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{{Region_icon_Ajax}}
{{Region_icon_Ajax}}
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{{Infobox ethnic group
{{Infobox ethnic group
| group            = Coyotl
| group            = Coyotl
Line 5: Line 6:
| native_name_lang = Nahuatl
| native_name_lang = Nahuatl
| image            = [[File:Antiguas ciudades de América, 1842 "Indios de Mainas. Paisano a caballo. India de Quito. Zambos de Quito." (5960649878).jpg|200px]]
| image            = [[File:Antiguas ciudades de América, 1842 "Indios de Mainas. Paisano a caballo. India de Quito. Zambos de Quito." (5960649878).jpg|200px]]
| caption          = An 1845 illustration of the peoples of [[Yztac Tlalocan]] depicting Oxidentals as well as coyotecas.
| caption          = An 1845 illustration of the peoples of [[Yztac Tlalocan]] depicting coyotecas.
| regions          = [[Zacapican]], [[Pulacan]]
| regions          = [[Zacapican]], [[Pulacan]]
| langs            = {{nowrap|Primarily {{wp|Nahuatl}}}}<br>Various native languages
| langs            = {{nowrap|Primarily {{wp|Nahuatl}}}}<br>Various native languages
| rels            = Predominantly [[Cozauism|Cozauist]]; religious minorities including [[Sarpetic religions|Sarpetism]]s and syncretism with indigenous beliefs.  
| rels            = Predominantly [[Cozauism|Cozauist]]; religious minorities including [[Sarpetic religions|Sarpetism]] and syncretism with indigenous beliefs.  
| related          =}}
| related          =}}
'''Coyotl''' and the less common '''coyotlacatl''' and '''coyotec''' are terms used in the {{wp|Nahuatl}}-speaking world to denote a person of mixed heritage. Originally used to describe those of [[Ajax#Oxidentale|Oxidental]] and {{Ajax#Malaio|Malioan]] parentage, the usage of the coyotl label expanded significantly in the 20th century and now applies to all peoples who have some indigenous [[Zacapican|Zacapine]] heritage mixed with any non-Oxidental ancestry. The related term ''coyohuic'', coined in the 1940s in [[Angatahuaca]], describes the process of {{wp|miscegenation}} and cultural exchange which was accelerating in the immigrant districts of the major Zacapine ports of that era. All of these terms were originally pejorative in nature, being used to differentiate between the pure-blooded lineages of Oxidentale and the mixed-race population often born in the overseas territories under the bi-continental rule of [[Aztapamatlan]]. This connotation began to reverse towards a more positive meaning at different times across the Aztapaman empire. In modern day [[Pulacan]], where the majority of the local population were native Malioans or mixed Oxidental-Malaioans, the coyotl identity was embraced much earlier than in the Aztapaman homeland in modern day Zacapican, where use of the term as neutral label without any negative connotation would only be seen in the 20th century some decades after the fall of Aztapamatlan.
'''Coyotl''' and the less common '''coyotlacatl''' and '''coyotec''' are terms used in the {{wp|Nahuatl}}-speaking world to denote the non-citizen subjects of the [[Angatahuacan Republic|Angatahuacan hegemony]] and their modern-day descendants.  


==Etymology==
==History==
The principal meaning of ''coyotl'' in Nahuatl is of course referring to the {{wp|coyote}} canine species. However, it often had a wide array double meanings as with many other terms in the indigenous languages of Oxidentale. The original auxiliary use cases of ''coyotl'' were to refer to strangers and foreigners, as well as to physical objects of some mixed nature. For example, cotton mixed with other fibers to create a mixed textile material would be called cotton coyotl (''ichcacoyotl''). Referring to people of mixed heritage as ''coyotl'', however, was relatively uncommon and unorthodox until the 15th century. ''Coyotlacatl'' is a compound simply meaning people of a mixed nature and ''coyoteca'' is an unorthodox variant with this same meaning.  
In the early history of Angatahuaca as a sovereign city-state, society was largely divided between free citizens and the enslaved population. The slaves, usually captives taken from rival cities during periods of warfare, could swell to as high as 50% of the population during periods of major military victories against the city's rivals, creating the potential for dangerous unrest and slave rebellion in the city. As a means of pacifying the enslaved population of the city, Angatahuaca implemented an extensive legal code surrounding slavery which included several avenues for {{wp|manumission}} that would allow a slave to gain the status of a non-citizen {{wp|freedman}} if certain criteria were met. During the period of rapid Angatahuacan military expansion during and after the 8th century [[Acana War]], large foreign populations were brought under Angatahuacan rule. While a large number of these were taken captive and became slaves (''tlacotli''), the majority became free subjects of Angatahuaca with virtually identical legal standing as the freedman population. These conquered foreigners or ''coyotl'' would become a category of their own, merging with the freedmen to form an intermediate social class between the Angatahuacan citizens and the enslaved population. From the 8th century all the way to its collapse in the [[Zacapine Revolution]], most of the population under Angatahuacan rule would be part of this coyotl demographic.  


==History==
As the Angatahuacan hegemony continued its military expansion, conquering much of modern-day Zacapican, Pulacan, [[Khuummehkweh]] and [[Phansi Uhlanga]], the coyotl subject population would only continue to expand and become more diverse. The assimilation of coyotl subjects into Angatahuacan society was a principal imperative of the Angatahuacan [[Cozauism|Cozauist Temple]] and its {{wp|Proselytism|proselytization mission}}, established as a means of cementing Angatahuaca's position in newly conquered regions by speeding up their assimilation into the culture of the hegemonic city. Full citizenship was often granted to entire cities and tribes of coyotl, both as a means of rewarding loyalty and pacifying unrest similar to the policy of manumission embraced centuries prior. Citizenship was granted to those groups of coyotl that had demonstrated willing loyalty and developed close ties with Angatahuaca, which were almost always the same populations that most readily assimilated into Angatahuacan culture, embracing the Nahuatl language, customs, as well as Cozauist religious practices. At the territorial zenith of Angatahuaca in the early 17th century, most of coastal Zacapican and parts of southern Pulacan were inhabited mostly by full citizens thanks to the policy of granting citizenship to loyal coyotl populations, as well as the process of internal migration and settlement of Angatahuacan citizens in the provinces. Most coyotl spoke Nahuatl and were partially or completely converted to Cozauist religious practice, although many also retained native customs for centuries under Angatahuacan rule, at times merging native and Angatahuacan traditions into a hybridized coyotl culture unique to their region.  
===Origins===
The first people to be subject to the term in any regular way were the descendants of the ''{{wp|Pochteca|pochtecayotl}}'' merchants of the Aztapaman trading outposts in Malaio who had become cut off from the homeland as a result of the widespread disruption caused by the [[Siriwang Eruption]] and subsequently integrated into the local communities in order to survive. These first coyotl, the originators of the modern Pulatl mixed Nahua-{{wp|Tswana people|Tzhuana}} identity, had mixed parentage but still preserved the Nahuatl language and a version of the indigenous Aztapaman religious system by the time that Aztapamatlan re-established contact and began its conquest of the region. For centuries afterward, the coyotl were primarily a Nahua-Tzhuana or more broadly an Oxidental-Malaioan ethnic grouping living in the Aztapaman Malaio territories and speaking a Nahua-based {{wp|Creole language|creole}}. The term would not see widespread use in the Aztapaman homeland until after the [[Zacapine Revolution]], during the major waves of immigration to Zacapican in the 1920s and 1940s. As a result, ''coyotec'' which was at one time interchangeable with ''coyotl'' and ''coyotlacatl'' would start to be used exclusively to refer to the mixed-race Pulatl as a way to differentiate their identity from the new coyotl of Zacapican.  


===20th century Zacapican===
As Angatahuaca entered its era of decline, many of the rights to property and movement that the coyotl had previously enjoyed were gradually stripped away as the economy drifted into a pseudo-{{wp|Manorialism|manoralist}} relationship of land-owning citizens and unlanded coyotl laborers from what had previously consisted mainly of self-sustaining coyotl farmers working their own lands. Angatahuacan authorities slowly reduced the number of coyotl that would be granted citizenship as the society stagnated and the social hierarchy became rigid and inflexible. Ultimately, the coyotl population of the provinces together with rebelling slaves and native vassals became the vanguard of the sweeping revolutions that overthrew Angatahuacan rule and ultimately succeeded in dismantling the hegemony entirely. Following the collapse of Angatahuaca, many of the citizen populations of the outlying provinces would quickly assimilate into the larger coyotl demographics that surrounded them within 1-2 generations of the revolution. The coyotl identity would come to be embraced by many of the revolutionary factions and states that emerged from the ashes of the fallen hegemony, including both Zacapican and Pulacan.
In the first half of the 20th century in Zacapican, millions of immigrants from overseas and especially from eastern [[Ajax#Belisaria|Belisaria]] began to pour into Zacapican drawn by the promise of a better life and newfound wealth in the [[Xallan Gold Rush]]. Simultaneously, the country was undergoing an urbanization process of unprecedented scale which was drawing further millions of indigenous Zacapine groups from their homelands into the burgeoning industrial cities where the would find housing and work in the same hastily assembled calpolli-wards the foreign immigrants were settling into. This unintentionally laid the groundwork for ''coyohuic'' processes to begin, largely as a result of the Xolotecate era policies of rapid industrialization coupled with a general disinterest of the local authorities to enforce any kind of segregation policy. It would take many generations for the coyohuic to become widespread and even dominant across the urban demographics of the so-called "migrant cities" like Angatahuaca and [[Quitzapatzaro]], affecting some demographics more than others. For example, the [[Biele]] immigrants who arrived as early as the first wave established more insular ethnic enclaves in Angatahuaca and other Zacapine cities, which kept inter-marriage and cultural exchange to a minimum compared to other groups such as the [[Lushyods]] who assimilated much more readily and transformed into the coyotl subgroup of [[Lush-Nahuas]].


==Modern coyotl==
==Modern coyotl==
=== Pulacan ===
[[File:Nicomedes Santa Cruz.jpg|left|thumb|207x207px|Dumelang Tsogwane, liberal stalwart and President during the [[Hanaki War|Great Kayatman War]]  (1927-1931), played a significant role in developing the Pulateh national identity ]]
The conceptualization of a coyotl identity in Pulacan has undergone significant evolution since first adoption. Significantly, the term has diverged from its accepted use in the rest of the Nahuasphere; in modern times, the term coyotl reflects a sort of {{Wp|meta-ethnicity}}, existing in a conceptual space distinct from social race but encompassing a person's other ethnic identities. Despite originating as an Angatahuacan concept, the coyotl identity has developed in contrast to Heron colonial rule and later perceived Zacapine geopolitical overreach. In short, the Pulatec coyotl identity is perceived as fundamentally Malaioan in character, defined through perseverance of colonial cultural assimilation programs and through their adaptation of imposed ideas and folkways to best suit their needs and character. The [[Pulatec War of Independence]] and coinciding Zacapine Revolution at the turn of the 20th century did much to formally separate the nascent Pulatec coyotl identity from its [[Ajax|Oxidentalese]] context. Both nations saw revolts aimed at overthrowing Angatahuacan control that later cooperated explicitly in the name of mutual success. The post-revolutionary regimes in both countries promoted a worldview of the two as "sister republics," brought together by a shared history and allied in a common struggle for equal societies and an end to oligarchic rule akin to the Heron Empire. For many Pulateh, this shared mission was understood to have an implicit goal of decolonization, one which quickly failed to materialize. This worldview had lost favor by the [[Third Uhlangan Civil War]] (1967-1973), which saw two Zacapine-backed regimes engage in brutal campaigns of genocide collectively known as the Hasanya. While some Pulateh [[Pulatec volunteers in the Third Uhlangan Civil War|illegally volunteered to aid Cuhonhicah forces in the war]], even perpetrating some of the ethnic cleansing, others were horrified by the violence and called for an end to political ties with Zacapican. Continued Zacapine economic and military presence in the Malaio-Ozeros region in the succeeding decades have continued to provoke resentment. As such, despite the perceived disconnect between Zacapican and the Angatahuacans that proceeded it, the former is often discussed as an imperialist or neo-colonial power in public political discourse.
Both Itzcoatl and later Angatahuacan colonial administrators made extensive use of Cozauism as a tool of state control. It was wielded as the primary tool for uniting the colony's diverse subjects, as well as a means of espousing state doctrine and instilling cultural unity. Owing to the highly-decentralized nature of the faith, syncretic traditions preserving elements of {{Wp|Tswana mythology|pre-colonial mythologies}} and folk religions developed in response to these missionary efforts. With the encouragement of certain members of the Temple hierarchy, these disparate local traditions became the dominant form of Cozauism in [[Ajax|Malaio]] by the end of the 16th century. In short order, they had quickly blossomed into numerous distinct denominations under the label of the ''Quiyatlatotecacalli'' ([[Writing systems in Zacapican#Heron Script|Heron Script]]: 𐐗𐐨𐐷𐐰𐐻𐑊𐐰𐐻𐐬𐐻𐐯𐐿𐐰𐐿𐐰𐑊𐑊𐐨). The term's literal meaning, ''the house of the rain-callers,'' refers to the central role of the divine aspect {{Wp|Tlaloc}} in these doctrines. This spiritual evolution both dramatically increased the number of Cozauists in Malaio and wrested some agency from Angatahuacan officials. To this day, the post-independence Union State government continues to treat Cozauism as an integral part of Pulatec community life, drawing by and large from the ''Quiyatlatotecacalli'' and their recontextualization of Cozauism into the Komontu worldview.
Beginning in the latter half of the 20th century, the movement to redress wrongs done to the Tuganani peoples of northern Pulacan reached mainstream attention. Following a short period of intense public struggle, revisions to the law codes in the 1960s and 1970s largely accomplished many of the movement's key goals. A concerted effort resulted, seeking to divorce Pulatec national identity from that of any ethnicity or meta-ethnicity. With an emphasis on {{Wp|civic nationalism}}, participation in democracy and [[calpollism]], significant advancements have been made in advancing the social station of minority ethnic groups. The Tuganani civil rights movement is also cited by some academics as the progenitor of the Tshiamiso movement, which has been cited as a major influence behind a decline in government corruption since the 1990s.
[[Category:Zacapican]]
[[Category:Zacapican]]
[[Category:Pulacan]]
[[Category:Pulacan]]

Latest revision as of 09:04, 6 December 2024

Coyotl
Coyotlacatl
Coyotec
Antiguas ciudades de América, 1842 "Indios de Mainas. Paisano a caballo. India de Quito. Zambos de Quito." (5960649878).jpg
An 1845 illustration of the peoples of Yztac Tlalocan depicting coyotecas.
Regions with significant populations
Zacapican, Pulacan
Languages
Primarily Nahuatl
Various native languages
Religion
Predominantly Cozauist; religious minorities including Sarpetism and syncretism with indigenous beliefs.

Coyotl and the less common coyotlacatl and coyotec are terms used in the Nahuatl-speaking world to denote the non-citizen subjects of the Angatahuacan hegemony and their modern-day descendants.

History

In the early history of Angatahuaca as a sovereign city-state, society was largely divided between free citizens and the enslaved population. The slaves, usually captives taken from rival cities during periods of warfare, could swell to as high as 50% of the population during periods of major military victories against the city's rivals, creating the potential for dangerous unrest and slave rebellion in the city. As a means of pacifying the enslaved population of the city, Angatahuaca implemented an extensive legal code surrounding slavery which included several avenues for manumission that would allow a slave to gain the status of a non-citizen freedman if certain criteria were met. During the period of rapid Angatahuacan military expansion during and after the 8th century Acana War, large foreign populations were brought under Angatahuacan rule. While a large number of these were taken captive and became slaves (tlacotli), the majority became free subjects of Angatahuaca with virtually identical legal standing as the freedman population. These conquered foreigners or coyotl would become a category of their own, merging with the freedmen to form an intermediate social class between the Angatahuacan citizens and the enslaved population. From the 8th century all the way to its collapse in the Zacapine Revolution, most of the population under Angatahuacan rule would be part of this coyotl demographic.

As the Angatahuacan hegemony continued its military expansion, conquering much of modern-day Zacapican, Pulacan, Khuummehkweh and Phansi Uhlanga, the coyotl subject population would only continue to expand and become more diverse. The assimilation of coyotl subjects into Angatahuacan society was a principal imperative of the Angatahuacan Cozauist Temple and its proselytization mission, established as a means of cementing Angatahuaca's position in newly conquered regions by speeding up their assimilation into the culture of the hegemonic city. Full citizenship was often granted to entire cities and tribes of coyotl, both as a means of rewarding loyalty and pacifying unrest similar to the policy of manumission embraced centuries prior. Citizenship was granted to those groups of coyotl that had demonstrated willing loyalty and developed close ties with Angatahuaca, which were almost always the same populations that most readily assimilated into Angatahuacan culture, embracing the Nahuatl language, customs, as well as Cozauist religious practices. At the territorial zenith of Angatahuaca in the early 17th century, most of coastal Zacapican and parts of southern Pulacan were inhabited mostly by full citizens thanks to the policy of granting citizenship to loyal coyotl populations, as well as the process of internal migration and settlement of Angatahuacan citizens in the provinces. Most coyotl spoke Nahuatl and were partially or completely converted to Cozauist religious practice, although many also retained native customs for centuries under Angatahuacan rule, at times merging native and Angatahuacan traditions into a hybridized coyotl culture unique to their region.

As Angatahuaca entered its era of decline, many of the rights to property and movement that the coyotl had previously enjoyed were gradually stripped away as the economy drifted into a pseudo-manoralist relationship of land-owning citizens and unlanded coyotl laborers from what had previously consisted mainly of self-sustaining coyotl farmers working their own lands. Angatahuacan authorities slowly reduced the number of coyotl that would be granted citizenship as the society stagnated and the social hierarchy became rigid and inflexible. Ultimately, the coyotl population of the provinces together with rebelling slaves and native vassals became the vanguard of the sweeping revolutions that overthrew Angatahuacan rule and ultimately succeeded in dismantling the hegemony entirely. Following the collapse of Angatahuaca, many of the citizen populations of the outlying provinces would quickly assimilate into the larger coyotl demographics that surrounded them within 1-2 generations of the revolution. The coyotl identity would come to be embraced by many of the revolutionary factions and states that emerged from the ashes of the fallen hegemony, including both Zacapican and Pulacan.

Modern coyotl

Pulacan

Dumelang Tsogwane, liberal stalwart and President during the Great Kayatman War (1927-1931), played a significant role in developing the Pulateh national identity

The conceptualization of a coyotl identity in Pulacan has undergone significant evolution since first adoption. Significantly, the term has diverged from its accepted use in the rest of the Nahuasphere; in modern times, the term coyotl reflects a sort of meta-ethnicity, existing in a conceptual space distinct from social race but encompassing a person's other ethnic identities. Despite originating as an Angatahuacan concept, the coyotl identity has developed in contrast to Heron colonial rule and later perceived Zacapine geopolitical overreach. In short, the Pulatec coyotl identity is perceived as fundamentally Malaioan in character, defined through perseverance of colonial cultural assimilation programs and through their adaptation of imposed ideas and folkways to best suit their needs and character. The Pulatec War of Independence and coinciding Zacapine Revolution at the turn of the 20th century did much to formally separate the nascent Pulatec coyotl identity from its Oxidentalese context. Both nations saw revolts aimed at overthrowing Angatahuacan control that later cooperated explicitly in the name of mutual success. The post-revolutionary regimes in both countries promoted a worldview of the two as "sister republics," brought together by a shared history and allied in a common struggle for equal societies and an end to oligarchic rule akin to the Heron Empire. For many Pulateh, this shared mission was understood to have an implicit goal of decolonization, one which quickly failed to materialize. This worldview had lost favor by the Third Uhlangan Civil War (1967-1973), which saw two Zacapine-backed regimes engage in brutal campaigns of genocide collectively known as the Hasanya. While some Pulateh illegally volunteered to aid Cuhonhicah forces in the war, even perpetrating some of the ethnic cleansing, others were horrified by the violence and called for an end to political ties with Zacapican. Continued Zacapine economic and military presence in the Malaio-Ozeros region in the succeeding decades have continued to provoke resentment. As such, despite the perceived disconnect between Zacapican and the Angatahuacans that proceeded it, the former is often discussed as an imperialist or neo-colonial power in public political discourse.

Both Itzcoatl and later Angatahuacan colonial administrators made extensive use of Cozauism as a tool of state control. It was wielded as the primary tool for uniting the colony's diverse subjects, as well as a means of espousing state doctrine and instilling cultural unity. Owing to the highly-decentralized nature of the faith, syncretic traditions preserving elements of pre-colonial mythologies and folk religions developed in response to these missionary efforts. With the encouragement of certain members of the Temple hierarchy, these disparate local traditions became the dominant form of Cozauism in Malaio by the end of the 16th century. In short order, they had quickly blossomed into numerous distinct denominations under the label of the Quiyatlatotecacalli (Heron Script: 𐐗𐐨𐐷𐐰𐐻𐑊𐐰𐐻𐐬𐐻𐐯𐐿𐐰𐐿𐐰𐑊𐑊𐐨). The term's literal meaning, the house of the rain-callers, refers to the central role of the divine aspect Tlaloc in these doctrines. This spiritual evolution both dramatically increased the number of Cozauists in Malaio and wrested some agency from Angatahuacan officials. To this day, the post-independence Union State government continues to treat Cozauism as an integral part of Pulatec community life, drawing by and large from the Quiyatlatotecacalli and their recontextualization of Cozauism into the Komontu worldview.

Beginning in the latter half of the 20th century, the movement to redress wrongs done to the Tuganani peoples of northern Pulacan reached mainstream attention. Following a short period of intense public struggle, revisions to the law codes in the 1960s and 1970s largely accomplished many of the movement's key goals. A concerted effort resulted, seeking to divorce Pulatec national identity from that of any ethnicity or meta-ethnicity. With an emphasis on civic nationalism, participation in democracy and calpollism, significant advancements have been made in advancing the social station of minority ethnic groups. The Tuganani civil rights movement is also cited by some academics as the progenitor of the Tshiamiso movement, which has been cited as a major influence behind a decline in government corruption since the 1990s.