Province (Themiclesia): Difference between revisions

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==History==
==History==
===Tsins===
===Tsins===
The word ''guns'', translated into {{wp|English|Anglian}} as "province", is etymologically a *''s''- derivative of ''ghur'' (尹) meaning "to control, govern" in the verbial sense, and "lord, lady" in the nominal.  ''ghur'' is attested early in Themiclesian history as a general title of political elite, including the royal consort, who is regularly called ''hwang-ghur'' (皇尹), "glorious lady".  But ''guns'' appears to be a later borrowing from [[Menghe]], as the ''-r'' and ''-n'' endings had merged as ''-n'' there, and as the character is always written with a determiner, which is a practice more common in Menghe {{wp|Hanzi|Mengja}} than in Themiclesia.
The word ''guns'', translated into {{wp|English|Anglian}} as "province", is etymologically a *''s''- derivative of ''ghur'' (尹) meaning "to control, govern" in the verbial sense, and "lord, lady" in the nominal.  ''ghur'' is attested early in Themiclesian history as a general title of political elite, including the royal consort, who is regularly called ''qwang-ghur'' (皇尹), "glorious lady".  But ''guns'' appears to be a later borrowing from [[Menghe]], as the ''-r'' and ''-n'' endings had merged as ''-n'' there, and as the character is always written with a determiner, which is a practice more common in Menghe {{wp|Hanzi|Mengja}} than in Themiclesia.


The earliest known provinces is considered to be the North Province and South Province, dating to 281 CE under Patriarch ′An of Tsins (安百), who was declared the Hegemon Lord after his father had received the homage of the four states in 256.  The land that constituted these provinces had belonged to some barons that rebelled between 277 and 280.  The rebels were defeated, their lands confiscated, and ′An proceeded to arrogate more control over the military powers of barons appointed to replace the rebels.  They were directed to share those powers with a "commandant" (㷉) as royal representative.  Two more provices, Inner Province and Outer Province, appeared late in the 3rd century, corresponding to the east and west of the Tsins realm, but the chief officer was a not a commandant but a viceroy (守).   
The earliest known "provinces" are considered to be the North Province and South Province, dating to 281 CE under Patriarch ′An of Tsins (安百), who was declared the Hegemon Lord after his father had received the homage of the four states in 256.  The land that constituted these provinces had belonged to some barons that rebelled between 277 and 280.  The rebels were defeated, their lands confiscated, and ′An proceeded to arrogate more control over the military powers of barons appointed to replace the rebels.  They were directed to share those powers with a "justice" (㷉) as royal representative.  Two more provices, Inner Province and Outer Province, appeared late in the 3rd century, corresponding to the east and west of the Tsins realm, but the chief officer was a not a justice but a viceroy (守).   


It is a matter of debate if the a viceroy's roles were substantively different than a commandant'sSome scholars believe there was no difference at all, since available historical information suggest that both kinds of officials were in change of military affairs, but others note that the subsequent evolution of provincial governance required both a viceroy and commandant, arguing that they were not only distinct, but complementaryMartin (1968) argues that commandants had jurisdiction over only baronies and hence military affairs, while viceroys oversaw certain royal manors and workshops, thus giving them purview over finance; he asserts that taxation records from baronial villages in a commandant province were forwarded to the Exchequer directly, without the commandant's intercession, while those in a viceregal province submitted to the viceroy.  Lately, however, evidence contrary to both of Martin's observations have been reported, re-opening the debate amongst scholars.
It is not accepted by all scholars that the North, South, Inner, and Outer provinces are to be viewed as direct antecedents of the provincial administration in the post-Mrangs senseThey point out that the term "province" (郡) itself is never used in contemporary documents in the 3rd through 6th centuries, and that the titles of their justices and viceroys are merely attached to the name of their jurisdictions, e.g. "Viceroy of North", rather than "Viceroy of North Province" as in post-543 texts.  Their proposal is to view the viceroy not as a deputy of the ruler of Tsins, but that of the deposed monarch who formerly ruled from viceregal seatsThis would entail, according to opponents of this view, that the provincial jurisdictions be viewed as "rump states of sorts", beyond the realm of Tsins but governed by it, a supposition that is not easily detected in surviving documents.  However, the fact that cities were required to submit to the viceroy, and not the Tsins court directly, may testify to this former relationship.


In ceremonial terms, a viceroy outranked a commandant in the royal court's seating plan, and only viceroys were addressed as "lord".  It has also been calculated that commandants were replaced after only two years on average, while viceregal terms of office lasted 14 years on average, though the paucity of known tenures (22 commandants, 7 viceroys) and historiographic biases compromise the informativeness of this statistic.
It is a matter of debate if the a viceroy's roles were substantively different than a justice's.  Some scholars believe there was no difference at all, since available historical information suggest that both kinds of officials were in change of military affairs, but others note that the subsequent evolution of provincial governance required both a viceroy and justice, arguing that they were not only distinct, but complementary.  Martin (1968) argues that justice had jurisdiction over only baronies and hence military affairs, while viceroys oversaw certain royal manors and workshops, thus giving them purview over finance; he asserts that taxation records from baronial villages in a justice province were forwarded to the Exchequer directly, without the justice's intercession, while those in a viceregal province submitted to the viceroy.  Lately, however, evidence contrary to both of Martin's observations have been reported, re-opening the debate amongst scholars.
 
In ceremonial terms, a viceroy outranked a justice in the royal court's seating plan, and only viceroys were addressed as "lord".  It has also been calculated that justice were replaced after only two years on average, while viceregal terms of office lasted 14 years on average, though the paucity of known tenures (22 justices, 7 viceroys) and historiographic biases compromise the informativeness of this statistic.


In medieval historiography, it has been widely thought that the phrase ''qur-qrep'' (君邑) found on early bronze inscriptions represent an early implementation of provincial governance, and subsequent practices were derived from it.  This argument rests upon the notion that the ''qur-qrep'' represents a lord's personal land that, due to their absence from it, must be governed remotely, entailing the appointment of a representative.  This position was subsequently rejected in the 17th century on the grounds that, philologically, ''qur'' cannot be exegeted as ''guns'', and because the Themiclesian province is much similar to its Menghean-dynasty analogue and is even written the same way.  They concluded that the Themiclesian province was a derivative of the Meng-dynasty province.
In medieval historiography, it has been widely thought that the phrase ''qur-qrep'' (君邑) found on early bronze inscriptions represent an early implementation of provincial governance, and subsequent practices were derived from it.  This argument rests upon the notion that the ''qur-qrep'' represents a lord's personal land that, due to their absence from it, must be governed remotely, entailing the appointment of a representative.  This position was subsequently rejected in the 17th century on the grounds that, philologically, ''qur'' cannot be exegeted as ''guns'', and because the Themiclesian province is much similar to its Menghean-dynasty analogue and is even written the same way.  They concluded that the Themiclesian province was a derivative of the Meng-dynasty province.


However, this conclusion has also been re-appraised by modern historians, on the grounds that many details of provincial governance in Themiclesia is not directly analogous to that of the Meng-dynasty province, and some characteristics, such as relationship between the commandant and baron, are probably reflections of Themiclesian political realities rather than a pure import from the Meng dynasty.
However, this conclusion has also been re-appraised by modern historians, on the grounds that many details of provincial governance in Themiclesia is not directly analogous to that of the Meng-dynasty province, and some characteristics, such as relationship between the justice and baron, are probably reflections of Themiclesian political realities rather than a pure import from the Meng dynasty.


===Sung and Rang===
===Sung and Rang===
In the Sung period, the four provinces of the Tsins empire were retained in place.
In the Sung period, the four provinces of the Tsins empire were retained in place.


===Mrāngs===
===Mengs===
The exiled [[Five States and Seven Fiefdoms|Meng]] emperor's restoration in Themiclesia in 543 heralded a series of formal and substantial changes to Themiclesian government, whose precise extent is still actively investigated.  In terms of regional administration, the first two emperors' attentions were to no small extent focused on the happy settlement of their faithful retinue who followed the monarch to Themiclesia, and in many cases by grants of tenures and offices.  This process spanned not less than fifty years since the restoration, and it was complicated by the need to defend interests of landed Themiclesian nobles who supported the restoration and the preservation of the crown's own interest in its exclusive sources of revenues.
 
Themiclesia's royal government to the 6th century was of limited scale compared to Menghe.  The creation of extraneous offices or baronies to settle the restored emperor's followers would reduce the his revenues, and the seizure of lands held by nobles hostile to the restoration would strain relations with those that were friendly, or at least engender skepticism.  Ngwyan's strategy, which he seems to have started practicing in 551, was to divide existing offices and create new offices over new territories, and to that end he divided the four existing provinces of the Rang administration into eight and created two other provinces in the interior.  To ensure that these provinces were adequately funded, he ordered new barons within them to pay one half of their revenues into the viceroy's coffers.  This way, he sought to maintain the privilege of the domestic nobility and create a new, parallel nobility interested in his dynasty.


==List of provinces==
==List of provinces==
*[[Exchequer Province]] (內史)
*[[Exchequer Province]] (內吏)
*Spran (盤)
*Spran (盤)
*Ku-ngwyan (九邍)
*Ku-ngwyan (九邍)
*Lat-ngwyan (大邍)
*Lat-ngwyan (大邍)
*Srum-lun (三川)
*Srum-qlun (三川)
*Pang (房)
*Pang (房)
*Nar ()
*Nar ()
*Pek (北)
*Pek (北)
*Nem (南)
*Nem (南)
*Ling (浧)
*Ling (浧)
*Sngrak ()
*Sngrak ()
*Mei ()
*Lra (余)
*Grā′ (下)
*′Ān (安)
*Dang′ (上)


==See also==
==See also==
*[[Themiclesia]]
*[[Themiclesia]]
[[Category:Septentrion]][[Category:Themiclesia]]
[[Category:Septentrion]][[Category:Themiclesia]]

Latest revision as of 11:44, 12 March 2022

A province (郡, guns) is a type of local administrative unit in Themiclesia. In modern practice, they are typically less-urban areas, economically rural, but may contain small towns. As a local government, it possesses powers over social services, transport, sanitation, education, and culture, within the confines of national statutes, and some powers are shared with village councils and committees.  The nominal head of a prefecture is a viceroy appointed by the central government, but executive and legislative powers are always vested in democratically accountable individuals or organizations, which may vary in name or structure from province to province.

History

Tsins

The word guns, translated into Anglian as "province", is etymologically a *s- derivative of ghur (尹) meaning "to control, govern" in the verbial sense, and "lord, lady" in the nominal.  ghur is attested early in Themiclesian history as a general title of political elite, including the royal consort, who is regularly called qwang-ghur (皇尹), "glorious lady". But guns appears to be a later borrowing from Menghe, as the -r and -n endings had merged as -n there, and as the character is always written with a determiner, which is a practice more common in Menghe Mengja than in Themiclesia.

The earliest known "provinces" are considered to be the North Province and South Province, dating to 281 CE under Patriarch ′An of Tsins (安百), who was declared the Hegemon Lord after his father had received the homage of the four states in 256. The land that constituted these provinces had belonged to some barons that rebelled between 277 and 280. The rebels were defeated, their lands confiscated, and ′An proceeded to arrogate more control over the military powers of barons appointed to replace the rebels. They were directed to share those powers with a "justice" (㷉) as royal representative. Two more provices, Inner Province and Outer Province, appeared late in the 3rd century, corresponding to the east and west of the Tsins realm, but the chief officer was a not a justice but a viceroy (守).

It is not accepted by all scholars that the North, South, Inner, and Outer provinces are to be viewed as direct antecedents of the provincial administration in the post-Mrangs sense. They point out that the term "province" (郡) itself is never used in contemporary documents in the 3rd through 6th centuries, and that the titles of their justices and viceroys are merely attached to the name of their jurisdictions, e.g. "Viceroy of North", rather than "Viceroy of North Province" as in post-543 texts. Their proposal is to view the viceroy not as a deputy of the ruler of Tsins, but that of the deposed monarch who formerly ruled from viceregal seats. This would entail, according to opponents of this view, that the provincial jurisdictions be viewed as "rump states of sorts", beyond the realm of Tsins but governed by it, a supposition that is not easily detected in surviving documents. However, the fact that cities were required to submit to the viceroy, and not the Tsins court directly, may testify to this former relationship.

It is a matter of debate if the a viceroy's roles were substantively different than a justice's. Some scholars believe there was no difference at all, since available historical information suggest that both kinds of officials were in change of military affairs, but others note that the subsequent evolution of provincial governance required both a viceroy and justice, arguing that they were not only distinct, but complementary. Martin (1968) argues that justice had jurisdiction over only baronies and hence military affairs, while viceroys oversaw certain royal manors and workshops, thus giving them purview over finance; he asserts that taxation records from baronial villages in a justice province were forwarded to the Exchequer directly, without the justice's intercession, while those in a viceregal province submitted to the viceroy. Lately, however, evidence contrary to both of Martin's observations have been reported, re-opening the debate amongst scholars.

In ceremonial terms, a viceroy outranked a justice in the royal court's seating plan, and only viceroys were addressed as "lord". It has also been calculated that justice were replaced after only two years on average, while viceregal terms of office lasted 14 years on average, though the paucity of known tenures (22 justices, 7 viceroys) and historiographic biases compromise the informativeness of this statistic.

In medieval historiography, it has been widely thought that the phrase qur-qrep (君邑) found on early bronze inscriptions represent an early implementation of provincial governance, and subsequent practices were derived from it. This argument rests upon the notion that the qur-qrep represents a lord's personal land that, due to their absence from it, must be governed remotely, entailing the appointment of a representative. This position was subsequently rejected in the 17th century on the grounds that, philologically, qur cannot be exegeted as guns, and because the Themiclesian province is much similar to its Menghean-dynasty analogue and is even written the same way. They concluded that the Themiclesian province was a derivative of the Meng-dynasty province.

However, this conclusion has also been re-appraised by modern historians, on the grounds that many details of provincial governance in Themiclesia is not directly analogous to that of the Meng-dynasty province, and some characteristics, such as relationship between the justice and baron, are probably reflections of Themiclesian political realities rather than a pure import from the Meng dynasty.

Sung and Rang

In the Sung period, the four provinces of the Tsins empire were retained in place.

Mengs

The exiled Meng emperor's restoration in Themiclesia in 543 heralded a series of formal and substantial changes to Themiclesian government, whose precise extent is still actively investigated. In terms of regional administration, the first two emperors' attentions were to no small extent focused on the happy settlement of their faithful retinue who followed the monarch to Themiclesia, and in many cases by grants of tenures and offices. This process spanned not less than fifty years since the restoration, and it was complicated by the need to defend interests of landed Themiclesian nobles who supported the restoration and the preservation of the crown's own interest in its exclusive sources of revenues.

Themiclesia's royal government to the 6th century was of limited scale compared to Menghe. The creation of extraneous offices or baronies to settle the restored emperor's followers would reduce the his revenues, and the seizure of lands held by nobles hostile to the restoration would strain relations with those that were friendly, or at least engender skepticism. Ngwyan's strategy, which he seems to have started practicing in 551, was to divide existing offices and create new offices over new territories, and to that end he divided the four existing provinces of the Rang administration into eight and created two other provinces in the interior. To ensure that these provinces were adequately funded, he ordered new barons within them to pay one half of their revenues into the viceroy's coffers. This way, he sought to maintain the privilege of the domestic nobility and create a new, parallel nobility interested in his dynasty.

List of provinces

  • Exchequer Province (內吏)
  • Spran (盤)
  • Ku-ngwyan (九邍)
  • Lat-ngwyan (大邍)
  • Srum-qlun (三川)
  • Pang (房)
  • Nar (堇)
  • Pek (北)
  • Nem (南)
  • Ling (浧)
  • Sngrak (屰)
  • Lra (余)
  • Grā′ (下)
  • ′Ān (安)
  • Dang′ (上)

See also