Factionalism in the National Development Party

Factions (Bunkatsu Gurūpu-ka, Split-Groupings) are a notable facet of the political situation of the ruling National Development Party in Neo-Korea, owing to a history of varied political and ideological views being shared amongst the individuals who formed the initial ideological "consensus" amongst the party during the Kāichrén Civil War. While factions are a natural part of all political parties, both in Hiakemiria and abroad, the National Development Party's entrenched factionalism, its effects in the formation of policy and the culture of political debate, and long-term formation and stability of internal political groupings sets it apart from and distinguishes it in comparison. The majority of factions currently active can be traced back to the 1961 establishment of Neo-Korea, and the actions of the individuals involved in the cementing of the Central Governing Council as a social and political institution.

The factions themselves offer avenues of political and ideological support to candidates during sub-provincial and provincial elections, including bureaucratic support, endorsements of specific policies they may possess, and the mobilization of a somewhat entrenched support base to move to assist them in competitions against other factional candidates. Factional influence has, during the singular transfer of power which has occurred during the history of Neo-Korea, influenced the appointment of leadership, with factional activity being the reason for the rise of Beom Dae to the role of Paramount Leader. Attempts to dissolve the factional system were attempted during the period of no official successor being appointed, but petered out upon the appointment of Beom Dae.

History

Nitta - Fukuda Rivalry

The primary source of factional alignments in Neo-Korea was the rivalry between Nitta Michi and Fukuda Chiasa, who represented the "Left" (in the sense of economic nationalization in the form of a somewhat syndical economy) and "Right" (in the sense of economic nationalization in the form of a corporatist economy) respectively, being personal rivals who struggled for influence in the new state and for the approval of Hikaru Sakuma. The two would gather to themselves aligned figures and bureaucrats in the Central Governing Council, which, alongside the gathering the support of the nascent Anzen Faction represented by Pyoyter Nakiovich, allowed both factions to pass policy aligned against the other. Fukuda would be the greater benefactor of this system, owing to the greater alignment in politics he and Pyoyter shared in comparison to the notably disagreeable relationship Nitta and Pyoyter possessed, but politics were highly dynamic during this period.

Things would begin to calcify in the CGC after the retirement of both leading figures, owing to their successors not having the same sort of personal rivalry, and the gradual alignment of most of their positions politically. This calcification would only cease upon the emergence of other factions as a result of the changing situation of the Neo-Korean State, especially the formation of the Shakakukō.

Death of Hikaru Sakuma

The death of Hikaru Sakuma would represent the first fracture in the factional system, with the CGC's operation as an executive force during the interregnum of five years allowing for its members to begin consolidating themselves as figures of note once again. Through the lack of Paramount leadership, it opened the door to indiviudal candidates amongst the factions competing for the role, presenting a notable divergence in political opinions that threatened the peace between the Keizai and the Seitei-ha. This would be most manifested through the struggle between Muraoka Shig of the Keizai and Ide Kurou on the part of the Seitei. Ide's National-Lorist economic positions would see him removed as a viable candidate somewhat early on, but the struggle between Muraoka and several Anzen candidates would slow proceedings enough that a grouping of somewhat neutral officials were able to cajole the Keizai into supporting the appointment of Beom Dae as a temporary reprieve while the factions recentralized.

Muraoka would, around this point, gather concessions from Beom in exchange for offering support in Beom's bid to remove those members of the CGC who were attempting to utilize him as a puppet- most especially through the actions undertaken to ensure political support during the Invasion of Jungg'o. These concessions primarily entailed the dominance of the Keizai in the proceedings of the 1995 Economic Reform.

Beom Dae Paramountship

Under Beom Dae's premiership, factionalism would be encouraged as a means to encourage the population to provide a greater voice, and ergo, to defuse some of the tensions which had emerged in regards to the running of the state, alongside the prevention of organized powerblocks becoming an issue through the encouragement of fragmentation inside larger established groupings. This encouragement would gradually cease after the end of the Invasion of Jungg'o, owing to the lesser need for the cementing of his own position.

List of Factions

Historical

Seitei-ha

The Seitei-ha were the leftmost faction within the Central Governing Council throughout much of its existence, following the National-Lorist policies of Nitta Michi and his successors. It called for the abolishment of the Iminchebol, a system of collective leadership instead of a direct Paramount Leadership, and large-scale isolation on the large scale to focus on domestic issues. It would cease to be owing to a lack of ability to gather new blood when compared to the more competitively capable or ideological aligned factions, with the birth of the Shakakukō during the Invasion of Jungg'o being the functional death knell of its relevance. Remnants of it exist as minor factions in the current political sphere, but it is highly unlikely they will return to relevance in the modern period according to most political analysts.

Kōshin Shugi-sha

The Kōshin Shugi-sha (lit: Renewal Faction), generally shortened to just Kōshin and also known as the Okuma Group, were a CGC-group based around Okuma Taro - a figure in the CGC who was elected after the collapse of the Michio caretaker government. Presenting himself as a centrist in most political affairs, Taro would rapidly alter his personality and actions in the wake of his election - coming to the fore as a left-wing figure in the party in favor of both the collective democracy proposed by the Seitei-ha while still being opposed to their more lorist economic philosophies. The Kōshin would become an influential force, and looked to be on the verge of overpowering the Keieikō - before the sudden resignation of Okuma collapsed their political activity, leading to most of their members returning to their original parties,

Major Current Factions

"Beomists"

By technicality, this is more of a loose associations of individuals outside the Keieikō who support Beom Dae, lacking a consistent ideological or developmental history which prevents the formation of more overt factional platforms or naming. In the vaguest sense, it represents the "moderate" wing of the party in the modern period, in regards to economic and international policies- including general Iminchebol aligned development and the support of alliance structures so long as they continue to benefit Neo-Korea. In this regards, it can be argued that this category does not actually comprise a faction so much as it simply represents an arbitrary label for a small political demographic.

Anzen Hoshō-ha

The Anzen Hoshō-ha (lit: Control Faction), generally shortened to the Anzen generally represented, until recent events, the portion of the CGC aligned with Pyoyter Nakiovich and his Central Intelligence Services- including members sharing roles in both organizations, figures owing their electoral success to his patronage, and those aligned with the generally security-focused politics of the Anzen. It has seen a rapid downswing in membership after his sudden death by heart attack, and is currently believed to be likely to cease existence presuming his successor Ueda Kenji continues his planned civilianization of the organization.

Keizai Han'ei Gakkō

The Keizai Han'ei Gakkō (lit: School of Economic Prosperity and Development), generally shortened to the Keieikō represents the post-Fukuda rightists of the National Development Party, primarily united by support for the Iminchebol system and its expansion alongside moderate democratization of certain roles, such as government officials not including the Head of the Central Governing Council. Its current leader is the Head of the Central Governing Council, Muraoka Shig, who has aligned the Keieikō closely with the Beomist faction of the CGC.

Shanai Kaikaku Kakudai no Gakkō

The Shanai Kaikaku Kakudai no Gakkō (lit: School of Internal Reform and Expansion), generally shortened to the Shakakukō, is the most modern of the major political factions to emerge in Neo-Korea, coming into existence during the Invasion of Jungg'o as an association of those political officials who found themselves in provinces with notable anti-war movements and were thus forced (by the state, to prevent the formation of independent political groupings through appealing to reformist concepts) to cater to such demographics, alongside younger politicians from that period who generally aligned with pacifistic politics. The Shakakukō represents a more populistic force in Neo-Korean internal politics, and has championed economic and political reforms in line with the more radical edge of the former supporters of Nitta. Was noticeably supportive of the formation of the PRMP.

The party is named after their primary policies- internal reforms, such as a reorientation away from the Iminchebol towards National-Lorist economic philosophies, and expansion of the role of the average individual in the state, including greater direct appointment of certain governmental roles, such as the Head of the Central Governing Council. It was founded by Ogura Momoko, a former student protestor and the first member of the CGC to be initiated under the age of 45 (joining at the age of 36).

The party has seen a noticeable upswing in public support during the 2034 Matsumae Invasion, although it has also been opened to greater criticism over its failure to prevent the conflict, alongside perceived reluctance to take action against the war's expansion.