Anahuense Civil War

Gran Rugidoan Civil War
	Part of Rugidoan Political Crisis
	File:Civil War 1968-1970.jpg; Clockwise from left: Bombardment of the Presidential House; a soldier standing on the ruins of Los Canas; two jets engaging each other during the Battle of the Jilachi Desert; soldiers of the Unidad y Fuerza and civilians celebrating the end of the war in 1970; NRP tanks entering Santiago de Lujambio in 1968; AGR Santisima Trinidad being destroyed in the defense of Roca Roja.
Date	5 May 1968 - 19 September 1970 (2 years, 4 months and 14 days)
Location	Gran Rugido, Sunadic Bay, Lake Girón and Isla Roca Roja
Result	Loyalist Victory. Santa Elisa Peace Accords. Overthrow of the NPR and the military junta.; Restoration of the UGR, PRG and other democracy parties. Constitution reestablished.; Most guerrillas disolved. Free Gran Rugido is created.;
Belligerents
National Reorganization Process National Workers Syndicate of Gran Rugido.; Rugidoan Socialist Party; Supported by Vultesia	Loyalist Government Unión y Fuerza; Error creating thumbnail: File missing Batallón Doliente de Córdoba; File:1618866956195 FDUGR.png Frente Democrático Unido de Gran Rugido; Supported by Gavrilia
Commanders and leaders
Leobardo Zavala (POW); Anastasio Kuribeña Müller †; Rafael Alemán Valades;	Susete Hernández Niño; Bernardo Castillejos; Luis Carlos Arreola; Comandante Cresencio;
Strength
12,000–15,000 (1968); 6,000–15,000 (1969); 8,000–10,000 (1970);	9,850 (1968); 39,000 - 51,000 (1969); 63,000 - 70,000 (1970); 23,000 regulars; 13,000 paramilitaries and guerrilleros; (1968- 1970)
Casualties and losses
20,000 - 30,000 killed	7,000 - 15,000 killed
	70,000–80,000 killed (in total) 8,000 disappeared 410,000 internally displaced

The Gran Rugidoan Civil War (Español: Guerra Civil Gran Rugidoense, colloquially referred as “La Definitiva” or 4th Rugidoan Civil War amongst historians) was fought in Gran Rugido from 1968 to 1970 between the military-led junta government of the “National Reorganization Process” and supporters of the legitimate government of the nation -or “Loyalists”-, leaded by Susete Hernández Niño and several pro-democracy guerrillas. The war began with a coup d'état carried out in May 1968 by revolutionary leftists led by the army under the command of Leobardo Zavala, who dethroned President Hernández and declared Gran Rugido as “the paradise” for progressives. The President and remaining loyalists escaped to the Roca Roja Island where she rallied popular and loyalist support to retake the mainland, escalating rapidly to a full-scale civil war.

The last war of the political crisis that have engulfed the nation ever since the end of the Rugidoan Spring, the conflict lasted for 2 years, 4 months and 2 weeks and included the deliberate terrorizing and targeting of civilians by government death squads including prominent clergy from the Catholic Church, the recruitment of child soldiers and other human rights violations, mostly by the NRP, but also with reports of the loyalist government and supporting factions. An unknown number of people disappeared and the AWA states that between 70,000 and 75,000 people died in the conflict. The war ended with the Capture of Laurua on September 19, 1970 and the subsequent Santa Elisa Peace Accords were signed on September 24.

Background

Gran Rugido after the end of its Revolution was characterized for political crisis that happen sporadically across the nation. The first significant breaking point for the unipartite government of the PRM was the 1933 peasant massacre in Izamal. La Matanza, 'the slaughter' in Spanish, as it came to be known, allowed a military-led government to maintain power and reinforced the animosity of many Rugidoans towards the government, military, and landed elite.

Susete Hernández Niño, the first female president of Gran Rugido (1962-1970). Her presidency was mostly marked by the period of the war.

The 1962 Rugidoan presidential election was called by leftist groups as a massive electoral fraud, that “favored the military-backed Unión Democratica Rugidoense (UDR) and candidate Susete Hernandez Niño”. Opposition to the Hernandez Niño government was strong on the leftist side and eventually, the situation broke down with the UASE student’s movement that culminated in the Masacre del Campus Mayor by rouge agents of leftist parties (reported firstly as government forces until 1990). Also in 1966, several syndicalist and communist parties that were forbidden in the 1940s eventually rearose the political spectrum, with the Communist Party of Gran Rugido forming the Frente Rugidoense Nacional de Liberación, while the Syndicalist Party eventually evolved into the National Workers Party, leaded by railway union leader Hectór Barrón.

Historian Homero Salgado posits the displacement and dispossession rates as a major factor. Nearly 35% of the civilians in Gran Rugido were disfranchised from land ownership either through historical injustices and the never made promises of several former Spring leaders, war or economic downturns in the commodities market. During this time frame, the country also experienced a growing population amidst major disruption in agrarian commerce and trade.

1968

With tensions mounting and the country on the verge of an insurrection, the civil-military National Reorganization Process (Spanish: Proceso de Reorganización Nacional) deposed President Susete Hernandez Niño in a coup on May 5, 1968. Shortly before 01:00 am, President Hernández Niño was detained and taken by helicopter to the airport, before leaving for Isla Roca Roja at roughly 02:43. At 03:10 all television and radio stations were interrupted. Regular transmissions were cut and replaced by a military march, after which the first communiqué was broadcast:

[...] People are advised that as of today, the country is under the operational control of the Joint Chiefs General of the Armed Forces. We recommend to all inhabitant’s strict compliance with the provisions and directives emanating from the military, security, or police authorities, and to be extremely careful to avoid individual or group actions and attitudes that may require drastic intervention from the operating personnel. Signed: General Leobardo Zavala, Admiral Anastasio Kuribeña Müller and Brigadier Rafael Alemán Valadés.

A state of siege and martial law were implemented, as military patrolling spread to every major city. The morning was seemingly uneventful, but as the day progressed, the detentions multiplied. Hundreds of workers, unionists, students, and political activists were abducted from their homes, their workplaces, or in the streets.

The following day, May 6, President Hernandez Niño broadcasted through an open channel in Rugidoan radios the following broadcast:

“Yesterday, the Armed Forces of my own country cowardly deposed me from power, under the pretext that they would improve the country, a task that remains in my duty and was on the verge of completion. Although they had another destiny in mind for me, brave people from the party and from the same opposition with whom we have resolved our differences, managed to divert destiny and now I am in Los Canas, Isla Roca Roja, where we will bravely resist the new order imposed by the cowardly military power.
To all those who still have the heart and the courage to say "No" to these traitors, I ask one thing: resist and support the government of the island. We are on our way to claim and return to you. I know I have not been a good leader for you ... but I hope you can have a place for me in your will to resist. Together, we will change Gran Rugido.

Following the announcement, the temporal Government of Gran Rugido in Isla Roca Roja was established.

From May to August

Wishing to project a populist image, the NRP enacted a land reform program, which restricted landholdings to a 100-hectare maximum, nationalized the banking, coffee and sugar industries, scheduled elections for June of 1970 and disbanded the military death squad ORDEN (Organizacion Democratica Nacional).

However, the land reform program was received with hostility from radical persons inside the military and economic elites, which sought to sabotage the process as soon as it began. Upon learning of the government's intent to distribute land to the peasants and organize cooperatives, wealthy Rugidoan landowners began killing their own livestock and moving valuable farming equipment across the border, where many Rugidoan elites owned additional land. In addition, most co-op leaders in the countryside were assassinated or "disappeared" soon after being elected and becoming visible to the authorities. The Socorro Justicialista documented a jump in documented government killings from 234 in May 1968 to 487 the following month. Nonetheless, the reforms were recieved with praise from the Syndicalist and Socialist Parties.

Rebellion and Escalation

As the leftist government began to expand its violence towards its citizens, not only through death squads but also through the military, any group of citizens that attempted to provide any form of support whether physically or verbally ran the risk of death. Even so, many still chose to participate and support Hernández Niño. But the violence was not limited to just activists but also to anyone who promoted ideas that "questioned official policy" were tacitly assumed to be subversive against the government. A marginalized pro-democracy group that metamorphosed into a guerilla force that would end up confronting these government forces manifested itself in campesinos or peasants. Many of these insurgents joined collective action campaigns for material gain; however, in the post-war period, many peasants cited reasons other than material benefits in their decision to join the fight.

The insurgents in the Civil War viewed their support of the insurrection as a demonstration of their opposition to the powerful leftist elite's unfair treatment of peasant communities that they experienced on an everyday basis, so there was a class element associated with these insurgencies and the feeling that they were abandoned after the coup. They reveled in their fight against injustice and in their belief that they were writing their own story. The peasants' organization thus centered on using their struggle to unite against their oppressors, not only towards the government but the elites as well, a struggle that would soon evolve itself into a political machine that came to be associated with the Union y Fuerza.

Eventually, the guerrilla evolved into the Union y Fuerza Movement (Spanish, Movimiento Unión y Fuerza) that declared full loyalty to the legimitate government in the Isla Roca Roja, alongside remenants of the democratic parties. The Union y Fuerza immediately announced plans for an insurrection against the government, which began on July 21, 1968 with the 1968 Santiago de Lujambio bombings. The attack was met with shock by the NPR, as the military forces couldn't withstand the engagement of the following week at La Rioja. Eventually, seeing the island government as the main cause of the insurrection, the generals adopted the Campaña de Liberación, an offensive plan to circle and eventually destroy the government in Los Canas, plan adopted on August 5, 1968.

The ensueing defense of Roca Roja is now considered as the official begining of the civil war, as both forces battled wach other in the seas surrounding the island for nearly two weeks, before the Loyalists emerged victorious after the Rugidoan Navy retreated after sustaining 75% of loss rate against a 61% loss on the Loyalist side.

Despite the narrow victory of the Loyalists, President Niño did not took action until September, with the Offensive Campaign N° 4510 (Spanish: Campaña Ofensiva Número 4510), when the Loyalist Arm, Navy and Air Force were created and thus, a force to combat the junta. By October, the military junta was now fighting the Union y Fuerza Movement on the south, the Santa Elisa Armed Student Movement in said city and the Holy Knights of Mendoza, a Christian based guerrilla on the west . In November, the guerrilla instigated "Operación Miedo Blanco" , a campaign of violent political repression primarily targeting the UyF and other democratic movements, in an attempt to consolidate their power. "Operación Miedo Blanco" was escalated on 12 November 1968 following the appointment of Anastasio Kuribeña Müller as Chairman of the Junta, who took a hardline stance against opponents. Despite this, it did not successfully consolidate their power as much as hoped. Ironically, the majority of the casualties of it, estimated 6,000 to 10,000 victims are believed to be innocents, with the violence and collateral damage shocking many Rugidoans into supporting rebel groups.

On December, 24 1968, the civil war escalated further when the Loyalists, on the leadership of Hernández Niño and General Bernardo Castillejos landed on Santa Elisa and Santa Fe, on the mark of Operation Footprint. The battle of both cities would last till January 12, with a harsh victory from the Loyalists, but with now two city ports they could use as base of operations.

1969

The start of 1969 was marked by a turning point to the Loyalist cause. After the battle and following victory of Santa Fe, news on the mainland that the Loyalits managed to land on the state of Santa Elisa increased their popular support. National Reorganization forces reorganised during this time, studying the Loyalist tactics and planning a renewed offensive, with assistance of former Syndicalist generals and covered up Vultesian arms support. On a social manner, the NRP fulfilled its reform on the land by redistributing land in the nation that once belonged to landlords to the peasants tilling the land. However, mismanagement, corruption, and general hostility to the violent rule was coupled with the draining effects of constant warfare and the pro-Loyalist guerrilla groups, resulting in a drastic decline in general productivity of food and cash crops. Exploiting this failure, the remanants of the UDR promised the people a far better land reform once the war ended.

NRP counter-offensive

The NRP counter-offensive began in the border between Linares and Xalapa, specifically at the town of Puerto Progreso, in order to try to gain themselves another week before reinforcements from the capital could arrive. According to General Zavala, "the success of the January counter-offensive in the central strategic direction was considerable. Having suffered a major defeat, the Loyalists striking forces of Army Group Centre were retreating." Kuribeña's objective by February 1969 was "to deny any breathing space, to drive them eastward without let-up, to make them use up their reserves before spring comes..."

The 20th Army, part of the Rugidoan 1st Shock Army, the 22nd Tank Brigade and five air squadrons launched their attack on 10 February 1969. By 17 February, the NRP was beign pushed after a campaign of strafing bombings and encirclement forced them to retreat from the western part of the city. On 21 February, the NRP pushed back the Loyalists, not before allegedly using mustard gas against the retrating forces.

At heavy losses, and after several saturation attacks, the Loyalists eventually won the town, executing most of NRP soldiers in the process. Following this, it was well assumed that the NPR Armed Forces, although well equiped and "unmatched", were unready for the Loyalist offensives that followed.

Operation Perfidia

The Loyalists next major offensive, led by Bernardo Castillejos, was Operation Perfidia. On 10 March 1969, the Loyalists launched an attack which took the NRP forces by surprise: using Raindance helicopters, they landed behind NRP lines, silenced their artillery, and captured an socialist headquarters. The NRP, in response, used a large number of tanks, helicopters, and fighter jets, in order to attack the buildup around the headquarters. Though they took heavy losses, they eventually broke through NRP lines.

The Ejercito Leal and guerrilleros were followed up by surrounding the NRP 20th Army, 1st Shcok Army and 1st Mechanised Divisions that had camped close to the city of Bahía Escondida. The NRP launched a counter-attack using their 12th Armoured division to break the encirclement and rescue the surrounded divisions. NPR tanks came under attack by 95 Loyalist F-04 Starfire and F-5 Tiger fighter jets, destroying much of the division.

Operation Perfidia was an Loyalist victory; NRP forces were driven away from Xalapa and certain parts Altépetl. The Loyalist Army and the Unión y Fuerza destroyed 120–200 tanks and armored vehicles in a costly success. In just the first week of the battle, the NRP lost half of their tank reserves. By this time, most of Altépetl was recaptured. On April 1 1969, the "Encuentro Amistoso" between the Holy Knights of Mendoza and the Loyalists took place on the city of Yanhuitlán.

On April 6 1969, news from Laurua came that Anastasio Kuribeña Müller commmited suicide. The Loyalists thought that with it, the war would ceased. But eventually, counter-offensives and the eventual destruction of the Holy Knights, proved them wrong. After the news, President Hernandez Niño announced that the Loyalist GHQ was relocated from Los Canas to Santa Fe.

Operation Wraith of God

In preparation for Operation Wrath of God, the Loyalist Commander in Chief of the Air Force, Heriberto Reyes Heroles, proposed the luring of most of the NRP Air Force to an specific area within the Jilachi Desert using false intel to trick that the next HVT was the South Aztlán Munitions Factory, the main weapons supplier of the leftists. The strategy, codename "Señuelo de Idiotas" began on May 28, 1969. Several F-04 Starfires and F-5E Tiger flew from Santa Fe, across Lake Girón on the hopes of atracting a considerable number of NRP MiGs and J35Js. At roughly 12:35 P.M, the first aircraft appeared on the horizon and the Battle of the Jilachi Desert began. The bait was a sucess.

The wreck of a MiG found in the Valley of Calm. This "Proceso" jet most likely participated on the Battle of the Jilachi Desert. It's pilot is still unknown.

The Loyalists launched several offensive wave attacks, which were followed up by an interceptor charge to eliminate remaining enemy fighters. Although casualties were estimated to be at 65%, the final loss porcentage on the Loyalist side was reduced to 40%, giving a small boost morale after the battle ended by night. The NRP estimiated that out of 100 aircraft deployed, only 9 aircraft returned to the capital.

On May 29, with air superiority achieved, the Loyalist Ground Army and other guerrillas, launched the offensive on the northwestern and center parts of Xalapa and other parts of Mendoza. According to Gen. Castillejos: "The strategy was to cut them in two. The only exceptions included the arms factory in Jilachi and the shipyards on the west." 31,000 Ground Army soldiers and 9,000 guerrilla members struck on several axes – Ixchel, Bahía Escondida, the west bank of the Santa Lucía River, and Solidaridad de Mendoza. Under heavy pressure, the Leftist forces retreated. By 12 June, the Loyalists had driven out all NRP forces from the state of Xalapa and 75% of Mendoza was cleared.

State of the NRP Armed Forces

The fighting had battered the leftist military: its strength fell from 19,000 to 10,000 troops; over 6,000 soldiers were killed and over 3,000 captured; two out of four active armoured divisions and at least three mechanised divisions fell to less than a brigade's strength; and the Loyalists had captured over 450 tanks and armoured personnel carriers that were now using against their own. The Rugidoan People's Air Force was also left in poor shape: after losing up to the Loyalists in the Jilachi Desert, they had only 120 intact fighter-bombers and interceptors. A defector who flew to Los Canas in June 1969 revealed that the People's Air Force had only three squadrons of fighter-bombers capable of mounting operations into the national territory. The Rugidoan Army Air Corps was in slightly better shape, and could still operate more than 43 helicopters, with Vultesian material support still on the waiting.

At this point, a divided junta believed that it's army was too demoralised and damaged to hold onto the east and center of the nation, while more optimistic generals thought that the army could still handle the offensive on the north and south. In an interim voting, the junta decided to withdrew the remaining forces on the east, redeploying them in defence along the cities of Aztlán, Santiago de Lujambio and Laurua. The Loyalists, in a slow pace, began advincing to the first city and certain parts of Mendoza.

On December 1969, Rafael Alemán Valades Huerta assumed as the de facto president of the nation and attempted to call for an ceasefire, with no response from Hernández Niño and the guerrillas.

1970

Operation La Bruja

Starting on January 1970, Operation La Bruja saw Loyalist troops conquered Jilachi, Mendoza and 75% of Lujambio in a whirlwind campaign during the first two months of 1970. Mendoza was liberated on 15 January, followed by Aztlán on 26 January and La Rioja on 2 February. Only Laurua, Santiago de Lujambio and a few other strongholds remained for the Proceso forces. On 5 March 1970 the Leftist army, led by Alemán Valades and the politician Hernan Benavides, attempted a reconquest of Santiago de Lujambio that ended in the army being surrounded and destroyed by guerrilleros. After the defeat, the Rugidoan Popular Navy decided to lure the Loyalist Fleet away from the Santa Elisa Bay, back to Isla Roca Roja. In one of the last victories of the NRP, on March 23 1970, the Loyalist Fleet was lured into the Third Battle of Los Canas, which saw the destruction of 81% of the fleet, while the NRP lost an estimate of 54% of their fleet. While this boosted a little bit the morale of the NPR, it only strengthened the Loyalist cause under the motto "Recuerden Los Canas".

Operation La Bruja formally ended when President Hernández Niño declared victory over the ground troops.

Strategic situation at the begining of 1970

Through the eyes of international observers, the Loyalists were prevailing in the war by early 1970 In the northern front, the Loyalists began launching attacks toward the city of Valladolid with the help of UyF fighters, taking the leftists by surprise. They came within 16 km (9.9 mi) of the city before being stopped by chemical and army attacks. The Loyal Army had also reached the Steppes of Laura, only 113 km (70 mi) from Laurua. The NRP managed to contain the Loyal offensives in the south, but was under serious pressure, as the Loyals were slowly overwhelming them. In May 1970, at the 2nd anniversary of the coup, Susete Hernández issued a declaration, saying that the war must be won by September 1970. The Loyalists and guerrillas increased recruitment efforts, obtaining 60,000 volunteers. The animosity between the Army and the guerillas arose, with the guerillas wanting to use more refined, limited military attacks while the Army wanted to carry out major offensives. The Loyals, confident in its successes, began planning their largest offensives of the war, which they called their "final offensives", including "Operation Armageddon".

La Estrategia

Faced with their recent defeats in La Rioja and Aztlán, the NPR appeared that it was losing the war. The leftist and syndicalist generals, angered by Valades's interference, threatened a full-scale mutiny against the Proceso unless they were allowed to conduct operations freely. In one of the few times during it's short life span, the NPR leaders gave in to the demands of his generals. The defeat at La Rioja led Valades announcing that all civilians had to take part in the war effort. The universities were closed and all of the male students were drafted into the military. Civilians were instructed to clear marshlands to prevent amphibious infiltrations, build fixed defenses and weapon handling. The UASE took advantage and convinced fellow students of the NAUGR to rebel against the forces defending Laurua in order to weaken their defenses.

The NRP began to try to perfect its maneuver tactics. The People's Army began to prioritize the professionalization of their military. Prior to 1970, the conscription-based Rugiodan regular army conducted the bulk of the operations in the war, to little effect. The Presidential Guard, formerly an elite praetorian guard, was expanded as a volunteer army and filled with Gran Rugido's best generals. Loyalty to the state was no longer a primary requisite for joining. Full-scale war games against hypothetical Loyalist positions were carried out in an undisclosed part of the Steppes of Laura against mock targets, and they were repeated over the course of two months until the forces involved fully memorized their attacks. The NPR built its military massively, in order to overwhelm the Loyalists through sheer size.

Operation Armageddon and end of the war

Operation Armageddon was the last big military operation of the war. After 5 months of stalemate and silent Loyalist victories on the south and west respectiveley, the Loyals, alongside the guerillas UyF and the recently formed Batallón Doliente de Córdoba (compromised of survivors of an gas attack on said city) began it's offensive towards Laurua on September 19, 1970.

The Union y Fuerza guerrilleros and civilians celebrate the end of the civil war. 1970

As the NRP perimeter shrank and the surviving defenders fell back, they became concentrated into a small area in the city centre. By now there were about 5,000 leftist soldiers in the city centre, which was being assaulted from all sides. The remaining NRP tanks took up positions in the east of the Distrito de la Playa to defend the centre against the Loyal 4th Army (which although heavily engaged around the National Palace was also flanking the area by advancing through the northern Playa) and the 10th Loyal Army advancing through the south. These Loyal forces had effectively cut the sausage-shaped area held by the Leftists in half and made any escape attempt to the west for NRP troops in the centre much more difficult. At the same time, NAUGR students took the offensive against the troops and defended their university campus of the destruction.

In the National Palace, the Loyal 3rd Army crossed the García Bernan bridge and started to fan out into the surrounding streets and buildings. The initial assaults on buildings, including the Ministry of the Interior, were hampered by the lack of air and artillery support. Air support arrived at 14:00 hours. By the next hour, the Loyals had solved a bridging problem and with air and artillery support at 16:00 they launched an attack on the National Palace, entering the buliding by 19:40. The Palace had not been in use since it was bombed on May 1968 and its interior resembled a rubble heap more than a government building. The leftist troops inside made excellent use of this and were heavily entrenched. Fierce room-to-room fighting ensued. At that point there was still a large contingent of leftist soldiers in the basement who launched counter-attacks against the Loyal Army. By 22:00 P.M, and after suffering an exhaustive battle, the Loyals retook the National Palace and raised their flag on the buliding.

After a long day urban warfare, the war ended when the surrender of Rafael Alemán Valades and the capture Leobardo Zavala on the grounds of the NAUGR was announced as early as 11:43 P.M.

Peace Accords

Further information: Santa Elisa Peace Accords

On September 24 1970, on the grounds of the Santa Elisa Autonomous University, restablished president Susete Hernández, UyF commander Crescencio and an NRP representative, Carlos Labarthe negotiated a peace agremeent with assitance of AWA assesors. While fears of fighting would resume if an agreement wasn´t reached loomed the tired population, an agreement was reached by 17:10 hours with Hernández Niño saying:

Countrymen, peace has returned to us. With this peace, the terrible conflict that has haunted us since the Rugidoan Spring ended 54 years ago hahs ceased. Now, as my term is nearing completion, it is time to look to the future, where the ghost of political crisis has faded and we rise from the ruins. Rugidoans, to build the brightest of futures!

Following the statement, the president proceded to embrace the former leftist Labarthe, in an act now known as el Abrazo de la Paz. The last NRP forces surrendered to the Loyalists at 22:30 P.M of the same day.

Aftermath

Politically, the rebuliding process of the war and the fact that a former hated president led the nation to victory, boosted the UDR popularity to skyrocketing limits. The reformed and relegalized PRN and other democracy parties joined the UDR into forming the Alianza Republicana, to avoid another conflict to occur ever again. The Union y Fuerza former leaders and guerrilleros were elected as governors of certain states were their sympathies stick with the population, leading to far better agrarian reforms and the arrival of television, school and other technological advance to rural areas.

The economic loss at the time was believed to exceed $150-500 billions at the time. In addition, economic development stalled and oil exports were disrupted. Gran Rugido's leftist government had accrued more than $130 billion of international debt, excluding interest, and was also weighed down by a slowed GDP growth. Almost immietdatly and after the 1970 elections where PRN candidate and former general Luis Carlos Arreola emerged victorious, the Congress and the President himself made several economic reforms in order to boost economy and to pay quickly the foreign debts. Vultesia's military equipement that were sold to the NRP, was integrated into the Army, Navy and Air Force with the promise that the nation will pay the Principate the full debt of the NRP. Gran Rugido didn't saw any full economic recovery until 1982. The foreign debts were finally paid on 2009.

The war had its impact on medical science: a surgical intervention for comatose patients with penetrating brain injuries was perfected by Rugidoan physicians treating wounded soldiers, later establishing neurosurgery guidelines to treat civilians who had suffered blunt or penetrating skull injuries. On the cultural and artistic side, the war has become a theme in the post-1970s arts of the nation. The first film to be explicitly set in the war was the war drama Águilas Doradas.

After the war, the new regime initiated a silent repressive process against the losing side, a "cleansing" of sorts against anything or anyone associated with the NRP. The silent prosecution was denounced by few but mostly simply saw it as a natural occurence. On the other side, generals who refused to recognize the Loyals eventually came together to form the terrorist leftist guerrilla Free Gran Rugido.

Post-war crime prosecution

Further information: Trial of the Junta

Three years after the return of the democracy, the government of Arreola and several civil groups opened the Trial of the Junta, the judicial trial of the members of the de facto military government that ruled the nation during the dictatorship of the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (el proceso), which lasted from 1968 to 1970. Those on trial were: Rafael Alemán Valades, Leobardo Zavala, Heriberto Albán, Anastasio Kuribeña Müller (in abstentia), Gala Graffigna, Jorge Alberto Castañeda, Eduardo Passeghini and Enrique Haüer.

The Trial of the Juntas began on September 19, 1973. The main prosecutors were Julio César Sepulveda and his assistant Alejandro Espinosa Jaramillo. The trial was presided over by a tribunal of six judges: León Diógenes, Alfredo Xicale, Alan Muñoz, Elena Cisneros, Rubén Montemayor, and Jimena Leal.

It succeeded in prosecuting the crimes of the junta, which included kidnapping, torture, forced disappearance, and murder of an estimated 5,000 to 80,000 between civilians and political dissidents and the infamous usage of weapons of mass destruction in the conflict.

Prosecutors presented 709 cases, of which 280 were heard. A total of 833 witnesses testified during the cross-examination phase, which lasted until 12 October. Witnesses included former President Susete Hernández, writer Seberiano Medrano, Solidaridad Garza García, "Massacre of the Campus" survivor Kevin Villagrán amonsgt other civilians.

Sentencing was read on 25 October: Rafael Alemán Valades and Leobardo Zavala were sentenced to life imprisonment with the posiblity to be court martialied, Heriberto Albán: one hundred seventy years, Gala Graffigna: eighty years, Anastasio Kuribeña Müller (in abstentia): two hundred forty years.