Choe Sŭng-min Thought

Choe Sŭng-min Thought (Menghean: 최승민 사상 / 崔承民思想, Choe Sŭng-min Sasang), also translated as Choesungminism or simply Choeism, is a term which refers to the political ideas Choe Sŭng-min promoted during his tenure as General-Secretary of the Menghean Socialist Party. It also includes certain writings which Choe developed during his service in the Menghean People's Army, prior to the Decembrist Revolution. Choe Sŭng-min Thought remains the leading political ideology of the MSP, enshrined in the Party Constitution, and of the Socialist Republic of Menghe more broadly.

While retaining the label of Socialism, Choe Sŭng-min Thought incorporates strong elements of corporatism, nationalism, and developmental ideology. It also rejects a number of core tenets in Marxism, including class conflict, public ownership of the means of production, and the eventual goal of achieving a classless, stateless Communist society. For this reason, it is regarded by many Marxists to be a revisionist ideology which departs from actual Marxist thought.

Article 2.5 of the Constitution of Menghe, added by amendment in 1998, states that the Socialist Republic of Menghe is to be governed in accordance with the principles of Choe Sŭng-min Thought. This clause remained in place following the 2022 Menghean democratic reforms, and is still (as of 2022) part of Menghe's supreme law.

History

Origin

During the early 1980s, Choe Sŭng-min, then a Major-General in the Menghean People's Army, began circulating pseudonymous pamphlets criticizing the leadership of then-General Secretary Ryŏ Him-chan. His writings earned widespread, if tacit, support from a large nationalist faction in the MPA's officer corps, which enjoyed the protection of the Sangwŏn Agreement and shared many of Choe's concerns.

The earliest of these leaflets were ideological and theoretical, arguing that the hardline form of Communism promoted by General-Secretary Ryŏ was overly simplistic, and that Menghe should instead develop a unique variety of Communism consistent with the country's unique history and culture. As the 80s wore on, however, Choe's writings developed into specific critiques of Ryŏ's unpopular policies, including the nuclear weapons program, the "smash the three olds" campaign, and the disastrous response to the famine of 1985-87.

In the process, Choe Sŭng-min elaborated on his alternative vision for the country, spawning the short-lived term "Socialism with Menghean Characteristics." In broad terms, he advocated for a form of governance which would revitalize the economy and respect Menghe's cultural traditions, while at the same time remaining true to core Socialist values. These early writings would later be consecrated as the origin of Choe Sŭng-min Thought.

Development

After the Decembrist Revolution, Choesŭngminism underwent a number of changes and revisions, as it was adapted from a political ideal to a set of practical propositions. In contrast to Ryŏ Him-chan, Choe framed himself as a pragmatist with regard to ideology, and willingly reshaped Choe Sŭng-min Thought to fit Menghe's changing circumstances.

At the outset of Menghe's economic reforms, Choe introduced the idea of "Metitocratic Socialism," under which workers, managers, and administrators are rewarded based on their productivity rather than their ideological correctness. During the Third Party Congress in 1998, however, this concept gave way to the "Socialist market economy," in which market forces were allowed to dictate day-to-day operations while the state retained indirect control over the economy through Jachi-hoesa enterprises.

At the same Third Party Congress, Choe Sŭng-min formally introduced his vision of "class cooperation," a theme which was present in some of his speeches during the mid-1990s but entirely absent in his early writings. He established the National Social Consultative Conference based on a corporatist vision of society. "Class cooperation" was enshrined in the Party Constitution in 2003, at the same Party Congress in which Choe gave a lengthy speech openly rejecting the Marxist idea of class conflict.

Nationalist themes, by contrast, remained fairly constant throughout the evolution of Choe Sŭng-min Thought. During the 1990s, Choe articulated a wide vocabulary of nationalist concepts, including Buguk Gangbyŏng, the Path of National Reconstruction, the Four Hundred Years of Humiliation, and the Namhae Circuit, but the core vision remained the same: embracing traditional Menghean values and restoring Menghe to its 15th-century greatness.

Relationship with Marxism

Formally, the Menghe Socialist Party regards Choe Sŭng-min Thought as an "advanced form" of Marxism, refined and adapted to suit Menghe's unique cultural and economic circumstances. Choe himself maintains that his ideas "have both Marxism and Yuhak philosophy as their ancestors," and that while certain principles may differ from original Marxist writings, the core strand of Marxism remains intact.

In terms of obective content, however, Choesŭngminism represents a significant departure from classical Marxist thought, and is better understood as a separate philosophy which occasionally invokes Marxist principles in order to claim continuity with Socialist movements. It rejects a number of core tenets in Marxism, and substitutes principles which are at odds with original Marxist theory. The form of Marxism taught in Menghe's education system has also been adapted to better match the MSP's ideology, emphasizing certain passages and downplaying others in order to make the two seem consistent.

Some critics of the Menghean regime, most notably exiles living in Altagracia and official media in Maverica and the former Innominada, contend that Choe Sŭng-min has deformed Marxism into a revisionist ideology more closely resembling fascism. In particular, they note the prominence of nationalist principles in Choe Sŭng-min Thought, the emphasis on national unity and obedience to authority, and the rejection of class struggle and proletarian supremacy. Choe Sŭng-min has fiercely denied this accusation on several occasions.

Key concepts in Choe Sŭng-min Thought

As it was developed over a long period of time, Choe Sŭng-min Thought contains no central set of constant tenets. Instead, it has undergone a number of shifts from the 1980s to the present, with Choe adding new concepts or revising old ones to suit the changing national context. In a 2008 speech, Choe Sŭng-min identified this variation as a source of "dynamism and adaptability" central to the ideology's survival.

Nevertheless, certain specific features or concepts have regularly resurfaced in Choe Sŭng-min Thought, including those described below.

Buguk Gangbyŏng

Buguk Gangbyŏng (부국 강병 / 富國强兵), translated as either "Rich Country, Strong Military" or "Enrich the Country, Strengthen the Military," is a long-standing slogan which originated as a phrase in a 5th-century poem. Since then, it has regularly resurfaced in Menghean history, most notably during the Ŭi dynasty and the Greater Menghean Empire. The phrase appears frequently in Choe's pre-Revolution writings, and is often identified as the origin of the slogan "Build Up the Fatherland."

In its original use, the phrase simply identified a combination of outcomes; Imperial Menghe was, when united, both commercially wealthy and militarily powerful. Kwon Chong-hoon's nationalist movement treated them as simultaneous goals, with an increasing emphasis on military might after the Pan-Septentrion War began.

During the mid-1980s, however, Choe Sŭng-min's explanation of the term began to emphasize economic prosperity as the necessary precondition for military strength. His 1986 pamphlet "no rich country, no strong military" emphasized this point, criticizing the poor performance of the DPRM's economy as a threat to national security. The term declined in use during the 1990s, as Menghe's improving diplomatic relations reduced the need for a large military and more pressing budgetary needs emerged elsewhere, but since 2005 it has resurfaced amidst dramatic growth in the size and capabilities of the Menghean Army and Menghean Navy.

The Path of National Reconstruction

The "Path of National Reconstruction" (국가 재건의 길, Gukka-Jaegŏn-e Gil) is a related concept. Though similar terms were used in the Greater Menghean Empire, the Menghe Federative Republic, and even the Myŏn Dynasty, the phrase "Path of National Reconstruction" only reached its present fame in the early 1990s, entering the Party Constitution at the 2nd National Congress in 1993.

It is based on the long-standing nationalist idea that Menghe has traditionally been the leading power on Mainland Hemithea and in the South Menghe Sea - most notably, under the Ŭi Dynasty - but that the Menghean Black Plague and the indirect exploitation that followed reduced Menghe to a state of poverty and backwardness. The "Path of National Reconstruction" then refers to a long-term policy effort to restore Menghe to its rightful place as the leading power in the Eastern Hemisphere.

In keeping with his idea of Buguk Gangbyŏng, and in contrast with Kwon Chong-hoon, Choe Sŭng-min argues that this objective requires Menghe to first rebuild its economic primacy, and to a lesser degree its soft power, rather than attempting to establish an empire by military means. Choe Sŭng-min Thought also treats the Path as a decades-long journey, encompassing the full range of the Party's economic and foreign policy efforts, rather than a concrete goal to achieve in the near future.

References to the Path of National Reconstruction, or more broadly to the idea of a nation following the Leader or Party down a path, appear frequently in Menghean songs, slogans, and propaganda, including the Party Anthem and the revised National Anthem.

Class Cooperation

Marx focused not merely on the existence of classes but on the existence of exploitation between them. The master exploits the slave; the landlord exploits the tenant farmer; the capitalist exploits the laborer. This process not only produces suffering, it also deepens social contradictions, and undermines the existing system ... The ultimate goal of Socialism, then, is not to eradicate classes, but to end the relations of exploitation between them. Once all classes are organized for the common benefit of the nation, exploitation is no longer possible.

Choe Sŭng-min, Speech before the Third Party Congress, 17 March 1998

The notion of "Class Cooperation" represents Choe Sŭng-min's most overt departure from classical Marxism. It is built on the reasoning that once a Socialist state is in place, exploitation can be prevented through tripartite coordination over labor regulations and collective bargaining. As such, the goal of a Socialist state is not to work toward a classless society, but to unite the country's social classes so that economic activity serves collective well-being.

This theory was important because it not only legitimized the existence of private entrepreneurs, who had spent the last ten years in a state of legal ambiguity, but assigned them an important role in contributing to economic growth. It also laid the groundwork for the National Social Consultative Conference and its local counterparts, which were formally established via Constitutional amendment the following year.

Selflessness

During the mid-1990s, Choe Sŭng-min elaborated on a philosophical model of selflessness, which he also termed "modern asceticism" (현대 금욕주의, Hyŏndae Gŭmyokjuŭi) and "national mobilization" (전국 동원, Jŏnguk Dong'wŏn). At its core was the logic that scare resources must first and foremost be devoted to the most urgent needs, and therefore it was unethical to spend time and money on luxuries while much of the population still lived in poverty.

In contrast to traditional notions of charity and asceticism, Choe's "modern selflessness" stressed hard work in one's job as the most important means to assist others, followed by limiting consumption when resources were scarce. As Menghe was a low-income country, Choe saw economic development as the most effective way to address future poverty, and current charity as only a temporary solution. He justified this strain by invoking traditional norms of father-son relations, arguing that it was the duty of the current generation to endure hardship so that their children and grandchildren could enjoy prosperity.

For the emerging middle and upper classes, Choe Sŭng-min encouraged limits on conspicuous consumption, encouraging citizens to instead lend savings to friends starting businesses or send remittances to rural relatives. As part of his personality cult, he cultivated an aura of modest asceticism, eating plain meals, dressing in military uniforms, and moving his personal quarters to the north wing of the Donggwangsan palace, which would be colder in winter and warmer in summer.

Pragmatism

Alongside the more value-laden tenets described above, Choe also advanced in his writings a distinctly pragmatic approach to policymaking, especially from the 2000s onward. This approach, variously labeled "scientific socialism," "scientific pragmatism," "looking to the facts," and "objectively seeking the truth," consists of clearly defining an end goal and then objectively determining the most effective way to pursue it, eschewing one's own ideological biases in favor of expert advice and practical experience. This approach was a direct counter to hardline communism, which led Ryŏ Ho-jun to embrace collective farming and small-scale steel production despite their abysmal productivity.

Effects on policymaking

Political structure

Choe Sŭng-min regards liberal democracy (usually simply transliterated as Demokŭrasi) as an unsuitable form of government for Menghe, and under his rule the government has ruthlessly suppressed pro-democracy activists. In its place, Choe has proposed a Leninist structure in which the Menghe Socialist Party holds a monopoly on genuine political power and works to promote its form of nationalism and ideology among the general population. Where they do exist, elections are closely monitored by Party agencies, in a system widely regarded as authoritarian.

A limited form of democracy, however, does exist in consultative bodies like the NSCC and the extensive petitioning system. These institutions allow a small degree of political expression, feeding the government information on the population's policy preferences while still giving it the final say on all major decisions. In Choesŭngminist discourse, this system bears the name Minju (민주 / 民主) or Minbon (민본 / 民本), usually translated as "people-as-core" or "people-as-basis," respectively, and is framed as a more organized and unified alternative to liberal-democratic governance.

Economics

There is extensive debate on the extent to which Choe Sŭng-min Thought influenced Menghe's economic reform and subsequent economic miracle. Some foreign academics, along with the Menghe Socialist Party, assign it a fairly influential role, noting that it assigned the highest priority to economic growth, stifled labor conflict, and preserved political unity and stability during thorough restructuring of the country's economic system. Skeptics argue that accelerated growth mainly emerged from policy changes rather than ideological teachings, and that Choe Sŭng-min was mainly adapting his principles to suit economic reform after it unfolded.

A similar debate revolves around its view of inequality. For the vast bulk of the population, "modern asceticism" meant accepting longer hours, fewer benefits, and wage increases that fell behind inflation, allowing public and private enterprises to divert more funds toward investment. At the same time, it also led to repeated crackdowns on luxury spending by managers, entrepreneurs, and local officials, and to the use of the death penalty for cases of embezzlement. Nationally, Menghean income inequality increased from 1990 onward, but not to the same degree that it has increased in other developing countries.

Choe himself has issued ambiguous statements on the question of inequality. In 1993, he issued his famous proclamation that "let some get rich today, so that we may all be rich tomorrow," and suggested that the task of restoring equality could be addressed in the future. Yet he strongly opposed excessive spending by the richest sliver of the population, and managed to implement a heavily progressive tax code in 2006. Most recently, he has proposed that a "moderately low" level of inequality is "most healthy for the economy," and that Menghe is currently above that level.

Military

Political officers in the Menghean armed forces are required to have prior training in Choe Sŭng-min Thought, and one of their tasks is to continue teaching it to enlisted personnel. While this role was assigned a high priority in the 1990s and early 2000s, it has since declined in importance, with current political education mainly centering on nationalist inculcation.

Foreign relations

The Menghe Socialist Party maintains that because Choe's teachings are specifically adapted to Menghe's history and culture, it is not necessary to export them to other countries, where they would fail to produce the same results. This opened a pragmatic chapter in Menghe's foreign policy, allowing the country to pursue détente with Dayashima and promote trade with the Casaterran powers while still maintaining lukewarm ties with the Federation of Socialist Republics.

In domestic rhetoric, however, Choe and the Party have strongly condemned Casaterra's former imperialist powers, linking them to the Menghean Black Plague and the Four Dark Centuries that followed. One aim of the "road to national rejuvenation" is to restore the pre-1500 status quo in Hemithea, with Menghe as the dominant trading and naval power. Geopolitically, Menghean policymakers still see the former colonial powers and settler colonies as a threat to Menghe's independence, and have worked to rebuild an independent sphere of influence in the Meditethrhean Sea region, leading to a tense rivalry with Maverica, Sylva, and the Organized States of Columbia in particular.

See also

• Decembrism
• Collected Quotations from Choe Sŭng-min
• Choe Sŭng-min's cult of personality
• Menghean Socialist Party