Political Corruption in Breheim: Difference between revisions

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Political corruption has been considered a problem within the Republic of Breheim since the Republican Revolution of 1792, albeit it has taken a variety of forms throughout Breheim's two hundred year republican history. Few Breheimian historians and political analysts bother to consider political corruption before the Republican Revolution, as the general view is that monarchy consists of systematic corruption and enslavement, rather than corruption being an exception to the standard system of governance. Political corruption in Breheim has traditionally consisted of graft, cronyism, electoral fraud and nepotism rather than outright embezzlement, kickbacks and bribery (although, both of these have and do occur in the Republic, the presidency of Even Skrog between 2013 and 2014 being a particularly spectacular example of political corruption). The majority Breheimian cities have historically had political machines, primarily in the 19th and early 20th century (although, some cities are accused of being run by political machines all the way into the modern age).

The People's Security Bureau (FSB) have been responsible for dealing with systematic cases of political corruption with moderate success since 1949, although dissidents claim the FSB themselves perpetuate political corruption within the country, having had a close relationship with the dominant SWP during the socialist period, and with the government in general following it. This has, however, not prevented the FSB from successfully arresting and charging high-ranking political officials under the corruption laws.

History

Corruption in the Free Democracy

The chaos in the wake of the Republican Revolution meant a short-term utter end to political offices for private gain, as nearly all political office had been held by aristocracy and clergy. However, despite operating a direct democracy, the Free Democracy featured several examples of political corruption. Arne Torstensøn, de facto leader of the Free Democracy, operated a system of patronage with other charismatic or otherwise influential individuals in major cities (whose forums in practice ran the country cooperatively) in order to maintain national policies. Overt corruption was all but impossible unless it benefited the majority, as the forums could act as judge, jury and executioner at a moment's notice, with summary execution at times being practiced when temporary forum speakers or other positions of relative authority were abused. Systems of patronage and cliques of similar interests, considered a sort of prototype for political parties, were the only significant form of political corruption, as vocal and organized minorities could then direct their forums and tings into the direction they wanted through intimidation, outright bribery and extortion of political opponents.

Corruption in the First Republic

Following the military coup that brought an end to the First Republic, instituting a more stable if authoritarian form of Presidential Republicanism, systematic political corruption relatively rapidly emerged. The creation of city councils in 1799 in particular laid the groundwork for later political machines, through a system of wards and single-member constituencies for said city councils that opened up for later gerrymandering. On the national level, President Sjøfarer (who acted as president for more than two decades in this period) was generally viewed as a legalistic and disciplinarian leader, with little tolerance of corruption. Sjøfarer refused to involve himself in the growing political parties of the country, instead relying on support from the armed forces. Sjøfarer's cabinet consisted nearly exclusively of military personnel for the duration of his reign, often vetoing and disregarding the parliament. This 'semi-stratocratic' form of governance have later been criticized as a form of political corruption.

Corruption in the Second Republic

With the end of presidential reign and the initiation of parliamentarism in 1836, as well as further decentralization and strengthening of local authority (especially in the larger cities), the 19th century saw the growth of political machines controlling various cities. The most infamous of the 19th century political machines were the Karlsholm Society in Bjørnborg, who, through control of the Conservative Party and later the United People's Party, made the city a dominant party system between 1844 until 1954. Control was guaranteed through systems of patronage, systematic bribery, close relations with the Church, business interests and non-socialist trade unions, gerrymandering and at times, outright intimidation and electoral fraud. Embezzlement, bribery, cronyism and graft became the modus operandi primarily when the Karlsholm Society was led by 'Chief' Anders Gravlev between 1865 all the way until 1884.

File:Andersgravlev.jpg
'Chief' Anders Gravlev of the Karlsholm Society, who controlled the city council of Bjørnborg

The Karlsholm Society was by far the only such political machine, however, as nearly all Breheimian cities during the late 19th century had their own equivalents. The only major city lacking a political machine as of 1890 was the city of Rittsfar in western Østøy. These political machines were, in part, considered a positive by many, guaranteeing stable local governance, highly vetted city officials and many provided a defense against the growth of socialism. Following the initiation of the socialist period in 1922, the SWP national government set out to dismantle and destroy the political machines dominating Breheimian cities. This process was met with significant failure initially, city councils and local government, as well as national opposition parties, providing a spirited defense. Despite this, many political machines were dismantled and, according to dissidents, replaced by SWP dominant party machines instead. The creation of the People's Security Bureau accelerated this process, and by the late 20th century political machines were the exceptions rather than the norm. The most prominent political machine in modern Breheim is the Fredriksvern Hall in Just (SWP-political machine), the Mjølner Society in Odinberg (CPB political machine) and the Alfarhus Society in Rosta.

While initially vitriotically anti-corruption, the dominant party system of the Socialist Worker's Party and the rise of the state-controlled economy soon bred its own brand of political corruption in Breheim. Systems of patronage and cronyism became common both locally and nationally, with it practically being a requirement to be a member of the Socialist Worker's Party in order to rise within trade union, state-company or administrative careers. The only private companies to prosper, and to avoid nationalization, were the ones who quickly allied themselves to the SWP (such as Johansen Whaling and Fisheries). Embezzlement, while relatively rare, became more common during the 1960s and onwards, despite attempts by various SWP leaders to crack down on systematic corruption. Breheimian dissidents and liberals claim that, despite being significantly more democratic and liberal than places like the USSR, a Breheimian nomenklatura also emerged in the Republic of Breheim during the socialistic dominant party system between the 1950s and the 21st century.

However, it was the end of socialism that provided the most spectacular example of political corruption in Breheim's history. The election of the former SWP-man turned liberal reformed Even Skrog paved the way for shock therapy and privatization, most of which ended in the hand of President Skrog and his family. Nepotism, cronyism, embezzlement and graft became so overt, the President barely attempted to hide it, instead claiming anyone who opposed such manners were communists. Before Skrog's death and the split of his fortunes, Even Skrog single-handedly brought up Breheim's GINI by several points due to his massive appropriation of state-assets through closed privatizations.

Corruption in Modern Breheim

Political and, recently, corporate corruption has come increasingly on the agenda in both civil and political discourse. Breheimian attitude to corruption, even in the modern age, differs from that of many nations in that it is not considered inherently negative. Some forms of corruption especially, such as nepotism and cronyism, are endemic in the country both in the political and civilian sphere, especially in those areas still dominated by clan loyalties (such as Fjordland). Urban political machines take care to be beneficial to at least a slight majority, and thus those who remain hold genuine support in their cities, despite the extensive systems of patronage and graft most of them operate under.

Even Skrog is, in many ways, considered the man who put corruption on the agenda to a much larger extent than previously. While anti-corruption groups grew to some prominence throughout the 20th century, these were often minor and negligible, lacking real support in the population at large. However, Even Skrog's excessively blatant, overt and extreme corrupt premiership caused shock in the country once the extent of embezzlement, graft, electoral fraud and nepotism was revealed, making Skrog by far the most unpopular Premier in Breheim's history. The fact that Skrog's corruption only benefited a tiny minority of bureaucrats and industrialists, while being an unmitigated disaster for the average Breman, was also considered appalling. Revelations about the extent of corruption during the socialist era, including outright embezzlement and occasional electoral fraud (particularly in the late 70s and 80s), also proved to galvanize anti-corruption efforts in the country, albeit to a smaller extent.

While the People's Security Bureau remains the only state agency responsible for combating corruption, private initiatives have also strengthened itself in the past years. The liberalization of the press and end of censorship, have caused many newspapers and internet sites to take up the fight against 'harmful corruption'. Breheim's political climate is considered by some to still be 'saturated in corruption', although in reality Breheim is only somewhat more corrupt than what is to be expected. Electoral fraud and embezzlement are considered the worst forms of corruption, and initiatives like the 'Citizens Against Corruption' and the 'Free Association of Journalists' have demanded increased transparency in all levels of government.

Among the political parties, the Republican Party of Breheim has been campaigning the most fervently on an anti-corruption platform. While all parties nominally oppose corruption, parties such as the United People's Party, the Socialist Worker's Party, the Alliance of Radical Socialists and Farmers and the Electoral Alliance of Democratic Liberalism have shown far less political will to actually combat corruption. All of the aforementioned parties have also had recent scandals which hamper their legitimacy when it comes to fighting corruption, while the Republican Party has as of yet no prominent members who have endured corruption charges. The Republican Party attempted to implement total transparency in the national, state and local budgets following their entrance into the legislature, albeit all their attempts have so far been voted down.