Bowism

For the religion of the same name practised in Kretaza, see Nizni Bowism.

Bowism (Basaqese: Perizîna Bow, transl. "Bow Worship") is a religious tradition native to the Basaqastan region of Liberto-Ancapistan. The largest religion in Basaqastan by adherents, it has no non-monastic institutional structures and encompasses a variety of practices and beliefs, influenced by saints, monastic scholarship and regional traditions.

Bowism is characterised by the veneration of a monotheistic god, most commonly referred to as Bow. Interpretations of Bow vary significantly between monastic schools, taking the form of a pantheistic unifying spirit in the Pilizwari school and a singular, caring creator god in the Tasgalati school. According to the largest Kevirozi school, Bow has a single, divine essence separate from the Siyen Zindi (transl. "Living World"), but is currently fragmentary, interacting with the world primarily through distinctive and separate incarnations known as Siyenidan. Most Bowist cosmologies envision the Siyen Zindi as created by Bow in opposition to a lifeless, chaotic outer world, Netem. Belief in the existence of lower divine beings, called eriden (transl. "spirits"), is also near-constant among even pantheistic schools. These eriden, together with the Siyenidan, form the basis for most Bowist worship, involving offerings of food, water and incense to elicit favours and prevent conflict.

According to most scholars, Bowism is a development of pre-existing polytheistic Basaqastanian religion, and developed into a recognisable form over an extended period between the 3rd millennium BCE and 5th millennium CE, with many well-known Siyenidan being recognisable as re-interpretations of older polytheistic deities. The reasons for the origins of Bowism, and the specific origin of Bow as a unifying deity, are heavily debated. Explanations proposed range from the need for a holistic legitimising religious ideology in the Nizmstani Empire and successor polities, to the abandonment of older deities during times of poor economic fortunes. Bowism experienced significant development and institutionalisation from the 8th century, with the emergence of the Bowist ascetic saints and monastic tradition, leading to the compilement and codification of religious texts and prayers. The 'schools' which characterise modern Bowism largely derive from this monastic tradition, with most originating in the establishment of monastic communities by charismatic saints. The largest school, Kevirozi Bowism, was established in the 10th century CE based on the activities of the saint Shamaqoli of the Rock, whose sayings and poems were collected posthumously in a book, the Isahd.

Bowism is primarily found in Liberto-Ancapistan, among ethnic Basaqastanians and some other groups in the Basaqastan region. Most practitioners outside the country are part of the Basaqastanian diaspora. Numerically, it is the largest religion in Liberto-Ancapistan, followed by Santian Folk Religion and Christianity. Aspects of Bowism have been incorporated into the Basaqastanian Christian tradition Nivin Christianity.

Beliefs

Cosmology

Most Bowist schools believe in a fundamental division between the Siyen Zindi, the world inhabited by humanity, and Netem, the primordial and infinite world from which Bow emerged. The Siyen Zindi is universally said to have been created by Bow, whether consciously or as a consequence of their existence. Kevirozi, Yesireni and Exaliki Bowists believe that this was a deliberate act of creativity by Bow. Pilizwari Bowists make no distinction between Bow and the Siyen Zindi itself. The age of the Siyen Zindi, and the role played by Bow within it since its creation, differs significantly between schools.

Most Bowist schools believe in the existence of several distinctive incarnations of Bow, the Siyenidan. Different Siyenidan are associated with certain appearances, temperaments and interests. While the Siyenidan are usually said to be fragmentary parts of Bow's essence, thus having individual intentions and minds, Tasgalati Bowists consider Siyenidan simply different guises of a unitary and interventionist Bow. Siyenidan form an essential component of Bowist mythology, featuring in a large variety of stories and historic works, and are the recipients of most offerings and prayers. While the number of Siyenidan is very large and undefined, several specific incarnations feature prominently, most famously Paleyî (transl. "Harvest"), a Siyenidi associated with good harvests which was formerly invoked regularly as a polytheistic god prior to the development of Bowism. Many other popular Siyenidan are associated with prophecy and wisdom, such as the Mirovê Stêran (transl. "Man of the Stars").

All major Bowist schools believe in the existence of lower spiritual beings, eriden, which were created by Bow rather than being derived from them. A common tradition, strongest within the Yesireni school, holds that eriden are material beings given immortality upon death by Siyenidan. Eriden are strongly associated with magic, impermanent form and eternal life. Interaction with eriden primarily takes the form of specific offerings and appeals, with prayers being less common, as they are usually restricted to a single geographic location and are more often malevolent than Siyenidan. These appeals form a significant component of Bowist worship, being given offerings in exchange for peace, good fortunes, or protection from malevolent eriden.

Sacred texts

Bowism possesses a significant scriptural tradition, but the use of sacred texts is often variable both between and within schools. Often, only a small number of texts considered useful or legitimate by a school are considered necessary to learn or study. The organisation of sacred texts differs between schools; the Exaliki school maintains a consolidated single scripture, the Tejira, while others recognise several texts and compilations. The most common genre of Bowist scripture consists of the writings or sayings of a saint, or other divinely inspired individual; the most notable of these is the Isahd, a fundamental text of Kevirozi Bowism, which consists of the collected sayings of Shamaqoli of the Rock, compiled shortly after his death. Other forms of scripture include ritual instructions and accounts of the world's origins, or historic events involving Bow or the Siyendan.

Because many Bowist texts originated as oral traditions before being written, it is often difficult to ascribe a specific date to their creation. However, the oldest Bowist scriptures, collections of hymns to Siyendan, may date as far back as the 7th century BCE, predating the establishment of Bowism as a religion. Written records of older Bowist scripture largely post-date the establishment of Bowist monasticism, due to the prolific output and large archives of monasteries.

Most Bowist scriptures are written in the Basaqese language, and all except the Pilizwari school maintain older texts in their original Nivin script. The only other language with a significant presence in Bowist scripture is the Far language, which features in older Yesireni texts. However, many scriptural works written in the early centuries of Kevirozi Bowism employ a local dialect known as the Kevirozi liturgical language, which diverges significantly from standard Classical Basaqese.

Practices

Outside monastic institutions, Bowism is focused much more on ritual than religious doctrine, to the extent where it is often difficult to distinguish between Bowist customs and wider Basaqastanian customs.

Shrines and temples

Most Bowist ritual worship is centred around religious structures, subcategorised into shrines and temples. These are separated by the presence of a shrine-keeper, or priest, and typically other staff, in a temple, and the lack of such in a shrine. There are up to 60,000 public shrines in Liberto-Ancapistan, ranging from temples with multi-building complexes to small canopied platforms. Traditionally, shrines and temples are dedicated to a single local eriden or Siyenidi, but larger temples may have a broader dedication or multiple patrons.

While the architectural styles of shrines and temples vary signficantly, all shrines include a canopy, even if the they do not take the form of full buildings. This is typically made of stone, and supported on at least two sides. On either side of the gate of a shrine or temple are two stone steles, on which the original dedication of the shrine is inscribed. In most shrines, especially those more than two centuries old, this dedication is written in the old Nivin script, which has fallen out of use in most Basaqese writing. The interior of a shrine is centred around a pool of water, beneath a hole in the canopy used to allow rainwater inside. In a small shrine, this may simply be a wooden bowl. The pool is used exclusively for divination, and other messages from divine sources. Around the bowl are raised platforms for the placement of offerings.

Temples and monasteries also include one or more iregirs, hollow pillars containing flammable material. These are used in divination, and to make offerings to particularly revered Siyenidan on certain occasions. In larger buildings, these iregirs may take the form of towers up to 100 metres in height, known as 'great iregirs', and are present in most large Basaqastanian cities.

Offerings and divination

Offerings take the form of anything considered to be valuable by Bowists, though food is by far the most common offering and individual eriden are traditionally held to have certain preferences. Items such as fruit and prepared meat are typically placed on a designated surface at a temple or shrine, where they are left until a periodic removal. Offerings can also take the form of incense, which is burned in candles or iregirs. Historically, animals have been killed and presented on-site in temples and larger shrines, but this has fallen out of practice in all but the Yesireni and Tasgalati schools, and is largely restricted to events of special importance. Offerings are usually accompanied by verbal requests of recited prayers, which may also be made without an accompanying offering.

Bowist divination centres around the interpretation of the interaction between substances, particularly water, which is believed to be influenced by Siyenidan or other imperceptible forces. The most common form practiced in temples involves the observation of the survival or non-survival of fire in contact with rainwater. Other popular forms include the observation of the mixing of water with tea or other coloured liquids, and the movement of floating objects when affected by rain. Across schools, divination is taught to all monastic or monastically-trained monks, but may be carried out by laypeople. Because Bowist divination is highly interpretative, it is never considered wholly reliable.

Ethics

Bowist ethics, outside monastic institutions, do not form any specific doctrine, and are derived primarily from the practical relationships of appeals and offerings, as well as the anecdotal lessons of sacred texts and mythology. An essential component of Bowist ethics is the concept of mawin ('respect' or 'deliberation'). Individuals are expected to show mawin by acting in a respectful manner, and ensuring that the interests of all present are taken into an account when actions are taken. In a Bowist context, this principle is illustrated in the use of offerings and prayers, rather than curses or force, to influence the actions of eriden, creating a compromise favourable to all parties. Mawin also encompasses honesty and hospitality, another important concept of Bowist ethnics illustrated by a common mythological motif in which a Siyenidi requests food or lodgings in the guise of a vagrant, and grants blessings to those who respond kindly.

Because Bowists do not believe that Bow is an omnipotent deity, the favourable natural order of the Siyen Zindi is not considered permanent or self-maintaining. As a result, Bowist ethics includes a commitment to upholding the order of the Siyen Zindi through mawin, as well as the practice of moderation and cleanliness. These observances are especially important in monastic communities, which aim to have a minimal impact on the external world. Bowists are expected to wash with water frequently, and ensure that public spaces remain clean; this extends especially to bodies of water, which form an essential component of the functioning of the Siyen Zindi, as well as Bowist practice.

Festivals

Bowist festivals are often local in character, and are devoted to specific Siyenidan or eriden. Many festivals not originally connected to Bowism, such as the Santo-Promeridonan Asheran New Year, have accumulated Bowist religious practices in areas where the religion is present. The largest explicitely Bowist festivals are the mid-autumn Harvest Festival, dedicated to the Siyenidi Paleyî, and the early-winter Amemsori festival, which celebrates the beginning of the winter monsoons with offerings to several Siyenidan. Outside these, festivals largely differ between regions, localities or monasteries.

Bowist monasticism

History

Bowist monasticism originated as a series of charismatic religious movements in the 7th and 8th centuries. The period saw significant climate disruption in southern Basaqastan, with repeated periods of drought contributing to the devastation of large agricultural regions and widespread vagrancy. This created highly receptive conditions for charismatic religious leaders in opposition to the existing state-centred religious apparatus, many of whom promoted asceticism or millennarian themes. Several of these charismatic leaders, or saints, would cultivate discipleship among their followers, creating ascetic religious communities of increasing size. Though the emergence of such saints formed a broad movement, with a collective contribution to Bowist monasticism, the first charismatic leader to obtain considerable influence was Saint Azomigin, who amassed a large community of followers in the Nizmstan region. More powerful saintly leaders often came into competition with existing political authorities, leading to the concentration of disciple communities in isolated areas, particularly offshore islands. While early saintly movements promoted or anticipated political and social change, persecutions, isolation and the deaths of founding saints would provoke the development of many into self-sustaining ascetic communities, aiming to improve conditions through harmony with the Siyen Zindi, and the promotion of good morals.

Early Bowist monastic communities initially remained relatively self-contained, usually having been founded by a single saintly leader. This would continue even with the growth of monasticism across the Basaqastan region, largely prompted by the movement of communities into the sparsely populated Qûmêşîn basin. By the late 8th century, however, the weakening of monastic ties to initial saintly leaders, and the emergence of newer, less prevalent saintly leaders, would contribute to growing connections in the doctrines and practices of monastic communities, and the syncretisation of multiple forms of teaching. By the 10th century, there was significant unity and institutionalisation among monastic communities, which stretched across Basaqastan.

The most impactful period in the history of Bowist monasticism lasted between the late 10th and late 13th centuries, prompted by the emergence of a new saintly movement under Shamaqoli of the Rock in the Kimistan region of modern-day Libertarya. Shamaqoli broke from earlier monastic leaders by emphasising a less strict form of asceticism focused on cleanliness and scholarship, and a religious doctrine in which the individuality of the Siyenidan predominated over the unity of Bow. After being exiled to the island of Keviroz by Santian authorities, Shamaqoli's religious community grew to become immensely influential. By his death, a majority of monasteries on the south coast of Basaqastan had adopted elements of his teachings, creating a permanent split between northern and southern Bowist monastic groups.

In the years following the death of Shamaqoli of the Rock, the modern schools of Bowism increasingly took shape. Scripture and recitation would grow increasingly important as monasticism continued to embed into political and economic structures. Despite restrictions and limited by the Santian Empire, Bowist monasticism would continue to form an important part of society in Basaqastan. By the 18th century, the four schools of Kevirozi, Exaliki, Tasgalati and Yesireni Bowism had come to predominate. In the late 18th century, these were joined by the Pilizwari school, originating as a reformist movement within the Kevirozi school.

Schools

Percentage distribution of ordained Bowist monks among schools (2022)

  Kevirozi (59%)

  Exaliki (17%)

  Yesireni (11%)

  Pilizwari (8%)

  Tasgalati (5%)

Largest monastic school by local government area in Basaqastan:
  Kevirozi
  Exaliki
  Yesireni
  Pilizwari
  Tasgalati

Monastic practice in Bowism is divided into several schools, which differ to varying extents in doctrine and practice. Since the 10th century, these have been divided into 'northern' and 'southern' Bowist schools, with the latter influenced by the teachings and monastic reforms of Shamaqoli of the Rock. In modern times, these categories are clearly destinguished by the gender-segregation of northern schools, and the hair styles of monks; in northern schools, hair-cutting is forbidden, while southern schools mandate or promote shaven heads and faces. Most Bowist monasteries fall under one of five schools, known as the 'five great schools', though almost 60% of monks and nuns fall under the Kevirozi school alone. Other schools exist, but include only a small number of monasteries.

The largest monastic school is the Kevirozi school, the larger of the two southern Bowist schools. Based on the reforms of Shamaqoli of the Rock, it dates to the 10th century. The Kevirozi school emphasises cleanliness, as well as the need to form differentiated relationships with individual Siyenidan and eriden. While less strict than the northern Bowist schools in enforcing asceticism, monasteries are still expected to be self-maintaining and strictly focused communities. Most Kevirozi monasteries fall under the doctrinal control of the Zinari Council, a council of senior monks headquarted in the several 'great monasteries' of Keviroz island. While the schools is closely associated with islands, many monasteries exist in mainland Basaqastan, with it including a large majority of monasteries in the southern provinces of Liberto-Ancapistan. The Kevirozi school is also the largest among overseas Bowist communities.

The second southern Bowist school, and newest of the 'five great schools', is the Pilizwari school. The school was founded as a reformist movement within the Kevirozi school in the late 18th century, with several monasteries ultimately deciding to adopt a new series of practices and doctrines at a meeting in Pilizwar in 1779. The school is the most divergent of the five great schools, advocating a pantheist theology in which no distinction exists between Bow and the Siyen Zindi. There are considerably fewer restrictions on Pilizwari monks than those of other schools, leading to closer contact with wider society. Small and relatively geographically dispersed, Pilizwari monasteries only form a majority in Transcionan Libertarya.

The largest northern Bowist school is the Exaliki school, which claims to represent the closest approximation of early Bowist monastic practice, and which uniquely follows a single, consolidated scripture, the Tejira. Exaliki monastic practice remains closer to ascetic ideals than other schools, with restrictions on meat consumption and washing, and most monasteries located in the Qûmêşîn desert. Exaliki monasteries are usually smaller and more self-sufficient than those of other schools. While recognising the existence of the Siyenidan, Exaliki monks do not make offerings to eriden, emphasising the divine essence of Bow. The Exaliki school contains the majority of monasteries in the Qûmêşîn basin.

The second-largest northern Bowist school is the Yesireni, or Farstani school. The Yesireni school dates to the first Bowist monastic communities in the Farstan region in the 8th and 9th centuries, and is characterised by a large, unique collection of holy texts, many of which were written in the Far language. Yesireni practice is varied and highly ritualistic. Despite being a northern Bowist school, the Yesireni school places a strong emphasis on interaction with local Siyenidan and eriden. The school contains the majority of monasteries in Peravên Far province.

The smallest of the five great schools is the northern Bowist Tasgalati school, also called the Alanchian school. The Tasgalati school is highly distinctive in its almost pure monotheism, rejecting the uniqueness of the Siyenidan, and its elaborate cosmology and mythology. The school is almost entirely restricted to the Alanchi hills of modern-day Basaqastan Hundir province, and is centred around the city of Alanchi, where it has a close relationship with the local traditional elite. The early history of the school remains obscure. While many scholars in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries attempted to link Alanchian Bowism to a forgotten Christian community in the Alanchi hills, this theory has been largely discredited, as no evidence of such a community has emerged.

Organisation

The organisation of Bowist monasteries varies, both within and between schools. Most monasteries fall under the doctrinal supervision of large, loose associations, which enable voluntary cooperation between members. The most well-known of these associations includes most Kevirozi monasteries, and finds leadership from the Zinari Council, a body of senior monks dating back to the death of Shamaqoli of the Rock; a similar association, centred in Alanchi, contains all Tasgalati monasteries. Among other schools, associations are typically smaller and regional, maintaining the doctrinal and practical integrity of the school through mutual agreement and adherence to set sacred texts.

Within all monasteries not of the Pilizwari schools, an internal hierarchy differentiates between ordinary monks (Andayanan), apprentices (Sagiran), and great monks (Andayanan Mezigh). The great monks, composed of senior monks, form a council responsible for the running of the monastery, the appointment of individuals to specific posts, and the promotion of apprentices and ordinary monks. Upon joining a monastery, a new member of the monastery will remain an apprentice until they are recognised as worthy of becoming an ordinary monk by the great monks; in a Kevirozi monastery, this will typically occur at adulthood for child monks, and between 1 and 2 years after induction for adult monks.

Monastic vows and life

Bowist monastic practice necessitates adherence to a number of rules, the breaking of which may be punished with expulsion. These are the strictest in the Exaliki school, which places specific restrictions on virtually all aspects of life, and the most lenient in the Pilizwari school, which uniquely allows monks to marry. For Kevirozi monks, land ownership, employment, sexual relations, alcohol consumption, unauthorised non-monastic habitation, inheritance, marriage, violence, and the growing of head or facial hair are forbidden. While not considered theologically necessary, such vows are enforced by monasteries to create an environment of moderation, mawin and discipline necessary to engage in full-time monastic life and fruitful engagement with Siyenidan and eriden. In addition to vows, most schools enforce various monastic garbs; Exaliki monks may only wear a simple cloth robe, while Kevirozi monks wear indigo-dyed robes or a silk cilere above undergarments, and Pilizwari monks follow only a loose and variable dress code.

Life in a Bowist monastery varies between schools, and particularly in the Pilizwari school, but is generally regimented into a large number of tasks, accompanied by the periodic recitation of prayers at monastic shrines and the giving of offerings. All domestic tasks in a monastery are carried out by monks, usually on rotating schedules, and many monasteries keep gardens or fields to grow food, with some monasteries even fishing or crabbing from boats. On a typical day, an ordinary or apprentice monk carries out three or four domestic tasks, with sessions of prayer or offerings between them, and two meals. During Bowist festivals, activities may vary for several days. Seasonal variations also exist; during the lapacine month, in anticipation of the harvest, many monks give half of their meals as offerings to Siyenidan to ensure good fortune.

Some monasteries, particularly those in older buildings or of the gender-segregating Northern Bowist schools, require that monks sleep in large dormitories. More modern monasteries usually assign younger monks into smaller rooms with less than five residents, and give older monks single rooms. Periods of waking and rest vary based on the time of year and weather.

Monks may be assigned by the great monks to leave their monasteries for various purposes, usually related to charitable activites or interaction between monasteries. Since the 16th century, it has been common for monasteries to fund the education of interested scholarly monks in secular or non-monastic higher education schools; this remains common, and many universities have specific agreements with monastic associations to provide theological education. In some prestigious universities, such as the University of Silosovia, special residences, conforming to monastic rules, are provided for studying monks.

Finances

Historically, Bowist monasteries were funded primarily through the selling of monastery-made goods, as well as the endowments of notable and noble individuals, with costs minimised through self-sufficiency. Through endowments, many monasteries were historically wealthy, able to commission elaborate buildings and ritual objects, and provide education or healthcare to local areas. This model largely continues in modern times, though the selling of goods has become less viable, leading to many monasteries operating limited touristic openings and educational courses. Additionally, most provinces of Liberto-Ancapistan provide limited monetary endowments towards the upkeep and preservation of monasteries. Since 2021, monasteries have also been financially supported by the country's national basic income, which entitles monks to a monthly sum of F1600.

Charitable work

Historically, monastic institutions have engaged in significant charitable endeavours, providing lodgings and healthcare to non-monks and vagrants, and sponsoring the establishment of shrines, educational institutions and infrastructure. Most rural dibiha (traditional schools) established in Basaqastan before the 19th century were the product of monetary endowments by monasteries, often involving monks in educational instruction. Since the 19th century, monastic charity has significantly decreased in importance in Basaqastan, ceasing to be involved in most public projects, but continues; several disaster and disease relief mechanisms are regularly used by monasteries to provide funds to affected areas across the world. Furthermore, monasteries are responsible for the upkeep of significant numbers of Bowist shrines and temples, while most temple-keepers are current or former monks.

Demographics

Basaqastan

According to the 2018 Liberto-Ancapistanian census, 68.6% of the population of Basaqastan identified as Bowist, contributing to a proportion of 54% in Liberto-Ancapistan as a whole. It is the largest in the country by a large margin, with Santian Folk Religion and Christianity making up 18% and 16% of the population respectively. Bowists form a majority of the population in 43 of the 47 local government areas in the Basaqastan region, as well as all of the region's provinces. Specific schools or varieties of Bowism were not recorded by the census.

Since the beginning of uniform census records in 1958, Bowism has seen a slight decline in Basaqastan, from 74.1%, but has largely remained stable since 2000. The number of monks and apprentices in 2018 was 178,000, a decrease of 35% from 1955.

Other regions

The largest Bowist presence outside Basaqastan exists in Liberto-Ancapistan's Compacipo Autonomous Region, which contains a majority-Basaqese population. While the region has only a small number of monasteries, a majority of residents identify as Bowists, and it contains several hundred shrines. Compacipo City includes the newest great iregir in Liberto-Ancapistan, the Compacipo Great Iregir, which was completed in 1977 and stands at a height of 92 metres.

Elsewhere in Liberto-Ancapistan, several monasteries exist in the Fayre-Oiya Autonomous Region due to its isolated location, though these are home primarily to Basaqese rather than Fayrean monks. While most of the population of the region does not identify as Bowist, elements of Kevirozi Bowism have been incorporated into traditional religious practices, particularly in the realm of divination. In Alta Santia province, Bowists form only a small minority of the population, at no more than 2% in 2018; most of these are members of the small Basaqese Santian community. Bowist monasteries have historically been banned in Alta Santia, and monks once faced significant persecution; however, Kevirozi monks have been permitted to establish two monasteries on the island of Giasabsi since the 18th century, which continue to exist.

Outside Liberto-Ancapistan, most Bowists are members of the Basaqese diaspora, though other small communities exist. Converts to Bowism are most commonly of the southern Bowist schools, make up 3,000-4,000 of the total monastic population.