indigenous Preservation during the Distopia, he was freed from captivity by rebel forces and quickly recruited to the fold, being already famous nationwide for his role in freeing the Imperial Family from Valora. Beginning his career in the revolution as a Colonel, he would rise through the ranks quickly due to his strategic military prowess. Following strategic failures that led to the Imperialist destruction of Oligi, he launched a coup against the leaders of the rebellion and assumed control, concluding the conflict only a few months later in 1965.

On 15 June 1965, after completely disbanding the Imperial Government, he declared himself the National Emergency President while emergency elections were held, which declared him the winner on June 24th. Following a several-month constitutional convention composed of delegates from the country's various territories, the Serenacy of Carinansia with its modern form of government was established, with extensive input on his part. In 1966, he disbanded the National Revolutionary Committee, concentrating further power in the presidency and making himself the most powerful figure in the country by far. In 1969, he declared the Voclástizaje policy, renaming himself a year later from Javier Matamoros to Xiutecuhtli Cárintecatl in line with it.

Cárintecatl is regarded as the primary national hero of the Serenacy, a great military commander, and one of the Liberators of Suroikoia. The Order of the Liberator General Cárintecatl (Orden del Libertador General Cárintecatl), created in his honor, is the highest decoration conferred by the Carinansian government.

Life

Early Life

Born in the Ilrato favela of Oligi as Javier Matamoros, the bastard son of Maria Matamoros. His entire youth was spent as a member of the lower-class, attending a public school until he turned 9, after which he worked as a cobbler for years. His mother and uncle, who acted as his primary father figure, died in the 1936 Anáheiro earthquake. In 1939, following the outbreak of hostilities with Valorá, he enlisted in the army.

Imperial Military Career

As a new member of the Imperial Army, he participated in 6 weeks of basic training, before he was deployed with the Army of Voclaria, taking part in the 1940 Battle of Guajeres. Although forces lost the city, he distinguished himself for his valor, rescuing several wounded military officers, while under heavy fire from the Valorans. Although he sustained severe injuries, he received extensive praise from military leadership, and was touted as a hero in newspapers. In 1942, he was redeployed with the Army of Voclaria, and was involved in the Battle of Moliropa.

On May 12, 1942, Cárintecatl's unit was tasked with infiltrating an enemy stronghold to gather intelligence on insurgent activities. As they advanced through rugged terrain under the cover of darkness, they unexpectedly stumbled upon a heavily guarded enemy encampment. Despite being vastly outnumbered and outgunned, he displayed remarkable composure and strategic acumen. Realizing the urgency of the situation and the potential threat to his fellow soldiers, he volunteered to undertake a solo reconnaissance mission deeper into enemy territory. With only minimal equipment and relying on his stealth and intuition, Cárintecatl navigated through enemy patrols and surveillance systems, gathering critical intelligence on enemy troop movements, supply routes, and defensive positions.

As he attempted to return to his unit, Cárintecatl encountered unexpected resistance from a fortified enemy checkpoint. In response, he improvised a series of diversionary tactics to draw enemy forces away from the narrow mountain pass. Displaying exceptional courage and resourcefulness, Cárintecatl engaged the enemy in a series of intense firefights, allowing his comrades to regroup and withdraw to safety. He sustained three gunshot wounds, two to the abdomen, and one to the right shoulder. For his efforts, he received the Order of St. Albert. His formal request to be transferred to a Special Forces unit was accepted on September 4, 1942, when he was formally assigned to the 11th Special Forces Division within the Army of Vascara.

On January 13 1943, Cárintecatl was selected to be a part of the Covert Liberation Squad, which was tasked with freeing members of the Imperial family held hostage in La Enstel. After covert movements towards the city over the course of three weeks, they managed to finally enter. During a two minute window within which the guards changed, Cárintecatl, alongside ten other soldiers, managed to sneakily enter the building. After secretly killing many of those within, they ultimately arrived at the prison where they were held.

Following a brief firefight, they freed those present: including, Carlos, Prince of Eneas, Sancha, Duchess of San Luis, and Miguel, Duke of La Plata. The other six members of the squad successfully stole two fishing vessels from the city's harbor, allowing them all to escape aboard them both. Despite initially facing heavy bombardments from the Valoran Navy, they managed to outpace them, finally arriving in Guajeres only two days later. Upon their return to São Alberto, all men involved received promotions and further military awards, including Cárintecatl's second Order of St. Albert.

On March 29, 1944, he was part of the initial reconnaissance and diversionary operations around San Esteban, successfully leading tens of thousands of soldiers north, away from the city, allowing the Army of Voclaria to occupy the city, before the 11th Special Forces Division returned to the city. In an encirclement operation, all 80 thousand Valoran soldiers were imprisoned in prisoner of war camps located across Lekeadia.

After the conclusion of the war, he remained a member of the Imperial Armed Forces for a further 7 years, involved in a number of further military operations, which he wrote about substantially less in his journals, and the official records of which have been destroyed. It is known that he participated in the 1946 invasion of New Delhinmar in Odus, and also put down several Valorán rebellions between 1946 and 1949. In 1950, he was deployed to Monteguerias to assist them in the Fae-Guerian War, where he remained until the following year, when he received an honourable discharge as a Subcommander.

Unenlisted Period

During this time, he purchased a small apartment in Oligi and a new Montes 51 jeep. With no living family, he quickly chose to emigrate from Oligi. He travelled the country in the vehicle, traversing the Eneas rainforest, La Plata mountain range, Lekeadian jungle, and Altiplano savannah, absorbing the cultures of the people by greatly involving himself with them. He became fluent in 6 indigenous languages, specifically Natik, Mexal, Runasim, Muru, Altori, and the final speaker of Sendean. He was a somewhat famous figure nationally, and was often recognised when introducing himself.

His archived journals have outlined his travels specifically: on May 13, 1951, he wrote that he felt uncomfortable living in Oligi; describing himself as hardened by years of service, and quite isolated. On May 15, he stated that he would leave Oligi the following day. His next entry was on June 1, describing his journey through the Eneas, as well as outlining a friendly encounter with the Ujr tribe.

May 13, 1951
Today, I found myself pacing the small confines of my apartment in Oligi, the walls closing in on me like the years of service I endured. This city, once teeming with possibility, now feels foreign, suffocating. There is no family left to return to, no anchor in this place. I have hardened, distanced from the laughter and camaraderie that once defined me. The streets hold no familiarity, and I can no longer stand the isolation that seeps into my bones. I must leave.

May 15, 1951
It is settled—I depart from Oligi tomorrow. I have little to carry, save for my worn boots and the new Montes 51. It will carry me far, through the land I have yet to truly understand, toward a horizon that promises more than this hollow existence. My heart races with the thought of the open road and the cultures that wait beyond. There, perhaps, I will find something—purpose, redemption, peace. I will see the land which I fought so hard for.

June 1, 1951
At last, I have reached the Eneas rainforest. The air is thick and alive, buzzing with life, as if the jungle itself breathes alongside me. I met the Ujr tribe today. They welcomed me, though cautious, as most are. It took time, but the warmth of their smiles eventually broke through. We shared stories beneath the canopy, their language seeping into my consciousness like the roots of the forest. I find myself growing closer to the lands, to its people, becoming more than just a traveler—I am a part of this world now.

During one of these interactions with the natives in 1954, he was arrested by the Imperial Military, who were transporting the natives to work camps, the first Lekeadian natives to experience this treatment. Scheduled to be shot on 15 October 1954, a revolutionary battalion captured the prison on the 12th. Freed by the Serenist rebels, he was taken to meet with the Revolutionary Junta in Conceição, primarily Col. Fernandez.

Revolutionary Period

Once he became a sworn member of the National Liberation Front of Carinansia, he was quickly given command over a battalion, his reputation as a military figure preceding him. In the 1958 Battle of Tzacuanyaitzcuhtli, he captured the port city with only ten thousand soldiers. The Colonel made Cárintecatl his primary advisor, and an army of forty thousand soldiers. From here, he quickly captured large swathes of Haiyato and Tlanukoy, before his first military failure at Noria in late 1960, leaving himself isolated from his other armies in Mangulak, and forced to cease operations for the winter due to unusually cold winters triggered by the recent eruption of Mt. Yaxché in the mostly uninhabited Lekeadia Jungle in August. His unit could only seize small towns, with only 10 thousand soldiers in his greatly diminished Army of Vascara which previously was composed of 75 thousand soldiers. Most of them were Runasim people.

In February 1961, Cárintecatl was grossly undermanned with only 10 thousand soldiers marching towards Oligi, with his other forces far away in northern Carinansia. However, Col. Fernandez had urged him to launch the attack, promising to quickly support him with 65 thousand additional soldiers from Rurito, and to be at the city by 11 February. By 5pm that day, Cárintecatl arrived with his forces, having previously seen these armies and extensive promises from the Colonel. The subsequent Battle of Oligi saw various attempts to contact Fernandez, ultimately responding that he was days away. Despite being at a 4:1 numerical and defense disadvantage, the local Imperial soldiers were extremely incompetent at defending, most of them conscripted. The previous royalist garrison situated in the region was deployed to Voclaria City, defending against Cárintecatl's armies, but leaving Oligi conscript all loyalist conscripts possible.

By 16 February, with no sign of Fernandez despite continued assurances of aid, attrition for the encircled Imperial soldiers resulted in a mass evacuation on 19 February at 7pm. While leaving, they ensured to destroy the city in bombing raids, and scheduled bombings with ground munitions. After destroying over 95% of buildings in the city, all infrastructure, and there were large holes in the ground, the city was seized. Over 300 thousand civilians had died in the fighting, as many had been killed by the departing Imperial soldiers. He led the 173 kilometer march to Reydacay, during which time he defended against remaining royalist stragglers. In front of a crowd of hundreds of thousands of people at the Reydacay Flats, following a day of marching to the city over 55km in the March of Tears, Cárintecatl uplifted the people in an empowering speech, during which time he vowed to take revenge on Fernandez for his failure to help. The following day, on March 1, he left with only 5 thousand soldiers to Conceição.

Upon arriving on 9 March, he immediately marched on the Junta Headquarters, detaining Col. Fernandez after a day of fighting and proclaiming himself the new leader of the Revolution. He received the support of many local units, making the subsequent assumption of control more smooth. He held Fernandez captive in the building until his trial years later, while proclaiming himself as the Field Marshal of the National Liberation Front, as he now held command over 3 armies. Only five days later, he established the Revolutionary Committee as the new governing body of the military junta, with himself as the president.

On 17 May 1964, he successfully marched on Voclaria City, capturing it following a 36 day battle. Nine days later, he captured São Alberto and the Imperial Palace. Shortly afterwards, the revolutionary government was moved to the Imperial Castle. The Imperial government evacuated a day after the capture of Voclaria City, fleeing to Lekeadia and establishing a new royal court in San Marcingo, within the Ducal Estate he owned. The eastern coast of Lekeadia was under the firm control of the imperial government, and the southern fleet remained loyal to Alberto V, preventing an invasion. For a year they fought on Askihuac to eliminate the imperial government, while strengthening their naval forces to defeat the remaining royalists.

Cárintecatl planned to launch a final offense on May 1 1965, which saw the Serenists establish control over all of Lekeadia by June 9. On June 16, he proclaimed himself the provisional president of Carinansia, holding the first presidential elections on July 25 of that year. The 1966 Elections Act fixed the presidential elections on June 1 every four years from 1965, the day declared to be a new national holiday to allow everyone to vote.

Presidency

In 1965, Cárintecatl began the Conception Trials. The first individual tried was Col. Fernandez, who was given a 20 year sentence at the Tunegra Work Camp, like 85% of the people convicted. After capturing Alberto V in 1966, he personally executed him in 1969 after a successful guilty verdict. During these formative years of the Serenacy, Cárintecatl attempted to raise public morale and government revenue by declaring a new national sport, financing the construction of new infrastructure in cities including several sports stadiums, and establishing a free and mandatory K-12 education system for the entire country, in a bid to educate the massive population boom he anticipated after reconstruction.

Post-war period

Shortly before the conclusion of the Civil War, the nascent Valoran State invaded Vascara and northern Platencia, warranting the deployment of the Armies of Northern Voclaria and Najolk to the areas. Fighting concluded in January 1966 after Carinansia restored their claimed borders, before constructing a series of border forts. In the process, they had successfully kidnapped 100 thousand Valoran youth under the age of 3, who were quickly put into the Carinansian K-12 education system, living solely at their boarding schools.

In drafting a new political constitution for the country, he initially sought to formalise the role of the twenty-man Revolutionary Committee as an organ of the executive branch. However, following a failed coup d'etat launched by five members including Col. Rigoberto Cicerón, he ceased these efforts, and issued his first executive order regarding governance structure; specifically stipulating that the Committee would be disbanded by the end of 1966. He promoted racial intermarriage and pro-natalist policies amid the Era of Good Feelings, planning for a future demographic dividend. Among them included:

• Reduction in personal income tax of 7.5% for one child, 25% for two children, 45% for three children, and 85% for five children.
• Restriction of access to birth control
• Increased taxation on condoms (a flat CAR5.50 was imposed on all condoms sold within the Serenacy, causing a strict crackdown on black market sellers in late 1968).
• The government subsidised family friend entities, and established a minimum 140 days of maternal leave, a ban on discrimination of workers on the basis of gender, and a ban on firing workers due to pregnancy or impending parenthood
• Within the K-12 curriculum promoted in all schools, children were encouraged to marry other races within their science classes, with the promotion of race-based propaganda taking place. Children from various different ethnicities were taken to their schools situated elsewhere in the country on a school bus. For example, the largest public high school in Carinansia in 1969 was a comprehensive boarding school, the Ciuarcia Revolutionary High School. Of the 25 thousand students, 5 thousand were from the La Plata people, 1 thousand children of former aristocrats, 10 thousand were from the Natik people, and 9 thousand were children of the working class in São Lenoas.

In 1978, his wife died after contracting pneumonia during a visit to the La Plata mountains. Following a state funeral, he made no public appearances for the following five months, with all official presidential functions being delegated to the Vice President, Puquykilla Huayanay Quisuyupanqui. After returning to public life, pundits and scholars have described his demeanour as being much more serious, and nationalistic, for the remainder of his presidency. He never remarried, and according to his journals, he never entered into another romantic relationship either.

Voclastizaje

After dissolving the Revolutionary Committee in 1966, Cárintecatl sought ways to build a cult of personality and centralise his authority, under the guise of building a national identity distinct from the imperial and colonial past. In July, after a massive military parade through Voclaria City on the first national day, he officially declared the new Voclastizaje culture, stating that all Carinansians, unified by this common culture, were Voclastizos before any other nationality. He declared the City of Tlajoyotl, named for Tlahtocayotl Tlaca xoxouhcayotl, to be the new capital city of the country, in an area along the Eneas Jungle gradient with the Altiplano, and passed a $9 billion package to construct the area. He relocated the government to the area in 1967 after construction of the Casa Alvarado and Congress Building were completed, the High Court operated in office buildings in the city that had been completed until the Court building was finished in 1969.

Annexation of Ávigena

By 1968, records of cabinet discussions demonstrate a strong desire on the part of Cárintecatl to expand the country's borders, and they quickly settled on the Republic of Kokosninsel. He issued a diplomatic communique, stating that the republic would cease receiving Carinansian imports by 1978 if they had not yet been absorbed, and imposed tariffs on their goods a year later, causing a political crisis in the territory, as their economy began to collapse. In a televised address in 1972, he stated that these measures would be soon reverted, once the area was under the full sovereignty of the Serenacy. On May 3 1972, a coup took place in Nova Gracemeria, establishing a pro-Carinansian government. In 1974, the BS Oligi was deployed to the port of Nova Gracemaria, shortly before a annexation referendum to Carinansia took place. 89.2% of voters approved the measure, resulting in the establishment of the Serene Territory of Ávigena on 20 November.

Shortly after this took place, he invested $3.9 billion pesos into the construction of port infrastructure in the islands, and also financed several saline water purification in the islands to resolve the water crisis. By 1978, Cárintecatl passed an executive order establishing a local democratically-elected legislature and leader. The President of the Legislature was then appointed by him as well.

Interconnectedness

Cárintecatl further recognised the importance of ensuring that all national territories be easily accessibly and connected to one another, and early non-vital reconstruction efforts were focused on overhauling the national highway system, expanding the size of lanes, and improving the quality of the roads. He also granted extensive subsidies to state governments to build airports, resulting in the establishment of ten new major domestic airports by 1977, including the Tadea Revolutionary International Airport. The first interstate railway system was constructed in 1978, with a separate state system for Ipudorm built in 1981. As raw resource and industrial output began to increase, the increased efficiency in transportation resulted in massive export revenues. From 1978, the railways and resource facilities were under state control, but privatised in 1999.

Education Policy

When he introduced the free public education system, he introduced a system, wherein learning Carinansian and at least one elective indigenous language became mandatory. A strong, robust education system was one of his top priorities, hence his allocation of $1 billion to the Department of Education in 1967. He revived the Natik, Muru, and Runasim languages to have millions of new speakers, including many non-natives. Cárintecatl created the most educated population in Oikoia by 1985 with this system, with graduation rates of over 85% and university attendance rates of 45%. College tuition fees were close to zero, as he provided extensive subsidies to universities throughout the country contingent on lower costs. He funded archaeological and historical research by the Revolutionary College of Oligi to document as much indigenous history as possible. Later that year, he established the national library system, which is now the largest in the world.

Cronyism

While he initially promoted a strong meritocratic system of governance, by the early 1980s he begun to control party appointments of gubernatorial and senatorial candidates, at times offering them to close allies and supporters. Founder of Embraer, Matlalihuitl Tohuexcotlec, and Gen. Nōchēhuatl Rodríguez received gubernatorial offices and senatorial positions, for example. The former reportedly donated several fighter and bomber jets to the Serene Air Force, while the latter had been an outspoken supporter, and leader of the Armed Forces since the revolutionary period.

By 1995, it is reported that as many as 20 percent of all government positions were received because of benefits provided by Cárintecatl in exchange for loyalty, among other things. He chose his fourth Vice President in this fashion, who provided the government with two tons of gold from his mines, and acted as a rubber stamp for Cárintecatl until their death in 1989.

Committee Football

The establishment of Commitee Football in 1967 and its associated governing body, the LNF, was initially met with mixed reactions by the general public. Inaugural teams were primarily composed of military veterans from the civil war, and the first LNF Championship that year only drew 20 thousand spectators for the final game between the Vóclaria City Tlatoanis and the Eocuipetl Rebels. The National competition cycle for that year only used three stadiums total, despite games intended to take place in many states. He expanded transparency in the organisation, and opened sixteen new sport stadiums before the next Championship in 1969. In addition, he approved the construction and renovation (of existing sports facilities) to establish 1200 new Committee Football fields across the country. Given the minimal cost of entry, it quickly became very popular to play among the Cárinansian youth.

Cárintecatl also began promoting Committee Football as a clean break from the traditions of the Imperial State, a perspective which quickly garnered support for the sport. The 1969 Championship saw the Eocuipetl Rebels win for the first time, against the Reydacay Chieftains, and averaged 35 thousand spectators per game. Over 90 thousand spectators attended the final game at the Serene Stadium in Tlajoyotl, and this number grew with each championship.

By 1990, Committee Football was by far the most popular sport in the country, with over 3400 government fields opened nationwide specifically to allow for the play of the sport. By comparison, there were only 200 basketball courts in the entire country. Following the 1991 Education Enjoyment Act, each school in the country with over 150 students became legally obliged to have at least one Committee Football field, reflecting the desire of the national student body.

Reparations for the Indigenous

In January 1968, Cárintecatl issued a formal apology to the remaining indigenous people of the country, and established the Serene Commission for Indigenous Justice. Over the next thirty years, the entity would return thousands of acres of land to indigenous owners of land prior to the Distopia (or their closest kin), while also providing monthly welfare payments to those crippled from the genocide and unable to work as a result. However, only 1200 indigenous people received monetary reparations for their experiences during the Distopia. In March 1998, the organisation was formally dissolved.

2005 Valora Border War

Until 2005, the Carinansian-Valoran was one of the most strongly fortified borders in the world, and the Serenacy managed to successfully repel an invasion attempt in 1987, but was breached in 2005. In 30 days, the Valoran Army had successfully occupied several border towns and villages, and was poised to make another attack, threatening Bales City. In response, an attack from Guajeres was launched into Valora, which failed and resulted in their forces successfully pushing back to the edges of Guajeres. Following a 29 day battle, the Valoran forces were defeated and forced to retreat out of Platencia, before they further occupied the Valoran province of Zatiago. It remained under Carinansian military occupation until they returned it to Valora in 2007, in accordance with UN Resolution O0932. All Valoran forces were conversely out of Haiyato by December 2005. After the conclusion of the Border War, Carinansia imposed a naval blockade for all Valoran goods in the Lekeadian sea, as it convinced foreign owners of entry points nearby to abide by this policy. Cárintecatl began peace negotiations with Valora in 2017, which ultimately broke down two years later.

Estovakia

In 1995, Estovakian population growth exceeded their food growth capabilities. As Carinansia had massive agricultural surpluses, Carintecatl established the Unified Junta for Exporting Agricultural Goods to Estovakia, which partially nationalised all agricultural production organisations to facilitate an export agreement with the communist society. Ultimately, he managed to establish an agreement with the country, receiving extensive military, infrastructural, research, and economic assets in exchange for billions of iscles worth of foodstuff. This includes Carinansia's first aircraft carrier and 40 Su-27s in 2001.

In 2022, total exports to Estovakia totaled $67.8B, resulting in a second Carinansian aircraft carrier, and receiving rare earth metals, tens of millions of cars, causing Carinansia to have extensive deflation in automobile prices for the next six decades. Bilateral relations between the two countries improved during this time, resulting in other diplomatic exchanges. Universities established extensive partnerships, cultural exchanges in foreign cities, and military drills. Most notably, the Revolutionary College of Oligi established a bilateral partnership with Roningrad State University, and the State University of Boclaria similarly established a partnership with Estovakia National University, facilitating the exchange of students and research. By 2034, the two countries were each other's largest trading partners. Total economic trading output between 1990 and 2090 totaled $789.4B. Shortly after this policy of trade with Estovakia was established, extensive similar trade agreements emerged with other countries. This massive inflow of trade for all types of goods resulted in extensive domestic investments, and allowed for the establishment of the Carinansian Narcotic Network.

Post-presidency

Death

After leaving the presidency, Cárintecatl made few public appearances for the last months of his life, withdrawing near his birthplace of Oligi. He lived mostly in isolation, with Álvaro Serrano Paek and Carolina Arnal being the last two people to see him, on October 23rd. He died of old age six days later, and his body was discovered the following day.

Legacy

Historiography

2045 Narco Papers

In an extensive leak of a highly classified 2025 OSI presidential inquiry, it was revealed that he orchestrated the three-decade-long drug war across northern Cárinansia, eventually resulting in the establishment of extensive narcotic production on a government-funded budget. Between 1993 and 2002, he lost control over large swathes of the central-east of the country, but completely eradicated or exported these problems beyond, while expanding production and exportation of illicit substances. It is predicted that he received at least $134.9 billion in profits over this period related to his position as president of the country, while some place this number as high as 35% of 2020 Carinansian GDP, approximately $327.8 billion

The Matamoros Diaries

In January 2053, the journals of Carintecatl were made available to the public and published in a three volume series entitled 'The Matamoros Diaries' by his eldest grandchild, Javier Ureña, who came across them a year prior. The series quickly became a bestseller, and several of the entries became iconic nationwide. The entries below are the ten most cited in descending order, translated into Albion.

Following the death of his second wife

October 17, 1978

It is done. She is gone. My heart is a hollow ruin where once there was warmth, love, and life. The silence now, it is unbearable. The mountains that took her—La Plata, their cold winds will forever carry the memory of her final breaths. I should have been there. I should have stopped her, pulled her from that cursed air. What is a man, who cannot protect the one he loves most?

There are no words left in me to fill the void. No speeches to deliver, no grand promises to make, no hope to hold. I have always been the shield, the voice, the strength. But now, now I am nothing. I look at the world that I have built, the nation I have sacrificed everything for, and it feels so distant, so meaningless. Without her, all of it feels like ash in my mouth.

The house is cold, the bed too large, her scent fading with each hour. I can still see her face in my mind, but it already feels distant, as if time itself is conspiring to pull her further from me. What remains for me now? What more can a man give when the one thing that anchored him is gone?

I feel the weight of it all pressing down on me. There is a darkness here, a whispering that maybe I’ve done enough. Maybe it’s time to rest, to join her in the quiet beyond. But I can’t. Not yet. They still need me, these people I’ve sworn to protect. They need the man they think I am.

But what of the man I truly am? A shell. A shadow. A ghost waiting to fade.

Freeing the Imperial family

November 4, 1954

Back in São Alberto at last. The city should feel familiar, but it seems foreign to me now, after what we’ve endured. The streets are alive with celebration, as if we’ve returned as heroes—but I don’t feel like one. Not after seeing what we saw, after fighting our way through that hell.

We managed to pull them out—Carlos, Sancha, Miguel—all of them alive, though shaken. I’ll never forget the look in their eyes, the terror of facing death, knowing no one was coming for them. Until we did. A few gunshots, quick and desperate. We were lucky, nothing more. I can still hear the firefight in my ears, the sharp crack of bullets piercing the stillness of that wretched place. We barely made it to the harbor, and even then, the Valorans were relentless.

Staring death in the face, knowing we were outgunned and outmatched—it does something to a man. But somehow, we stole those fishing boats right under their noses. The gods must have been watching over us, guiding us through those waters as the Navy bombarded us. I felt every shell that missed. Every explosion that could’ve been the end of it all. Two days of pure adrenaline, racing toward the horizon, praying we wouldn’t see their ships again.

And now, we are home. Home, if you can call it that after what we’ve been through. They’ve pinned another medal on me—my second Order of St. Albert, they say. A promotion, too. But what does it matter? More weight on my shoulders. More expectation. They cheer for us in the streets, but they have no idea. None of them do. They see only the victory, the glory, but they don’t see the blood, the fear, the quiet moments where we wondered if we’d ever make it back.

I wonder what’s left for me now. I’ve spent so long in the darkness of war, I don’t know if I can step into the light again. Maybe I never will.

End of father-daughter relationship with Akapana

August 12, 1992

Akapana is gone. She severed what was left of the bond we shared today, and it cuts deeper than any knife. I thought of her as a daughter for all those years—her laughter, her sharp wit, the way she could brighten the darkest days. But today, she cursed me with the rage only the young can truly muster. She called me a monster, a murderer of my own people, for what I’ve done in this war. She didn’t understand—how could she? How could anyone?

I see it now in her eyes—disgust, betrayal. She sees the blood on my hands, and in her mind, it will never wash off. Maybe she’s right. Maybe it was all too much—the lies, the fabricated conflicts, the drug trade that grew from the seeds I planted. What was once a strategy to hold the East in line, to pay off the debts hanging over me, became a beast of its own. A beast I no longer control. And she, who I wanted to protect from the worst of it, now sees me as no better than the criminals I sought to manipulate.

Itzae… I wonder what she would think of me now. What would she say if she saw what I’ve become? Would she look at me the way Akapana did, with fury in her heart? Would she understand, or would she, too, turn away from me, the way Akapana has? I can still feel Itzae’s presence, her gentle voice telling me that everything I’ve done has been for the people, for the country. But was it really? Or was it for me?

Akapana’s words echo in my mind. I don’t know if I can silence them. She was my last connection to something pure, something good, and now she’s gone—just like Itzae. I wonder if this is the price I must pay, losing everything I’ve ever loved to hold onto this power, this illusion of control.

It’s all crumbling now. The cartels we propped up to keep the people subdued have become monsters in their own right. The money, the manipulation, the betrayals—it’s all unraveling. I thought I could shape the chaos, use it to build something better. But instead, I’ve been consumed by it. And now, the only family I had left—Akapana—looks at me like I’m a stranger, or worse, a villain.

I sit here in this empty room, wondering how much more I can lose before there’s nothing left. Before I am nothing. Maybe I already am.

If only Itzae were here. She would know what to do. She always did.

Breakdown of peace negotiations with Valora

May 3, 2019

So it’s over. Decades of blood spilled, cities burned, families torn apart—and for what? A handshake that never came, promises of peace that were nothing but smoke. Valora, once our brother in arms against the colonial yoke, now our eternal enemy. How did it come to this? Two nations that stood together, now tearing each other apart.

They dare to speak of diplomacy, but their words are hollow. There is no peace with those who seek to destroy us. We gave them their land back, we pulled out of Zatiago, yet they push, they provoke. And now, this farce of negotiation crumbles like dust. We are not fools.

If they want war again, we will be ready.

Annexation of Avigena

November 20, 1974

Ávigena is ours. Today, the islands stand under the Serene flag, and with them, we solidify our place in the Lekeadian Sea. For decades, Kokosninsel was a republic adrift, a fragile state dependent on our imports to survive, yet unwilling to join us in strength. They thought they could remain separate—untouched by the weight of history and the tides of power. But now, they are part of something greater.

The referendum was a formality, of course. The people know that under our governance, they will thrive, as we bring them into the fold. Already, billions are being invested into their ports, and soon, they will drink clean water, courtesy of the Serenacy. They can thank me later.

Some will call this annexation a coup, a forceful hand. Let them. History will remember this day as the moment Ávigena found its true destiny.

Following the Battle of Sao Alberto

June 9, 1965

I stood in that same throne room today—the very one where I once knelt to receive a medal from the man who, hours ago, I placed in chains. The same man who had praised me as a hero, a loyal servant of the Empire, now cowers as a traitor to his own people. Alberto V... how quickly times have changed. Years ago, I believed in the honor of this place, in the grandeur of it all. The medals, the titles—they felt real, like they mattered. But today, as I watched the royal banners fall and the shattered symbols of their reign crumble, I felt nothing but anger. How could I have ever believed in their lies? How could I have ever bowed my head to them?

We fought for this day, through blood and tears, across burned cities and dead fields. Oligi, Reydacay, Voclaria—each a graveyard of promises made and broken. Fernandez betrayed me at Oligi, leaving me to face the destruction of an entire city. That betrayal burned, but it was nothing compared to the sight of São Alberto today—hollowed out, emptied of the Empire’s power. The palace is a shell now, a monument to all that was lost. And I, once a soldier serving their empire, now stand as the one who has torn it down.

Final entry

October 29, 2024

I walked through Oligi today. The ruins are still there, untouched, just as they were decades ago. The city I once called home—a reminder of all I fought for and all I destroyed. I thought I’d feel nothing, but the weight of it all came crashing down. The battles, the choices… the lives lost. I carry that with me, and I always will.

But Álvaro… he’s different. He can build something better, something lasting. I see it in him, the strength and the hope I lost along the way. My time is over, but his is just beginning. Perhaps, in him, Carinansia can find what I couldn’t give.

I leave this world full of regrets, but not without hope.

Renaming

June 12, 1969

Today, I am no longer Javier Matamoros. Today, I take the name of my ancestors—Xiutecuhtli Cárintecatl, a son of Carinansia. This name carries weight, the weight of a people almost lost, of languages silenced and cultures erased. But not anymore. The resurgence has begun.

When I look back just a decade, the indigenous languages—Natik, Mexal, Runasim—were nearly gone, spoken by only a few, their voices on the verge of disappearing forever. But now, I see them spoken in schools, in government offices, in the streets. A resurgence. Our history, our identity, woven back into the fabric of this nation.

The Voclástizaje policy is not just about unity—it’s about reclaiming what was nearly destroyed. By carrying this name, I honor those who came before me and ensure their legacy lives on in this land. The Carinansia of tomorrow will not be one of a colonial culture, replacing the stolen identities, but of many voices, many peoples, standing together.