Sandbox:Volghar

The Federation of Penduk is a sovereign state located in Southeast Coius. A federal entity, Penduk is composed of nine subnational units, known as Governorates, which in turn are ruled by an elected Governor or a hereditary Zeja.

Federation of Penduk Persekutuan Penduk (Pelangi)
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: Banyak Hati, Satu Orang "Many Hearts, One People"
Anthem: Semoga impian kita diberkati("Blessed be our dreams")
Capital and	Tasik Lembut
Official languages	Pelangi, Weranian
Recognised national languages	Gung, Subag
Recognised regional languages	Ziba
Ethnic groups (2023)	56% - Orang Penduk 18% - Gung 13% - Orang Subag 11% - Other Southeast Coian 2% - Euclean and Mixed-Euclean
Religion (2023)	38% - Zohism 21% - Badi 19% - Irreligion 17% - Sotirianity 5% - Other
Demonym(s)	Pendukese
Government	Federal parliamentary republic
• President	Demang Cahaya
• Premier	Bertrand Sabtu
Legislature	Federal Diet
• Upper house	House of Advisors
• Lower house	House of Deputies
Population
• 2023 census	43,010,670
GDP (PPP)	2023 estimate
• Total	$906.7 billion
• Per capita	$21,080
GDP (nominal)	2023 estimate
• Total	$503.2 billion
• Per capita	$11,700
Currency	Penduk Persekutuanmark (PPM)
Time zone	PT (UTC+2)
Date format	yyyy-mm-dd
Driving side	left
Calling code	+85
Internet TLD	.pk

History

The region that now makes up modern Penduk was historically governed by a patchwork of states, with parts of the modern nation forming the far reaches of the Svai Empire, parts of the south being incorporated into the Great Luong Dynasty and some successor states, various Lavanan states ruling over both sides of the river delta that now forms the modern border between the two states, and a series of petty kingdoms and polities forming a complicated tapestry along the eastern coast.

Throughout the mediaeval period, the states that would eventually form the basis of the modern eastern Governorates would gradually take shape along the Brown Sea, and in particular around the rich river basins that fed into that body of water. Trade in spice and pearls would begin to flourish in the 9th to 12th centuries, and over time some of the traditionally fishing and aquacultural villages transformed into prosperous trading ports, as both native goods and those from the spice islands would travel inland through the Penduk peninsula. Religion would gradually spread from the north and from the south along coastal trade routes, bringing but Badi and Zohism to the city states along the coastline. The relatively ingrained nature of the Penduk folk religions would prove particularly syncretic with the Busothaq school of Zohism, due to shared belief structures, and over time it would grow to become the most prominent religion within the city states. Whilst Badi minorities would take route, it would generally be associated with foreign traders as opposed to the religion of the native populace.

No one state ever managed to unify this region under its banner. Whilst it is understood that Tasik Lembut was preeminent amongst the petty kingdoms during the later half of the 1150s, having established suzerainty over both Bandaburu and Dimur, it was adequately counterbalanced by its rivals and only ever achieved an understanding as ‘first amongst equals’ when considered by foreign powers.

In comparison to the urbanising coast, the nation’s interior was more rugged, and remained predominantly agricultural throughout the middle ages and into the early modern era. Whilst technological innovation and the spread of ideas would travel along the trade routes, the kingdoms within this region remained. The greatest upheaval would occur during the later 1400s. With the incorporation of Lavana into the Aguda polity in the 1400s, expansion and border campaigns would gradually see the encroachment and annexation of what is now the Gung Timur and Gung Utara Governorates into the Aguda Empire. Over a protracted period from around 1471 until 1482, the disjointed chiefdoms would be annexed into the sprawling empire and these regions would gradually be incorporated into its central authority. With this annexation came further technological and administrative reform, but most notably, the growth of the Badi state religion.

The Penduk states on the coast remained independent, albeit under the cultural and economic influence of the ascendant Aguda Empire for most of the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Whereas the Empire had expanded, it was beset by enemies to the north in form of a coalition of Dezevau city-states, providing the independent states upon the Penduk peninsula a respite from encroaching imperial authority. However, following the defeat of Dhijivodhi in 1508, the Kingdom of Bandaburu was annexed by the Aguda Empire in 1509, and the Than dynasty to its south soon thereafter. One more Penduk state, the Pukang Kingdom, which had become an Agudan vassal in around 1512 would be formally annexed in 1526. The remaining Penduk petty states would eventually be annexed by the Aguda Empire in a successive period between 1551 until 1563, under the expansionist policy of Davadaojene.

Unlike the west, the east would chafe under imperial rule, and administrators were often appointed from the Gung province, creating tension between what were viewed as Badi imperialist forces. Taxes, in particular, were viewed as the great sign of the northern imperialists pilfering the Brown Sea spice trade and taking the wealth north.

Agudan rule would temporarily be broken by the advent of the Khaunban Empire under Intharatcha, who would conquer and incorporate the Penduk region as a whole into his nascent empire. Khaunban rule find success in cementing Zohism as the dominant religion on the eastern coast, the support for the state religion found a more accepting populace. In part due to the already established nature of the religion, and in part due to the view of Badi as a foreign religion constrained to the elite. Whilst under Aguyda rule, Badi presence had gradually matured and many temples had begun the slow process of converting larger swathes of the populace in eastern Penduk, anti-Badi and pro-Zohist imperial policy would see much of this broadly undone. The Khaunban era would last for about as long as Intharatcha lived, and soon after his death, his successor lost control of the region. By 1689, the region would once again be incorporated into the Agudan Empire.

This rule would continue until the eventual decline of the Empire, with Gaullican and Weranian influence dealing the death blow to the once power. Ultimately, the Eucleans would draw a border on the map using the river as a natural border. The north would be under Gaullican auspices, and the south would fall under the purview of Werania. In 1843, those parts of the Aguda Empire that fell within the Weranian sphere of influence were formally split from the ailing Empire. These states would go on to form the basis of the modern Governorates, and whilst ostensibly ruled by native dynasties, Weranian advisors held the true power over the region. Eventually, the protectorates were consolidated into the Commissariat of Gewürzländer, under the High Commissariat of the Coral Sea in 1883, with the protectorates forcibly federated under the auspices of the Commissar. Weranian would grow to become the language of administration, and the gradual Sotirianisation of the Subag people, which had originated as early as the 1500s as Euclean traders more regularly entered the ports of the Penduk peninsula, solidified.

Independence would come to the Comissariat in 1953, with the disestablishment of the Weranian Empire. Ultimately, the transition process would be mostly peaceful, with the Weranian institutions transitioned to the new polity. However, colonial rule had left its scars on the nation, and the Orang Penduk had gradually come to experience favoured peoples status. Tensions, which continue to simmer to this day, would threaten to come to a boiling point during the 1963-1968 Penduk Crisis, in which socialist terrorists purporting to have ties to the Red Surge would undertake a series of insurrectionist campaigns in the deindustrialised interior. Peacekeepers would be deployed from capitalist states, and whilst protracted warfare never broke out, Penduk was broadly considered to be one of the most unsafe nations on the planet for much of the 1960s.

Modern Penduk is an emerging nation, with a market that is gradually transitioning into the secondary and tertiary sectors. Primary exports, such as fishing, mining and tea, remain the backbone of its economy, but there is an infant tech sector and a very healthy tourism industry. Quality of life and disposable income have rapidly increased over the preceding four decades. Whilst wealth disparity and racial tensions continue to colour public life, these have broadly been driven under the surface and the image exported is one of a burgeoning partner. Politically, it is a functional democracy, albeit a flawed one. Whilst the military have never taken control of the nation, political and business interests often align, and corruption is a fact of life. However, most corruption is generally understood to be small-scale, and with few exceptions, major scandals have not rocked the federal government. The subnational governments, on the other hand, range from functional to blatantly corrupt.

Internationally, Penduk finds itself in a similar position to its across-the-sea neighbour in Capuria, receiving financial and military support primarily from Senria, and in part from Senria's global allies. As a friendly liberal democracy, it is often propped up both as a partial counterbalance to the emerging power of the BSC, not that it is capable of exerting much power on its own, but also as a primary goods producer and minor manufacturing hub. A number of trade deals have been signed with Euclean states, that see the export of these natural resources to the global north. Some visa-free travel arrangements have also been signed, allowing for a marked increase in tourism within Penduk from Euclea.

Politically, the ruling centre-right Liberal Party has been in power for most of the nation's independence. This success has not been without controversy, and prominent ministers been accused of taking donations from these Euclean allies, with allegations stretching of these politicians being weakwilled and prone to bowing under pressure to outright bribery. The socialist movement in the country suffered somewhat from crackdowns during the height of the Red Surge, particularly with respect to anti-terrorist movements in the late '60s and early '70s, but has since reformed around social democracy and a Fabian approach to welfare and government ownership. Whilst perennially in opposition to the dominant position of the Liberal Party (and their sometimes coalition partners in the centrist Democratic Labour Party), the Social Democrats have seen a slow uptick in popularity, and managed to wrest the Premiership for brief periods in the 2000s and early 2010s. The left wing of this party regularly advocates for greater cooperation with the BSC and other emerging socialist states, but the more dominant centre-left mostly shelves foreign policy in favour of a realist approach to at-home infrastructure and industrial policies.

Government and Politics

Military

• The Penduk military is a purely voluntary service. Military expenditure is approximately 1.3% of the nation’s GDP and across all three branches, Navy, Army and Air Force, the PSDF consists of approximately 1% of the nation’s possible manpower. Funding has traditionally focused on the navy, and the Federal Navy maintains a modern fleet (albeit without aircraft carriers and with limited large cruisers). Military strategy is primarily focused around strategic partnerships with Euclean and Asterian allies.

Demographics

• The Gung people are predominantly located within the nation’s hinterland, with pockets of other Coian ethnicities located within the nation where borders do not reflect demographic distribution, with the rest of the nation being majority Orang Penduk. The Orang Subag people are almost all found within the Subag Governorate, based around the peninsula in the nation’s north east.
• Religion is predominantly spread along racial lines, most notably with Zohism, of the Busothaq school and with heavy syncretism with Penduk folk religion, being practised by the Orang Penduk, Badi by the Gung and the various minority groups, and Sotirianity being the majority religion of Subag and of those of Euclean descent. Irreligion tends to cross over all ethnicities, but is more common among the disparate minority groups and the Orang Penduk. Ethno-religious groupings form the crux of the separation of the three major constituent ethnicities.

Culture

• Predominantly Peninsular Malays with significant Celebic and Balinese minorities, together with bleedover from neighbouring states. Ziba and Weranian influence remains felt, with the former more pronounced in the western hinterlands and the latter in the eastern urban areas.

Social Views

• LGBT+ rights/LGBT+ people: Gay and bisexual people are legally protected from discrimination and same-sex relations are not illegal. However, heavy social prejudice exists within the nation and same-sex relationships are not afforded the protections and rights as heterosexual couples. With the exception of specific religious exemptions for Badi practitioners and members of the priesthood in certain Subnational jurisdictions, there exists no legal protection or rights to transition for transgender or gender diverse individuals.
• Religious tolerance: Religious freedom is a preeminent legal right enshrined within the Constitution and further codified by statute. The multi-ethno-religious makeup of the state has resulted in heavy legislation and codification around religious rights. However, social tolerance is low, with Badi and Zohi practising groups in particular viewing each other with distrust and distaste. Intermarriage between religious groups, outside of urbanite and more culturally cosmopolitan centres, is frowned upon.
• Irreligion: Irreligion is generally accepted, and is mostly considered a non-issue, although most non-practitioners outside of urban areas continue to identify culturally with their religion of birth.
• Birth control: Abortion is available in very limited circumstances but is heavily stigmatised. Pre-conception birth control is legal and readily available, and has broadly become accepted.
• Race and ethnic relations: As with religion, the ethno-religious makeup of Penduk has mandated heavy legal protections around racial relations. Minimum numbers of politicians and High Court justices must be from one of the three identified major ethnic groups. Socially, racial tension is rife, and intermarriage is rare.
• Major Prejudices: Most prejudices are ethno-religious in nature. Although homophobia is culturally ingrained and income inequality is rife.
• Immigration and Emigration: Net exporter with brain drain and economic prosperity being the primary drivers. Some expat communities exist but diaspora numbers greatly outnumber immigration levels.
• Women's Rights: Women are legally equal and some affirmative action policies are in place. In practice, society remains patriarchal and equality of opportunity is not present.
• Soft and hard drugs: Tobacco and alcohol are legal. Hard drugs are illegal and criminalised but enforcement tends to be lax when compared to the developed world, with major organised crime entities built around the illegal drug trade. Badist drugs, such as psilocybin and cannabis, are illegal for general consumption and personal use, but are legal for use in religious ceremonies, provided they are administered/stored by a temple that is registered with the relevant Governorate's charitable/religious commission (this being the same commission that grants tax-exempt and deductible gift recipient status).