National Fascist Party (Kingdom of Italy)

National Fascist Party Partito Nazionale Fascista
Abbreviation	P.N.F.
Leader	Duce of the Fascism Italo Debalti
Political Secretary	Marco Tarchi
President of the National Council	Benito Goria
Founder	Benito Mussolini
Newspaper	Il Popolo d'Italia
Student wing	Students Action
Youth wing	Italian Youth of the Lictor
Women's wing	Lega Fascista Femminile
Paramilitary wing	M.V.S.N.
University wing	Lega dei Gruppi Universitari Fascisti
Membership (2013)	16,435,287
Ideology	Fascism, Nationalism National Socialism Corporatism
Religion	Roman Catholicism Roman Paganism
International affiliation	Fascist Imperial Fasces
Colours	Black

The National Fascist Party (Partito Nazionale Fascista, PNF) is the founding and ruling political party of the Kingdom of Italy. The PNF is the only permitted party in Italy, maintaining a unitary government and centralizing the state, military, and media. While economic interests are collected into the Corporatist State, both spiritual and political tendencies are collected into, and expressed by, the National Fascist Party and its subordinate bodies, which are in turn represented into the Grand Council of Fascism. The legal power of the PNF is guaranteed by the national constitution. The party leader is the Duce of Italy, who holds also the title of Duce of the Fascism. The current Secretary is Marco Tarchi.
The party was founded in March 1919 in Milano. After a brief squadrist phase, the PNF seized the power. The party has fluctuated between periods of reformism and political conservatism throughout its history. Both before and after the founding of the Italian Social Republic, the PNF's history is defined by various power struggles and ideological battles. The vast majority of military and civil officials are members of the Party.
The National Fascist Party is a voluntary militia under the command of the Duce, in the service of the Fascist State. The Duce is the Head of P.N.F. Gives orders for the action to be performed. The tasks of P.N.F. are: the preservation and enhancement of the Fascist Revolution, the political education of the Italians. The Fascist comprises life as duty, elevation, conquest and must always keep in mind the commandment of the Duce: "Believing Obeying Fighting".
The P.N.F. is made up of Fasci di Combattimento: the Fasces are grouped into provincial Fighting Fasces Federations. Within the Fasci di Combattimento level, Fascist Borough Groups, Sectors and Sections can be established.
In their daily activities PNF activists at the neighbourhood or workplace level often choose to ignore obstinate characters, who are not important or numerous enough to be reproved. The most provocative and rebellious cases do face retribution. Keeping the Party’s approval is a prerequisite for navigating administrative channels, and the party ultimately has the power to excommunicate people, even leaving them ineligible for bank accounts or State-provided homes.
As for other single-parties, the PNF is based on guidance principle: the leader leads the party, the party leads its top-ranking and "inner" members, the top-ranking and "inner" members lead other members, they lead society. The Fascist Party (as a branch of the Fascist State) fulfills three functions: the most basic one is to provide Italy, by its own upper echelon and together with the upper echelon of the State administration, with a warrior-aristocratic "mystic order" which has to rule the State in accordance to Spiritual values and to subordinated ideological-political values; the second function is to provide Italian populace with an agency fit to indoctrinate people; the third function is to provide several political agencies to collect social, economic, cultural and political demands of the Italian people.

Legal position

The National Fascist Party is a public body according to the law, which codified its statute back in the 1920s; it is a civilian volunteer militia to the Duce's orders, at the service of the Fascist State. The Duce is the Head of Party; he gives instructions for action to be undertaken and, whenever deemed necessary, he convenes the Hierarchy of the Party.
The position of the P.N.F. is enshrined into the law, and as such the Fascist Party is subordinated to the Fascist State: but at the same time, the Party acts as soul and impulse of the State. In this respect, the Nation is the Body and the State is the Nation's Soul; but at the same time, the State is the Body and the Party is the State's Soul. When the Party is deeply rooted into the Nation and its articulations, the spiritual link between the State and the Nation is ensured. According to the law, the Party is the only party of the Regime and have legal personality. Also the Combat Federations and the Combat Fasces have legal personality.
Control over the accounts of the P.N.F. is entrusted to a Board of Auditors, consisting of three regular members and two alternates appointed by the Secretary of P.N.F. outside the members of the National Political Directory.
The tasks assigned to P.N.F. by the law are the defence and strengthening of the Fascist Revolution and the political education of the Italians.

Ideology

National Flag of National Fascist Party. This Flag is used also as arm badges.

The official ideology of the National Fascist Party and therefore of the Kingdom of Italy is "Fascism", which in turn is made up by several tenets and components. It is to note that the official content of the Fascist ideology varied and varies according to the particular orientation of the actual ruler. Fascism has been identified in national socialism, in social nationalism, in pure nationalism, or even in non-national corporatism in different moments.
However, even in the most heterodox interpretations, some core tenets have always been included.

Spiritualism

Fascism is not an economic movement, being (or claiming to be) a political movement directed toward the Spirit: its main intent and purpose is to elevate the Community members' and community's spirits. Therefore Fascism deplores bourgeois culture for having an unfit sedentary lifestyle and for its individualism that fascism views as inconsistent with virile nationhood, personified by warrior and, above all, assault spirit. This attention to warrior spirit is justified with the necessity of hardihood in order to elevate the Spirit. At the same time, the political struggle is completely hopeless without a corresponding human quality and highness. If a State possesses a political or social system that, in theory, is worth as the most perfect, but the human substance was calibrated, what state would drop sooner or later to the lowest level of society. On the contrary, a people capable of producing real men reach a high level of civilization and would take in the foot in front of the most calamitous evidence even if its political system is deficient and flawed.
The spiritual values are superior than political ones: spiritual forces and values are the reference point for the overall organization. Civilization is the highest expression of all spiritual energies that take place in the Community, thanks to the political organization: political and social forces have a direct relationship with supernatural forces, so as to represent true spiritual systems. In this way, the social order is the visible manifestation of a higher order.
As noted before, the P.N.F. is a spiritualist organization, and promotes Italian spiritual values. The PNF does not prohibit nor mandates party members from belonging to a given religion or from being an atheist, insofar they maintain the spiritual element.
Consequently with nation-centralism, cultural nationalization of society emancipates the nation's proletariat, even more than the nation as a whole, and promotes the assimilation of all classes into a sort of warrior-and-labour nationalistic culture.
All Fascist factions and interpretations criticise egalitarianism as preserving the weak, while they instead promote social and national empowerments.
Fascism emphasizes direct action, as a core element, in so far as Fascism views violent action not only as a necessity in politics (that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle" which is to be destroyed), but also because the action is the medium through which the Spirit could elevate itself.
Fascism emphasizes youth both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action. Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.

History

Fascism has a cyclical vision of history. Fascism recognizes the right and the truth of a conception of history that affirms the nobility of its origins and finds, in the passing of the last times, more an erosion, an alteration and a fall, that not just any acquisition of truly superior values. On the other hand, the concept of an involution almost always appears only as a moment of a broader and "cyclic" conception.

New Man

Fascism has the will to form the New Man. The New Man is characterized by a series of strokes of action and reflection and for a number of typical arrangements. First of all, the Fascist Man is characterized by a dominated Attitude, an enlightened boldness, a concise talking, precise and consistent acting as meditated.
The Fascist style is also characterized by virilism and courage; by firmness of soul, reflexivity and awareness; by discipline as ideal love for a man's own law and a man's own form; by loyalty and faithfulness; by the measured and serious solemnity. Precisely acting, love for the Essential, the ideal of clarity, the ability to unite without confusion regarding an Higher End, as free beings are proper of the same style. They can also be added the respectful veneration, reconnection towards the super-sensible, which is present and acting in the individual, collective and historical forces.
Fascist Heroism is an asceticism in the strictest sense of the term; the hero is a nature so purified by the elements "human", as it is the ascetic man. The Fascist Hero has nothing to do with passion, sentimentality and the various motives, ideals or materials, collective or individual, of men. For the Fascist Hero, the war is not a means but it is the very purpose of its action: the struggle is the way to spiritual realization. The Fascist Hero fights in such a "pure" way : the war itself is good. The rhetoric of the struggle aimed at an outer end lla from war itself, is alien to the traditional concept of heroism.
These elements of style have their own evidence, they are not tied to particular historical times: they act as formative forces of character and apply as ideals and rules.
In the Fascist education system, and especially in the higher levels, there is an explicit reference to a manly assumption of stoicism as dominion over self, discipline, fortitude and a sober and integral lifestyle.

Emotions and feelings

The simple love of the risk, or the search of the emotion and adrenaline as end in themselves, is rejected. Emotions must be considered as a means, as part of a tool that allows us to learn more about themselves: it is on these occasions, in fact, that everyone gets involved in the search for a discipline of the nerves and of the body, a shiny and conscious boldness, a spirit of conquest, an ability to understand and overcome their weaknesses, in order to find the right concentration and polished to proceed.

Statism

The first and foremost tenet is the conception of the State. Fascism follows the "Roman" conception: there is a principle of authority that organizes from above. The State therefore has the advantage over both the people and the nation: it is a higher power that gives awareness to the nation, has a form and a will, and takes part in a supernatural order. Without the state there is only the state and nation from the backbone to the people: on the other hand, the State is based on a conception of Unity which should prevent any form of absolute elevation of the individual element; the Unity must then be essentially spiritual (but also political): a central guiding influence, an impulse that assumes the most varied forms of expression according to the individual domain. This translates into an inclusion of the political decentralization, allowing the single components of the State and of the country to manage their own affairs under the ultimate, central guidance.
It is not the country to generate the State. Indeed the nation is created by the State to the people a single will and therefore an effective existence. The people are the body of the State and the State is the spirit of the people: the State is the people's organizing animating force. The State is an "entelechy" that shaped the nation from the inside: a spiritual force and not merely a mechanism that limits the scope of the alleged individual freedom, but a soul deeper than every human soul. The State, therefore, is inner form and inner norm, a well as discipline of the whole person: individual and collective.
There is a fundamental opposition between the "political" conception and the "social" conception, between the ideal of the "State" and the ideal of the "Society". As long as the central elements are the "Society", the "people" and the simple "action", and in them we see the primary element, the political discourse is still on a naturalistic floor. Thus a sort of transformation is required so that the naturalistic condition and the constraint of physical ideals of simple well-being, of peace and of bourgeois security are exceeded, in order to assert a higher principle: the properly political principle of command or Imperium, the power of the order imposed from above in the name of different, warrior, aristocratic and hierarchical values, inherently contrary to equality among people and peoples.
The greatest danger is to create a State that on the whole to be free from a "myth" in the positive sense, i.e. of a higher idea functioning as a life-giver and as an educator making the State something more than a mere public administration: on the other hand, Fascism also rejects the conception of a State which should be limited to protect the "negative freedom" of citizens as mere empirical individuals and to ensure a degree of prosperity and relatively peaceful community life, in essence passively reflecting or following the societal forces and tendencies.
The basic idea is that of realizing a State not as a mere organism, but also as spiritualized organism, such as to gradually raise the individual from a naturalistic prepersonal life to a supernatural and superpersonal life through a "partecipations" and subordination system, designed to bring steadily each class of beings and all forms of activity to a single central axis.
Fascism says the trio: "Authority, Order and Justice". The Roman Tradition is idea of strength, as well as an ideal for the formation of the New Man.

Nationalism

Nationalism is the main foundation of Fascism. The Fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people: therefore, Fascism has the duty to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a national rebirth and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity. According to the official line of the Party, the nation is neither race nor geographically defined region, but historically perpetuating lineage, multitude unified by an Idea.
The central notion of "Nation", however, could vary greatly, from a "blood-and-soil" vision to a vision marked by the concept of "political-and-spiritual community". Fascism is a national instinct, is a national sentiment, is the national will. Tracing this instinct back to the principles and to ideology means nothing else than going back to the national action and to national doctrine, doing nationalism. Fascism adopts the nationalist conception of the Society, considered as a living body that embodies the indefinite series of generations, and which individuals are infinitesimal and transient elements, as opposed to the liberal-democratic-socialist conception, which considers society as sum of living individuals.
On the other hands, Fascist nationalism is clearly opposed to democratic nationalism: first of all, Nationalism in the official doctrine of P.N.F. is a way to distinguish from the cosmopolitism and lack of differentiation and not a way to disrupt the individual's identity in larger ensembles (as an ascending phase, still linked with the merchant/bourgeois element but directed to a phase dominated by the warrior-like element); in second place, Fascist Nationalism is organically embroided in a hierarchical series of values, recognizing the existence of higher and more important needs. As an authoritarian ideology, Fascism does not oppose the existence of a leader of higher personality. Compared to the amorphous mass "humanity", the resurgence of different national consciousness may also be a first step forward, but the national consciousness, ethnic trunk must represent itself a formless matter than individualities who, becoming themselves, lead from the chaos state to cosmos, from potency to act. The nation is no longer the scope of the individual, but rather the individual, as aristocratic and spiritual personality, is the end and the scope of the nation, although the latter remains almost his mother, almost in the material condition that the land can represent compared to a tree: which is planted in it, but it frees with its upper parts and rises to the free heights. Similarly, the Fascist Nationalism is intended as creating and defending this national trunk: spiritual servants-labourers are dealt with Corporations, spiritual middle-class (or merchantmen) are dealt with nationalism; spiritual warriors and priests are thus let free to ascend and to be the core of the Fascist State.

Italianism

Italy, according to the principle of the Italianism, is the heart of the Mediterranean Idea, which is expressed in the way Italians relate with work and with other people. Italy in the production rejects the repetitive pattern, standardized and de-personalized, and everyone is invited to get involved, helping to improve even partially. The nature of Italian social relations is contrary to the mathematical and sterile behaviour; the Italian model is based on the intimate understanding of the processes (both social and business) and even irrational contribution by everyone. The realization is more aware and more subject to free choice, which can lead to a problem in the general organization.
The Italian model is human, creative, even irrational, especially universal, and is opposed to the conformist, de-personalized, conformist, zealous and rational model which is deeply rooted in Northern Europe.

Fight against globalism

The Fascism considers itself as being part of the universal fight against globalism. The globalism is considered the mocking of universality and the anti-traditional counterfeit of universal ideals that have uniformly permeated constructions political and historical events and that have inspired the traditional civilizations. The universality is seen as a system of ontological hierarchies which configure a pyramidal ascending order along a cosmic vertical axis, while the mondialism, on the contrary , is seen as the materialization and decomposition of the universality.
The globalism is considered as a process whose distinctive feature is the degradation of humanity to an undifferentiated mush. The final aim of globalism is the number of individuals robot repeating the same type and characterized by outrageously bestial features, who fulfil only roles of miser, dealer and consumer of material goods.
The globalist man is the man inwardly empty and filled by false induced needs aimed to the conservation and enhancement of the international capitalist system. Reduced the value at material interest, the individual becomes a slave to wealth and, consequently, of those who create it, control it and use it. This tactical goal is pursued by globalist oligarchy according to a strategy of global domination.

Third Position

Fascism promotes such economics as a "third position" alternative to capitalism and Marxism. Such an economic system, is variously shaped as "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism": Fascism is against both capitalist slavery and Marxist chaos: the Third Position is closely linked to Nationalism, in so far as Fascism advocates resolution to domestic class struggle to secure national solidarity, and to Spiritualism: the economistic materialism is rejected and affirms the subordination of the economy to the idea that is transcendent to constitute the nation, as the body is subject to the soul; the service is justified primarily as a way of participating in a higher life free from limitations of time and space.
The so-called "Red Fascism" (or "Left-winged Fascism") favours proletarian culture and claims that proletarians as producers must have a dominant role in the nation. While fascism opposes domestic class struggle, fascism believes that bourgeois-proletarian conflict primarily exists in national conflict between proletarian nations versus bourgeois nations.
Fascism denounces capitalism not because of its competitive nature nor its support of private property; but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence, and alleged indifference to the nation. On the other hand, Fascism denounces Marxism for its advocacy of materialist and internationalist identity that is an attack upon the spiritual bonds of nationality and thwarting the achievement of genuine national solidarity. The social achievement pursued by Fascism is the creation of a nation composed of strong-and-free soldier-worker nationals, who participate to both political and economic national life.
The trio consisting of productivism, monopolism, protectionism is seen as the antithesis to the principles of free trade and free competition; the same way, the corporative system is adopted as a denial of union rights and as an antidote to social conflicts.

Political organicism

The organic democracy is a political organization, pursued by fascism to remedy the political parties abuses inherent in liberal democracy. The organic democracy relies on two principles: subsidiarity and communitarianism. On the one hand the well-being of the community as a whole has priority over the needs of individuals; On the other hand, in this system, decisions should be taken directly from the segment of the community interested in: family, condo, district, town, etc., and from organizations such as corporations producing entities and economic union. These collective entities and community are considered as the best: these groups are based on the primary social relations.
The organic "democracy" advocates a form of government that is based on the rule of the most qualified, rather than rule by a majority of numbers. This form of government is based also on a spiritual connection between a leader of Italy and the Italian people; therefore, true freedom does not arise from individual rights, but through heroic leadership and national power. The economic Corporatism becomes therefore one of the several facets of the organicism. The organicism is meaningless without a strong authority, which is capable to link a firm rule with the nation's will. The fascist State is definitively not a lberal-democratic State characterized by universal suffrage, but an aristocratic republic ruled by elites nationally aware. Therefore, the fascist is not the antithesis of the principle of authority represented by the monarchy, but the antithesis of demagogic disorder.

Totalitarianism

Fascism promotes the establishment of a "total State". The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Fascism is "total", and the Fascist State is a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values. The Fascist State, therefore, interprets, develops, potentiating the whole life of a people. Being an attempt to achieve the spiritual unity, the Fascist State has the right/duty to pursue policies of social indoctrination through propaganda in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials, because education is designed in order to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation.
Most "ethnic-centred" interpretations, however, see the State as a stronghold which guarantees a political unity for the nation's sake. The "socialist nationalism" justifies the necessity of achieve a complete media control with the necessity to avoid a dangerous pluralism.

The Bella Figura and Fascism

A crucial knot of the Italian weltanschauung is the "Bella Figura", which can be very roughly translated as "Pretty Figure" or "Beatiful Figure". In Italy, the philosophy of Bella Figura rules the land, especially in the South. Bella Figura roughly means "beautiful figure" but is actually a way of life emphasizing beauty, good image, aesthetics and, mainly, proper behaviour.
Italy is a place of grandeur and elegance. In addition to being well dressed and well groomed, Italians surround themselves with beauty in every facet of their lives: the search for beauty - even in the most utilitarian things - is an aim for its own, and it is considered as a vehicle toward the infinite and the Divine. However, the Bella Figura is far more than merely dressing well, looking good and admiring fine art. It is an etiquette system, as well as something more than a mundane etiquette. The Bella Figura also means acting properly, knowing the rules of etiquette, presenting oneself with, and being aware of, the proper nuances Italian society demands. It is how to act and how to behave under particular circumstances.
Therefore, the Bella Figura is also a strong loyalty concept and ideal. Italians have a strong sense of loyalty to their family, friends, neighbours, fellow citizens, compatriots, fellow nationals and even to their business partners. Behaving properly, appropriately and respectfully is crucial to maintaining the right air of Bella Figura both in family situations as well as in the external world. The Bella Figura is both a demureness and formality and is thoroughly entrenched in the culture of Italy, especially in the southern portion of the country. It is believed that practising the Bella Figura enhances beauty and peace in their world.
If someone acts according to the Bella Figura demands, he (or she) acts according a tight honour system. By treacherous behaviour, someone performs a "Cattiva Figura", the opposite concept, and it is more than shame: it is shame and the demonstration of immaturity of a person. According to the honourable requirements of the Bella Figura, Italians tend to estimate the "Bel Gesto" or "Beatiful Action"; if someone is in a desperate situation, or may achieve a result through a less than honourable act, the Bel Gesto is a selfless but honoured action.
The Fascism has very close similarities with the Bella Figura, rising from the same social context: on one hand, the loyalty according the Bella Figura rises from the legionary spirit; on the other hand, the tension toward beauty is, according both Bella Figura and Fascism, a tension toward Spirit and Divine.

Role of the Party: mass party v. elite order

The National Fascist Party was born as a warriors order capable of being the Italy's Spine; since the 1930s, it became increasingly oriented to the "imposed mass party" model. The enrolment to the Party was a conformist move, and sometimes even mandatory in order to work in some professional sectors. In this situation (lasted until the late 1970s), the PNF was a part, which remained a part without even the ambition to become the whole. This prevented the realization of an organic and monist political system. During the 1980s the Party became an administration tool for the State.
With the seizure of power by then-Party Secretary Italo Debalti the P.N.F. greatly changed its role: from a conformist mass, it increasingly became an elite Order, backbone of the State, which participates, to a certain extent, the authority and dignity that are present at the top - indivisible - of the State itself; however the change cannot be complete if the Party has to regain the widespread consensus in the society. Therefore there are two (informal and unofficial) layers: on one hand the so-called "Outer Party", which collects and directs social demands and mobilizes the society; and on the other hand the so-called "Inner Party", which represents (together with certain units of the MVSN and State officials) the real backbone of the new fascist order.

Party as instrument of power

While Italo Debalti may be described as the Orwellian "Big Brother" by his opponents, it is through his mastery of the Party apparatus that he still remains in power. His most trusted "henchmen" are recruited from the Party, which shapes to a significant degree his rule, and the Party is shaped by Debalti himself. The P.N.F., as the only party allowed to operate, has no incentive to loosen its grip if it wishes to remain in power, and that results in the keeping the centralization of authority. The Duce, the Secretariat and the Political Directory are the centre, with policies pertaining to the Party and not to the State handed down through a strictly defined hierarchy and information (not always accurate) flowing upwards. This results in an extensive bureaucracy that moves at a slow pace, as decisions moved through and up all tiers and offices in the system; the centralization is moderately contrasted by the ideological need to de-centralize the system, entrusting the regional party leaders with some decision-making capabilities. The heavy centralization of the Party and of the State makes for a cumbersome system of government, but effectively blocks the development of dangerous rival centres of power and influence and allows Duce Debalti to keep as much control as possible in his own hands. Although the P.N.F. is perhaps the single most powerful institution in Italy, its members are also often individually subject to Party control.
Membership of the P.N.F. is a formal prerequisite for many jobs, especially in the public sector; however this produces a heavy membership at the lowest tiers. One of the major goals of the Party is constant recruitment and, therefore, the ever more widespread political education. New membership allows the Party to simultaneously renew itself and binging those people under Party's own control. Party members are expected to be totally loyal to the Fascist State and therefore obedient to the Party, and in ensuring this the Party collected a great deal of information on its members. The proverbial questionnaire for new members is quite extensive, and requires the applicant to describe his or her personal interests and background, the nature of their introduction to the P.N.F. and its ideology, how they feel about it, who their superiors in their branch are, and where they have originally taken the oath of membership, amongst other questions. Separate branches of the P.N.F. are established just for members of the armed forces, fulfilling the role of military associations.
The P.N.F. also puts a lot of effort into indoctrinating its members. All are required to attend training meetings, and many must attend party courses, which could last months, and are designed to instil loyalty to the Party and Duce Debalti, and further reinforce the "Fascification" of Italian society. Senior members are sent on courses geared to make them more effective party leaders, while candidates for full membership were there to absorb the Party’s ethos and procedures as well as receive ideological indoctrination. Members are also instructed in the Party’s "official line" in Benito Mussolini’s speeches and writings. The Party also acted as a channel of indoctrination of the population at large.
The P.N.F. also functions as a system of public surveillance. Its membership and social role make it ideally suited to monitor the population. It is amongst the duties of members to keep track of anti-fascist activity amongst the population. Both territorial and functional branches have their own security commissions and bureaus to spy on the regime’s opponents and keep track of potential subversion amongst the population. The members of the territorial security commissions and bureaus, who in certain cases are issued weapons, are also charged with using their local knowledge to help Police to track down local deserters from the military. Bureaus consisting of retired or senior fascists are placed in each ministry as a sort of "watchdogs" to oversee the loyality of its personnel. They are not, however, a full-fledged national security agency nor they have power to enforce the law. Alongside the Public Security and the military intelligence network, the P.N.F. has its own intelligence unit; since early 1990s O.V.R.A. was merged with the Party's security wing, the M.V.S.N.
The military is also carefully monitored, and the P.N.F. routinely does its best to inculcate the Armed Forces with its own vision and ideals, and to fill its ranks with its members and supporters. It is to underline that, on the contrary to other "vanguard" parties, the P.N.F. does not consider the State military as being a structural competitor, nor the military has ever had an autonomous political role. Aside from this, the P.N.F. has also created parallel paramilitary forces: the M.V.S.N. (dating back to 1923) and the G.N.R. (established in 1948). In addition, the Fascist State inherited the Kingdom of Italy well-organized security check system, relying on the law enforcement forces (mostly M.V.S.N. and Carabinieri, but also Police and Local Police) to control the admission to the public service and to military, vetting all candidates for loyalty.

The Party and the State

A Fascist Party leader confronting Carabinieri outside a foreign embassy.

Being a political educational agency, the PNational Fascist Party is tasked with developing a reliable and well-prepared future ruling class (intended in its most vast meaning) with solid Fascist credentials, ideals and stances. This means that, while elite professional schools prepare the youth for the pragmatic exercise of public functions (ambassadors, policemen, soldiers and so on), the Fascist education system privileges idealism and sincere devotion to the Idea, even if this requires distancing from the Government and from actual State behiavour (although support for Duce Debalti is almost always unquestioned). This political work is carried out at every level of the Party, from the highest academic institution to the lowest section and group; the sincere ideals of basic-level activists therefore often lead to rallies and demonstration against both the political opponents (i.e. non-fascist groups growing in large urban areas) and the State (and its security forces and riot units). While this latter kind of confrontations rarely degenerate in actual violence, they nonetheless require a great degree of control and command exercised by individual leaders.
Far from attempting to discourage the emergence of such leaders, the Party actively grooms them up in order to preserve a "pure" ruling class for future years. This tendency caused an official motto to exist: "Ius Primae Linae", Latin for both "Right to the Front-line" and "Law of the Front-line", a catchphrase used to underline that any aspiring Party official or leader must prove himself or herself and accept the confrontation (even if violent) before attaining the promotion or even the absence of blame. On the other hand, the repression is rarely harsh against Fascist rallies; when gross violence occurs, the Party is quick to condemn protestors and to support the State's repressive action. Outside the confrontation with both anti-fascists and policies perceived as wrong, the inclination towards voluntarism and the desire to prove themselves also causes the favourable inclination towards (as well as the steady flow) military careers, which are seen as honourable ways to pursue the struggle and the fight as way of life without the problem of opposing a Fascist Government. In this way, the Fascist Party disseminates all branches of the Armed Forces with ardent believers.

Factions

Composition of the Grand Council of Fascism. National Alliance: 2 seats; Tradition and Distinction: 1 seat; Young Europe: 1 seat; The Corporatists: 13 seats; Fascist Left: 8 seats.

Nowadays, far from the Mussolini's leadership, the P.N.F. is split and divided into several factions and even Duce Debalti is incapable or unwilling to crack them down. Some of them track back their origins and roots to the earliest components of Fascism, while other factions were born in following decades. A majority of Fascist groups favour the Republic, and very few relevant faction is openly Monarchist. Real and current issues such as economic, foreign, military and defence policies, as well as ethic issues and some philosophical views take the centre of the debate.
More ideological and philosophical questions are also debated, being the P.N.F. an order of fighters and of believers, but the main discussion arenas are the cultural institutions rather than the Grand Council of Fascism or the Party's newspapers or other authorized media.
According to their position compared to the official line expressed by the Duce, factions and areas could be classified as being right-wing factions, if they are more liberal-conservative and pro-capitalism than the Duce and the official line, "centrist factions", if their position are more or less the same, or as being left-wing areas and factions, if their issues are more socially progressive and if they are more in favour of progressive and materialistic ideologies.
Currently, the centre is occupied by Corporatist factions, which detain a large popularity, embodying the core of the Fascist values and enjoying the Duce's support.
The individual currents are named after the Fascio di Combattimento which they arose in or they come from, or after the newspaper or the politician which they refer to. All factions claim of respecting the Doctrine of Fascism and of recognizing it as their own.
Right-wing factions: they are liberal-conservative, pro-US and in favour of liberal Europeans.

• National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale): Liberal Nationalists. Main leaders are Maurizio Gasparri and Ignazio La Russa, both members of the Grand Council. It is quite spread in northern provinces MVSN.
• Tradition and Distinction (Tradizione e Distinzione): Traditionalists environmentalists, followers of Julius Evola. It is an isolationist faction, focused on environmentalism, monarchism, in favour of laissez-faire and very ethically conservative. It is not "enthusiastic" in supporting the Duce and RSI. Major figureheads are Adriano Romualdi (son of Pino Romualdi, former high-ranking party official and former faction leader) and Marzio Tremaglia. The main intellectual is doubtless Franco "Giorgio" Freda. This faction is widespread among most part of cultural institutions, but is little known out of academies and think tanks. Despite its little size, this faction is highly respected, having one Grand Council member, Marzio Tremaglia. It is to note that Evolian philosphy is spread within majority of the factions: however, the "integral evolians" are a distinct faction.
• Catholic Alliance (Alleanza Cattolica): Catholic Nationalists. It is led by Antonio Mantovano, chief-editor of the eponymous newspaper, "The Catholic Alliance" ("L'Alleanza Cattolica"). It is not represented into the Grand Council.

The centrist factions include corporatist, ethically conservative, isolationist, pro-Ba'th, hostile to the U.S. and anti-communist factions. The centre is often considered as being the most authentic interpreters of Fascism.

• Young Europe (Giovane Europa): is a "centrist" faction, corporatist, nationalist-European and national-revolutionary. It is ethically moderate and anti-U.S. They are widespread in the youth organizations, but they have very little diffusion within the adulthood, despite the fact the faction is 40 years old. Currently the leader is Gianni Alemanno, Governor of Rome and member of the Political Directory.
• Fascists' Nationalist Socialist Platform of Italy (Piattaforma Nazionale e Socialista d'Italia dei Fascisti): The Platform consists of Italian national-socialists who are nostalgic for the Hitler's National Socialism, they are pagan and corporatist.
• The Corporatists (I Corporativisti): they are the "big centre". "The Corporatists" faction is the most consistent and widespread; ethically moderate, they are in favour of an active and prominent State role in the economy, they want to move towards enterprises co-management, they want more powers to the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations. The vast majority follows the teachings of Giovanni Gentile and his heirs, but many are also in favor of Ugo Spirito and its wave. In turn, "orthodox" Corporatists are divided into several associations, movements and newspapers. Due to their vastity, they have 13 members of Grand Council, gaining the absolute majority. However, differences between various Corporatist sub-factions are large enough to make them to approach some problems differently. Among the most prominent leaders there are now Giulio Tremonti, Maurizio Sacconi and Renato Brunetta.
• Lictor and Catholic Italy (Italia Littoria e Cattolica): they are catholic fascists, ethically very conservative, and in favour of a progressive decentralization and of the social market economy. The main leader is their Grand Council member, Roberto Fiore, who is also the founder of the "Forza Nuova" magazine.

Leftist factions are somewhat ethically progressive, while for what regards economic proposals they range from a simple "social-democratic" approach, to a co-operative solution, passing through the Proprietary Corporation (or the socialization of the economy) and the brutal "collectivist" option. The leftist fascists are often called "Fascisti-Rossi" (red fascists) and many among them are strongly favourable to an "encounter" between Fascism and marxism. Individual leftist factions are not represented in their own capacity into the Grand Council of Fascism: however, the eight Grand Council members who are not part of the right-wing or centrist factions are colletively tasked with representing major instances coming from the Fascist left. Among the most important movements which are classified as part of the Fascist Left, there is the Social Republican Group (Raggruppamento Sociale Repubblicano, R.S.R.) which, with its Autonomous Republican Groups (Gruppi Autonomi Repubblicani, G.A.R.) has the widest peripheral network of the leftist factions. The founder of the R.S.R. was Giorgio Pini, while the most known member was Concetto Pettinato; nowadays, the uncontested leader is Salvatore Vivirito, who is also a member of the Political Directory.

Organizational issues

In the P.N.F. there is an organizational model based on permanently organized currents, each with its own press and cultural organs, its own internal apparatus, its own offices and places (although all belonging to the Party), its own foundations (though all under the overall leadership and guidance of the Party) and even its own group discipline. The reasons that support such an organization consist mainly in the need to guard as many ideological areas as possible and to organize a stable follow-up in the P.N.F. itself. And all this requires a robust following, not always disinterested.
This organizational pattern involves the existence of centrifugal thrusts which must be composed and prevented by the central management of the party.

Fascist Radicalisn

The new fascist radicalism is a political-ideological current of Fascism born in the last twenty years (from 2000 onwards). It is heir of both the classical centrist corporatism (still existent) and the national revolutionary "new wave" of the Seventies and Eighties.
Modern fascist radicalism is characterized by the phenomenon of media squadrism. Media squadrism is a political practice with a relatively low rate of violence, but which intends however to place itself at the attention of the Regime media through "spectacular actions". The novelty of Fascist radicalism lies in the unity between political action and social activism, trying to overcome (or rather to circumvent) the division into branches of the Party and of the associated organisms. The purpose of overcoming is to be a direct interpreter of the social demands of particular disadvantaged social sectors.
The interpretation of social questions takes place only indirectly through the Party; the conceptual element that defines fascist radicalism as a whole is the "Community of Struggle". The basic unit of political aggregation, while formally remaining within the Party's organizational network, passes from the party section to the self-managed social center but open to the territory in a more organic way than a normal party section.

Membership

The party network is powered by its membership. Members are classified according to the depth of their commitment. A person can join as a sympathiser ("Simpatizzante"), required only to assimilate the ideological lessons at weekly meetings. The more senior supporters ("Aderente") and "advanced supporters" ("Militante") are symbolically willing to take up arms to defend the party. The system requires passing successfully a series of tests, so full members are the quite hardened and committed supporters. As they make their way up through the ranks, activists gain privileges and authority. Membership of the PNF is a prerequisite, formal and informal, for many jobs, especially in the public sector: in particular, all military personnel, as well as all Public Security civilian officials and Prefects have to be at least senior supporters ("Aderenti"). On the other hand, leaving the PNF and joining a different, illegal political party is punished with up to five years in prison.
Party membership also confers other tiny powers: intimidating your neighbours, teachers, colleagues, and even your superiors if they happen to rank lower in the parallel party hierarchy (although this circumstance is not present within the public administration). As happens everywhere in the world, vulnerable, complex people often join the party for the self-assurance membership brings.
Only advanced supporters are eligible for higher levels, such as composing the consultive committees or even become part of the Hierarchy.
One of the major goals of the Party is constant recruitment. New blood coming in allows the Party to renew itself. Members are expected to be loyal to the Party, and in ensuring this the Party collects a great deal of information on its members. The questionnaire for new members is quite extensive, and requires the applicant to describe his or her personal interests and background, the nature of their introduction to the PNF and its ideology, amongst other questions.
All Party members are subject to particular rules and discipline: for example, members are also chided for being late to important meetings or not bringing their notebooks, and, because the PNF regards itself as a "civil militia", they are expected to remain physically fit, with those failing minimal medical exams facing demotion.
The Party puts a great effort into indoctrinating its members. All Fascists are to attend training courses that last months, while political work carried out in daily life is considered to be a form of self-education. Senior members are sent on courses geared to make them effective party figures, while candidates for Hierarchy appointments are there to absorb the Party’s ethos and procedures as well as receive ideological indoctrination. Members are also instructed in the Party’s ‘official line’ and this instructions includes an extensive study of Benito Mussolini’s speeches and writings and PNF congresses. The Party also acts as a channel of indoctrination of the populace at large. For instance, copies of Fascist, revolutionary-conservative, national-socialist or anyhow pleased books are issued to members via territorial structures on release, and they are the frequently the subject at monthly discussions of cultural topics.
Rewards are doled out to members of the PNF for a variety of reasons, such as uninterrupted membership over twenty-five years, service in the military or one of the MVSN branches, or other demonstrations of loyalty, usually in the form of a medal or badge. The most prestigious and most valuable of these rewards is a card that identifies the holder as a “Personal Friend of Italo Debalti” which entitles the holder to personal meetings with the Duce and other officials, and a priority for themselves, their spouse and their children in entrance to universities and military academies. The card is reserved for very special Party members, as well as for close Duce's comrades.

Punishments

The Fascist violation of political discipline and morale of the Party or is returned to criminal proceedings shall be referred to the competent disciplinary bodies. No punishment can be proposed or imposed until you have disputed the charge and screened the defense, except in cases of flagrante delicto. Punishments are as follows:

1. Written deploration;
2. Temporary suspension (from one month to one year);
3. Suspension for an indefinite period;
4. Withdrawal of the card;
5. Radiation;
6. Expulsion.

The punishments up to the suspension is imposed for minor faults that do not adversely affect the moral figure of the Fascist. The withdrawal of the card is dealt to the Fascist who incur serious disciplinary failings and becomes unworthy of remaining in the ranks of the Party; Radiation is inflicted on the Fascist who has done actions or has been convicted for acts which prejudice his moral figure. Expulsion is imposed on the traitor of the Cause of the Fascist Revolution.

Organization

The National Fascist Party is, organizationally, a mass-based party with an heavy influence of its cadres, which have a special place also because the hierarchic ideology of Fascism. Fascism attempts to base itself on an appeal to the whole Italian Nation and its core objective is to to organize the entire Italian people.
Membership campaigns are regularly conducted also in social sectors where P.N.F. membership is not mandatory, and each member must pay party dues. As a mass-party, the P.N.F. organization is rigidly structured: the Party has an exact registration of membership, treasurers to collect dues, secretaries to call and lead local meetings, and a hierarchical framework for the coordination of the thousands of local sections.
The principle adopted by the P.N.F. is the Central Hierarchy: there is a reasonably free discussion, which is developed at the central level before a decision is made, but afterwards all have to adhere to the decision made. In the P.N.F. ideology occupies a fundamental place. The party makes use of a military-type organization; basic units are considerably tiny but, combined and joined together, form a solid and large bloc. The organization grants a significant role to the hierarchy, supported by the Fascist hierarchic values. Differently from socialist parties (the Italian Socialist Party was the progenitor of the National Fascist Party), the P.N.F. relies on the appointment procedure to choose its own cadres and leaders. The party leadership, grouped under the absolute authority of the Duce, constitutes the (or most of the) elite tasked with leading the Party and the Italian society.
The basic organization is based on the particular geographical areas, although the workplace group is sometimes used (also for non-professional groups), but under the guidance of the nearest geographical echelon. The workplace group grouped together all party members who depend upon the same firm, workshop, or store. The cell-based local organization is permitted by the extensive authority held by the central party leaders.
The Fascist Doctrine holds that power is naturally seized by organized minorities making use of force. The party thus makes use of a militia intended to assure victory in the struggle for control over the non-organized masses.

Duce of Fascism

The Duce of Fascism is the highest position in the Fascist movement; he is the supreme head of the National Fascist Party and, since the inception of Italo Debalti in 1991, also the head of State of Italy. As Italy is a one-party state, the Duce holds ultimate power and authority over state and government.
Duce of Fascism controls all Party appointments, regardless the particular relevant appointing procedure and/or authority, although the oversight over the daily party activities is carried out by the Political Secretary.

P.N.F. top bodies

The primary organs of power in the Fascist Party which is detailed in the party constitution include:

• The Political Secretary, which is the second highest-ranking official within the Party after the Duce and is ranked as a State Minister.
  • The Secretariat, the principal administrative mechanism of the P.N.F., headed by the Political Secretary;
• National Council of the P.N.F., which includes:
  • The Grand Council of Fascism, currently consisting of 25 full members (including the members of the Directory Standing Committee)
    • The Political Directory, which consists of nine members
  • The Discipline Inspection Commission, which is on the same level with the Political Directory, charged with rooting out corruption and malfeasance among party cadres.
• The M.V.S.N. General Command;

The Secretariat’s bureaus serve as quasi-ministries, mainly responsible for labour and cultural affairs. They also oversee a sort of parallel diplomatic corps, together with vast social groups. A special Party membership is a prerequisite for military personnel; while the military is heavily politically characterized, it is not divided into Party bodies, at least the active-duty services and organizations, while discharged unions are full Party bodies. The Party’s security services guarantee loyalty and orthodoxy also within the party.

Political Secretary

The Political Secretary of the National Fascist Party is the second highest ranking official within the National Fascist Party, a standing member of the Political Directory and head of the Secretariat. The Party Secretariat is among the most important power centres, with policies handed down through a strictly defined hierarchy and information flowing upwards. This results in an extensive bureaucracy that moves at what was frequently a glacial pace, as decisions moved through and up all tiers and offices in the system. However, this did not prevent the developing or the consolidation of rival power centres, such as the Catholic Church or some economic concentrations.

Hierarchy and Gerarchi

Gerarca (Italian for "Member of a hierarchy") is the term used to refer to a commanding member of the National Fascist Party. The Fascist Hierarchy is responsible for planning, directing, and supervising the measures carried into execution by the Fascist Party.
The Hierarchy constitutes the sum of the officials of the Fascist Party: it includes the Duce; National Secretary and national-level office holders; the five categories of Territorial leaders ranging all the way from the Regional Commissioners down through the intermediate political leaders to the Trustees, charged with looking after city boroughs; and their staff officers attached to each of the levels of Territorial Leaders. Organized upon a hierarchical basis, forming a pyramidal structure, the Leaders on a scale of descending authority are:

• Duce;
• National level:
  • National Secretary;
  • PNF Government Ministers; Deputy Secretaries;
  • Member of National Political Directory;
  • National Inspector; PNF Member of Grand Council of Fascism.
• Federal(Provincial) level:
  • 1st Class Federal Secretary;
  • 2nd Class Federal Secretary;
  • Federal Political Directory;
  • Federal Inspector;
• Combat Fasces (Municipal) level:
  • Combat Fasces Secretary;
  • Borough Trustee.

It is to note that the PNF is organized on a single hierarchy; therefore a National Inspector can and often does exercise command over a Combat Fasces; moreover, alongside positions shown by the actual name of the rank, PNF members may fill equivalent positions not shown in the rank title. Therefore a man ranked Combat Fasces Secretary may be in charge of a particular office within the national administration, or elsewhere. In order to distinguish actual political leaders, those in charge of a territorial subdivision wear an armband with the letters "CT" (standing for Comando Territoriale, i.e. Territorial Command); on the other hand, those not in charge of territorial command are often styled (and referred to) as "RANK + On Other Duties" (It.: "GRADO con altri doveri").
Hierarchs of all ranks are and must be nominated from above, for investment, and not for recognition from below. In no way they have to answer the subordinates, but only to hierarchically superior leaders. Concern for "popularity" should in no way affect Herarchs' conducts, who must act independently of it. Any protests must be transmitted just as in the military organization.
The Hierarchy is based on a superiority of fact, power, on a qualitatively different, substantial, effective life. Favoritism, sympathy, interests should not matter. Likewise, administrative or political ability, culture and similar factors must be absolutely secondary.

Political Directory

The Political Directory (Italian: Direttorio Politico) is the highest consultative organ of the National Fascist Party. It convenes at least once a week, but often more frequently. The Political Directory is the highest decision-making body of the P.N.F. Formal rules state that a Political Directory member must serve a term in the Grand Council before advancing to the Political Directory.
The Political Directory supersedes the National Council and is superior to it; Political Directory's authority is eminently a political one, and several capital decisions were made, in past decades, by the Political Directory rather than the Government. The membership of the Political Directory has historically varied between 7 and 11 members, and usually consist an odd number of people to avoid tie-breaking votes. According to convention, Political Directory members entering the body must be less than 65 years-old. Since the 1990s, individuals ascending to the Political Directory generally have experience as provincial/regional party chiefs.

Grand Council of Fascism

The Grand Council of Fascism (Italian: Gran Consiglio del Fascismo) is a group of 25 people who oversee the National Fascist Party activities and codifies its national policies according the guidelines issued by the Duce. It must be heard on all matters of a constitutional nature, among which are included the composition and functioning of the two Houses of Parliament, the powers and prerogatives of the head of government, corporate and union sorting. It also also advises the government on ordinary policies and politics.
The Grand Council is appointed by the Duce. The agenda for the meetings is controlled by the Political Secretary and decisions are made by consensus within its internal factions, rather than by majority vote. In certain cases, straw votes are used to see how many members support or oppose a certain case (these straw votes do not necessarily affect the ultimate decision). Every member has the duty and the right to participate in the collective discussion.
Factions are named after their main Fascio di Combattimento (often the one in which they arose) or the newspaper or the politician to which they refer to. As factions within the National Fascist Party, all factions agree to abide by the Doctrine of Fascism and, at least in words, recognize it as their own. Grand Council members are, by party regulation, the chiefs of the Party's main offices and departments (variously styled), some ministers and some other party leaders. However, the shift in personnel at the highest party level is accompanied with mystery and uncertainty because of institutionalized opacity, including the “internal decisions” or “imperial appointments” made by the very top cadres (i.e. the Political Secretary and the Duce).
Since the 1980s, age-based retirement has become increasingly rigid, codified in a plethora of party regulations dictating promotion and retirement rules based on age. For instance, party rules stipulate that minister-level officials must leave active executive positions by age 65, and vice-minister level officials must retire from such positions by age 60.

Grand Council of Fascism vs. Council of the Ministers

Before the reforms of Italo Debalti during the 1990s, the Grand Council of Fascism was the supreme decision-making organ in all areas of party and state and the Grand Council of Fascism frequently meddled in its own capacity in the affairs of the central government and the Grand Council of Fascism made detailed planning and budgetary decisions. From 1994 onwards, the Grand Council of Fascism decides a plan's general orientation, but lets the central government make detailed socioeconomic decisions. Nowadays the Grand Council of Fascism unofficially assists the Duce in appointment of members of the central government.

Membership

The membership of the Grand Council of Fascism may vary but includes:

• Political Secretary of the National Fascist Party, who is also the secretary of the Council;
• President of the National Council of the P.N.F.;
• President of the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations;
• Chief of Government of Italy;
• Ministers:
  • Corporations;
  • Finance;
  • Foreign Affairs;
  • National Defence;
  • Interior;
  • Justice;
  • National Education
  • Popular Culture;
• Commandant-General of the M.V.S.N.;
• Secretary of the Albanian Fascist Party;
• Secretary of the Montenegrin Fascist Party;
• Secretary of the Eritrean Fascist Party;
• Secretary of the Libyan Fascist Party;
• Secretary of the Somali Fascist Party;
• Secretary of the Ethiopian Fascist Party;
• Presidents (appointed by Debalti himself) of the Royal Academy of Italy, and those of the Corporations: Industrialists, Agriculture Workers, Industrial Workers, and Farmers.

Meetings

The Grand Council meets at least once a month. The Political Secretary is responsible for convening the Grand Council and setting, in accordance with the Duce, the agenda for the meeting. Each member is told of the agenda beforehand and is delivered briefing materials by the Political Secretary on the agenda matters. The first person to speak at the meeting is the member who proposed the agenda.[35] After that, those who know about the subject, or whose work is directly related to it, may speak. Then those who doubt or oppose the agenda proposal speak. Lastly, the Political Secretary speaks and calls for a vote. If the vote is unanimous or nearly so, it may be accepted; if the vote is nearly unanimous, but members who directly work in the area discussed oppose it, the issue will be postponed.

National Council of the P.N.F.

Main article: National Council of the National Fascist Party (Kingdom of Italy)

The National Council of the National Fascist Party (Italian: Consiglio Nazionale del Partito Nazionale Fascista), or simply the National Council (Italian: Consiglio Nazionale), is the highest collective advisory body within the National Fascist Party, as well as the upper house of the bicameral Italian Parliament (the other being the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations). The two houses together form a imperfect bicameral system. The National Council has 300 members either appointed or ex officio. It was established in its current form on 28 October 1946, but previously existed during the Savoyard Kingdom of Italy as part of the Chamber of Deputies. Members of the National Council are styled Consiglieri Nazionali and they meet at Palazzo Madama, Rome.

Functions as Party body

As Party body, the National Council of the P.N.F. proposes to the Duce many of the most powerful officials, including the Political Secretary and the members of the Grand Council, of the Political Directory, and of the Italian National Royal Guard General Command. It is to note that the current Grand Council of Fascism is completely different from the original body with the same name: the latter, infact, was disbanded immediately after the Mussolini's death, fearing that the Triumvirate would be excessively controlled and weak. The current National Council was re-established by the current Duce of Italy, as part of his constitutional reforms.

The National Council deliberates about the list of Councilors of the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations, about the statutes, laws and policies of the National Fascist Party, about the appointment and removal of the Secretary, the Vice Secretaries, the Administrative Secretary and members of the Political Directory of the National Fascist Party. In the Party capacity it has not binding powers. The National Council of the P.N.F. also exercises its authority as the upper house of the national legislature, holding the legislative and consultative power over a range of questions.

According the 2002 Statute of the P.N.F., the National Council is tasked with "carrying out the decisions of the Duce, leading the work of the party, and representing the party before the Duce." The National Council is therefore technically the "party's highest organ of representation". The National Council must also be theoretically convened to prepare for a National Congress; for example, to determine its dates, delegate selection, agenda, and so on.

The National Council also confirms membership of the Secretariat, the organ in charge of executing party policy. The National Council oversees the work of many powerful national organizations of the P.N.F..

Office of General Affairs

The Office of General Affairs (Italian: Ufficio Affari Generali) is an office directly under the National Council in charge of technical and logistic affairs. The Office of General Affairs is generally in charge of daily affairs of the National Council, though its functions may change basing on circumstances. Although its business is often non-political, its chiefs have close connections with the Party's top leaders.

Party central offices

The central organization of the P.N.F. also consists, beyond the Grand Council, the Political Directory and the Secretary with his Secretariat consisting of 15 offices and departments:

• Political Secretariat;
• Administrative Secretariat;
• Office of Press and propaganda;
• Office for Foreign Policy;
• Office for Colonial Policy;
• Office for Health and Genealogy;
• Central Security Office;
• Inspectorate;
• Office of Trade union Policy;
• Associations dependent on the party;
• University professors Office;
• Office for Sports Policy and Sport and Recreational Activities;
• National Defence Commission;
• Association of the Families of Fascist Victims;
• Office of the Historian and Archives.

Some of the main offices and offices within the central organization also appear again within the Regional Commissions, and the Provincial Federation. Thus, the heads of the central offices exercise, through functional channels running through subordinate offices on lower regional levels, control over the various sectors of the national life of Italy. The Duce appoints all heads of the central offices, who are by right members of the Political Directory, including women's leaders. These departments work closely with the individual relevant ministries of the Council of Ministers, acting as a support body.

Political Secretariat

The Political Secretariat of the National Fascist Party is a staff body serving the Duce of Fascism and the P.N.F. The Secretariat is mainly responsible for carrying out routine operations of the Party, the routine decisions of the Duce and integrations of the Political Directory, and the coordination of organizations and stakeholders to achieve tasks as set out by the Duce and by the Political Directory, implementing the policy and personnel decisions. It is empowered by the Duce to make routine day-to-day decisions on issues of concern in accordance to the decisions of the Political Directory, but it must consult the Political Directory on substantive matters.
However, major political decisions are made by the Duce in consultation with both the Political Directory and the Secretariat. Top members of the Political Secretariat are considered some of the most important political positions in the National Fascist Party and are ranked highly in the order of precedence among "state and party leaders".
In 2015 there were ten Assistant Secretaries (including the Political Secretary and the Deputy Secretary), all of whom were full National Council members. Each Assistant Secretary directs a personal staff of three to five individuals. The Secretariat is in charge of the daily work of the party; it supervises internal party affairs and manages state and government communications and apparatuses. The specific responsibilities of the Secretariat include managing elections, formulating cadre policy, operating party schools, and drafting and implementing the directives of the Duce to the leaders of the P.N.F. territorial organizations.

Office of Press and propaganda

The Office of Press and propaganda is the P.N.F. division which deals with the ideological side of the censorship and provides expertise to the Ministry of Popular Culture.
The Propaganda Office has a leadership role in the media control system, working with other organizations like the Ministry of Popular Culture. Its scope is to control licensing of media outlets, and to give instructions to the media on what is and what is not to be said, especially about certain "delicate" issues, like internal dissent, external relations, etc., that can affect state security, or the rule of the National Fascist Party.
The Propaganda Office controls all propaganda, publicity and information of the National Fascist Party as well as the Kingdom of Italy. The agencies supported and controlled by the Office include the Ministry of Popular Culture; its basic function is to coordinate ideological, propaganda, cultural, media and publishing activities. The Office head is usually the member of the Political Directory in charge of propaganda, while the deputy leader is the Minister of Popular Culture.
One important way the Propaganda Office ensures that the media system remains well controlled is by ensuring that the boundaries of acceptable reporting are kept "deliberately fuzzy" in an effort to ensure that news workers self-censor to a critical degree.

Inspectorate of the National Fascist Party

The Inspectorate of the National Fascist Party is an organization run under the National Fascist Party charged with rooting out corruption and malfeasance among party cadres. Its current Secretary is Marco Derenelli, who is also a member of the Political Directory.
Investigations and prosecutions of cadres who are suspect of corruption are conducted confidentially in a system which is separate from ordinary law enforcement and courts, which may be subject to influence by local cadre. Suspects are subjected to severe pressure. There is little sympathy by the public for corrupt officials who get caught up in the system. The National Secretary of the Inspectorate is the head of the Inspectorate of the National Fascist Party. The Secretary is a very important political position, serving as one of the top leaders of the National Fascist Party.

Central Security Office

The Central Security Office (Italian: Ufficio Centrale di Sicurezza) of the National Fascist Party is the central organisation responsible for political and legal affairs: it studies and oversees all legal enforcement authorities, including the Public Security and the Prosecution, making it a very influential organ in the formulation of security policy (although the detailed policy and implementation are left to the relevant organs). Within its stated duties, the Commission also aims to combat terrorism, separatism, and religious extremism. The Commission, in addition to its political supervision powers against State bodies, also holds semi-compulsory "study sessions" to politically indoctrinate and inform officers on party policies. At last, the Commissions (both national and provincial ones) are charged with balancing the interests of the police, courts and prosecutors, ensuring the rule of law (at least until it does not obstacle the Fascist Revolution).
The Central Security Office at its top consists of ten Commissioners and it is headed by a Director General, appointed by the Duce of the Fascism on Political Secretary's proposal, after hearing the Political Directory. The Central Security Office Secretary, who is usually a Political Directory member, due to the great sensitivity of the position, almost always belongs to the dominant faction is a general officer of the M.V.S.N.. The current Director General is G.N.R. Lieutenant General Renato Saltamartini, who is also a member of the Political Directory.
Among the most important duties of the Central Security Office there is the organization of the political-ideological training of the police apparatus in Italy.
Within the Central Security Office there is also a dedicated branch, whose specific purpose is to coordinate and direct the political persecution of the Jehovah's Witnesses, codenamed U-7 (from the initial letter of "Geova"). The U-7 is a security agency on its own, although it relies on O.V.R.A.. The U-7 frequently directs other state and party organs in the anti-Jehovah campaign. In order to do this, it is frequently headed by an high-ranking Party official.

Provincial Commissions

All the Party Federations establish Security Commissions subordinated to the Central Security Office, which are mandated to watch over local security forces, including the Questure and, to a lesser degree, over the local Prosecutions. Provincial commissions also organize the provincial study sessions. However, Security Commission heads do not double nor act as police chiefs and have no direct authority over the Prefect: they manage political aspects of affairs examined by the Provincial Commission for the Public Order and Security. In large municipalities, there may exist a Party's Municipal Security Commission, with responsibilities over the Municipal Police Corps.
Peripheral commissions' other main responsibilities are to implement the guidelines assigned by the Government on the work of public security, the building of cadre teams, the comprehensive control of the work of maintaining social stability. The Commissions also have to supervise and coordinate the administrative departments to implement guidelines and policies of the National Fascist Party, especially in law enforcement.

National Institute of Fascist Culture

The National Institute of Fascist Culture (Istituto Nazionale di Cultura Fascista) is an entity created in 1925 and is responsible for the spread and development of fascist ideals and culture. The Institute exists as an ideological research development structure and stimulation of intellectual energies of the nation, reaping the greatest intellectuals and members of the Italian artistic and cultural programs, by promoting cooperation between them and pushing them to the practical application of their knowledge.
Its official purpose is to promote and coordinate studies on fascism, conserve and disseminate, in Italy and abroad, the ideals, the doctrine of fascism and the culture of Fascist Italy, through courses and lectures, publications, books and to promote the propaganda in this regard. The Institute collaborates with the Ministry of National Education (Ministero dell'Educazione Nazionale) and the Ministry of Popular Culture (Ministero della Cultura Popolare).
The Institute is governed by a board composed of:

• President, appointed by the Duce, after proposal of the Secretary of PNF;
• 4 Deputy Presidents, appointed by the Duce, after proposal of the Secretary of PNF;
• 14 Councillors, appointed by the Secretary of PNF, after proposal of the President.

Disciplinary bodies

All members of the Party seeking to climb up its ranks are subject to additional rules and discipline, intended to keep ambitious members on a tight reign. On joining even the lowest ranks, members were obliged to sign a declaration that stated they would be hanged if they were found to be secret members of any other party. Members above the base rank are required to get permission from the Party hierarchy to get married, and one of the stages of this process is submitting information about the member’s prospective spouse. Members are also chided for being too late to Party meetings, not bringing their notebooks, and are expected to remain physically fit, with those failing medical exams and fitness tests facing demotion.
The Disciplinary organization of the P.N.F. is organized on three levels, but there is only one appeal. All disciplinary measures inflicted by the federal secretary, by the federal commissions and by the National Commission are allowed to be appealed to the Secretary of P.N.F. The measures, despite the appeal, are immediately enforceable. Only the Duce, on proposal of the National Commission of Discipline, may inflict disciplinary measures against members of the Grand Council or higher positions.
At the national level, it is established a National Commission of Discipline, chaired by a Deputy Secretary and consisting of nine permanent National Inspectors and six alternates, appointed among those are not members of Grand Council of Fascism. The National Commission is appointed by the National Secretary. The National Commisison examines all cases brought before it by the National Secretary and may inflict all punishments.
A Federal Commission of discipline, chaired by a Deputy Federal Secretary and consisting of six permanent members, four alternates and a secretary, appointed outside the Federal Directory, is established in every provincial federation, and its members are appointed by the Federal Secretary. The Federal Commission hears cases brought before it by the Federal Secretary, proposed disciplinary measures of deploration, the suspension time determined and the indefinite suspension. But when the results of the investigations import the sanction of the card withdrawal, radiation or expulsion, it transmits the documents to the Federal Secretary, who submits them to the National Secretary for rulings and decisions.
A Commission of Discipline, consisting of a chairman and two members, outside to the Fasces Directory and outside of the Consultative Committee, appointed by the Federal Secretary on the proposal of the Combat Fasces Political Secretary, is established at each Combat Fasces and at Borough Fascist Group. Commissions of Discipline examine cases brought before them by the political secretary, by the trustee or by the federal secretary, who receives the results of investigations for decisions and rulings.

Territorial organization

The PNF is organised through a structure adhering to social reality in a rigid hierarchy. The National Fascist Party is made ​​up of Fighting Fasces, which are framed in Fasces of Combat Federations in the provinces and the Governments of the Empire. At the head of each Combat Federation is a Federal Secretary. Combat Federations of the same Administrative Region are directed by a Regional Commissioner and his Commission for what regards local affairs.
The responsibility and function of the local leaders is essentially political, namely, to insure the authority of the P.N.F. within the individual leader's area, to direct the activities of the Party and all its affiliated and supervised organizations, and to enlarge the influence of the Party over people and life in his boundary generally. Chiefs of territorial organizations are entitled to call upon and utilize the various Party formations as necessary for the execution of Fascist Party policies, as well as to to requisition the services of the MVSN located within their zone from the respective MVSN commander if they are needed for the execution of a political mission (but not of the OVRA and of the GNR). Should the Party chief need more MVSN for the execution of political mission than is locally available, he then applies to the next higher office which, in turn, requests the MVSN in his sector. In practice, should the need arise, the national level is likely to be involved.
Each of the subordinate Party levels is organized into offices dealing with the various specialized functions of the Party; the number of such departments and offices diminishes as the Party unit drops in the hierarchy. The various local leaders are under an absolute obligation to meet and confer periodically, not only with the staff officers on their own staffs, but with the political leaders and staff officers immediately subordinate to them. The clear consequence of such regular and obligatory conferences and meetings, both with their own staff and with the political leaders and staff subordinate to them, was that basic policies were certain to be brought to the attention and understanding of the bulk of the membership of the Leadership.

Regional Commissioner

The Regional Commission represents the concentration of a number of Party Combat Federations on provincial level. The Regional Commissioner is, like the Provincial Federal Secretary, directly subordinate to the Duce. He is appointed by the Duce. The Regional Commissioner bears responsibility to the Duce for the general affairs of the Region entrusted to him. The Regional Commissioner appoints the members of the Regional Commission (in consultation with the relevant central office) and the members of the Federal Directory.
The Regional Commissioner is bound to confer with his staff every 7 to 14 days. He is also obligated to meet with the various Federal Secretaries once every month for a convention for the purpose of discussing and clarifying Fascist Party policies and directives, for hearing basic lectures on Party policy, and for the mutual exchange of information pertinent to the Party's current program. The Regional Commissioner is also obligated to meet at least twice a month with the leaders of the Party formations and affiliated organizations within his area.

Combat Federation

The Combat Federation (It.: Federazione di Combattimento) is the hearth of the political organization of the National Fascist Party, and ordinarily has a provincial scope. From a technical point of view, the Combat Federation is the party body which groups local Combat Fasces which the Party consists of; in practice, the Combat Federation and the local Combat Fasces are both parts of the same chain of command and no interruption or even contrast is felt.

Federal Secretary

The Federal Secretary is appointed directly by the Duce on the (nominal) proposal of Political Secretary. He implements the directives and executes the orders of the Political Secretary, which in turn receives the guidelines from the Duce; he is in charge of promoting and monitoring the activities of the local Combat Fasces and of the Party Associations, and ensures the Fascist presence in the positions within the province.
The Federal Secretary also maintains contacts with the peripheral organs of the State and, mostly, with the Prefect. In relation to the Regime, he is the Federal Commander of the G.I.L., the President of the Provincial National Recreational Club and of Provincial Radio Agency's Committee. The Federal Secretary is part of the Executive Committee of the Provincial Council of Corporations and of the Committee of the University Agency (Opera Universitaria) in cities where there are universities.
The Secretary convenes and chairs the Federal Directory, calls the reports of the Fascists in the province and members of Associations dependent on the PNF in the province. The Secretary directs and is the responsible the political education for the youth.
The Federal Secretary proposes to the Political Secretary the appointment and dismissal of members of the Federal Directory, including the appointment of Deputy Federal Secretary and Deputy Federal Administrative Secretary. The Secretary also proposes the appointment of provincial hierarchy.
He appoints and dismisses the Federal Inspectors, Secretaries of the Fasces of Combat and components of their Directories. Appoints the Trustees of Fascist Borough Groups and the components of its Consultative Committees, Heads of Sector and Chiefs of Squads. The Secretary has the power to dissolve the Directories and the Consultative Committees and to appoint regent commissioners. He also promotes and regulates the sport of organizations in relation to the directives marked by C.O.N.I.
The Secretary is the P.N.F. in the province in all respects and the leaders of the provincial associations and organizations that depend on the Party are therefore subordinate to him. The Federal Secretary appoints the members of the Political Directories of the municipal Combat Fasces and below.

Federal Directory

In each Federation is made up of the Federal Directory, which has advisory and executive functions about regulations of the Federal Secretary. In each Province the Provincial Federation Directory is the supreme authority, alongside the traditional civil service. Its mandatory components are:

• The Deputy Federal Secretary;
• The Deputy Federal Administrative Secretary;
• The M.V.S.N. ranking officer
• The Secretary of the Fascist University Group (Gruppo Universitario Fascista);
• The Deputy Federal Commander of the G.I.L. for Young Fascists (Giovani Fascisti);
• The Deputy Federal Commander of the G.I.L. for Avanguardisti and Balilla
• The President of the Provincial National Recreational Club;
• The President of the Provincial section of the National Institute of Fascist Culture;
• The President of the Provincial Committee of the Italian National Olympic Committee;
• A component for the control of administrative and financial activities of the Federation;
• Two components among provincial party leaders who have demonstrated strong organizational capacity.

Members are formally appointed by the Regional Commissioner, on proposal of the Federal Secretary. When he deems it appropriate, the Federal Secretary invites the leaders of the economic bodies, of unions, of corporate bodies and of bodies dealing with welfare of the province to attend meetings of the Federal Directory and to report on matters of competence.

Combat Fasces

The Combat Fasces (Fascio di Combattimento) is the most basic Fascist organization. It is organized at the municipal level, and it is the elementary unit of the National Fascist Party, upper echelons being (formally) mere groupings of Combat Fasces. The Combat Fasces is governed by the Fasces Political Secretary (Segretario Politico di Fascio di Combattimento), assisted by a Directory. Similarly to the Federal Secretary, he is appointed by the Political Secretary on the proposal of Federal Secretary. The Political Secretary implements the directives and executes the orders of the Federal Secretary, promotes and monitors the activities of the Combat Fasces, controls the partecipation of the Fascists to the charges and positions within the municipality.
The Political Secretary also maintains connections with the peripheral organs of the State (mainly the Podestà). In relation to the Regime, he appoints the Party's representatives to the Municipal Assistance Agency. The Political Secretary convenes and chairs the Fasces Directory, summons Fascists in the municipality and members of Associations dependent on the PNF in the municipality for reports.
The Political Secretary proposes to the Federal Secretary the appointment and dismissal of members of the Fascio's Directory, including the appointment of Deputy Political Secretary and Deputy Political Administrative Secretary. The Secretary also proposes the appointment of municipal hierarchy to Prefect, who is not bound to accept them.
He proposes appointments of the Trustees of Fascist Borough Groups and the components of its Consultative Committees, Heads of Sector and Chiefs of Squads. The Political Secretary has the power to constitute and dissolve the Sectors and Squads.
Unlike the lower levels, Municipal Fasces and Provincial Federations are legally authorised and tasked to cooperate to incarceration of political suspects; they run specialised bureaus for cultural, agricultural and other matters.

Directory of the Fascio di Combattimento

The Directory of the Combat Fasces exercises consultative and executive functions based upon the directives delivered by the secretary. The Directory of the Fascio di Combattimento consists of:

• The Deputy Political Secretary;
• The Deputy Administrative Secretary:
• The Deputy Local Commander of the G.I.L. (where appointed, the Political Secretary being the Local Commander)
• The Commanders of the Young Fascists and Avanguardisti

In Provincial Capitals, the municipal Directory has three additional members. The Secretary of the P.N.F. may augment the additional members up to nine.

Fascist Borough Groups

Fascist Borough Groups are sections of the municipal Fasci di Combattimento in centres with large population; each Fascist Borough Group is governed by the Trustee (It: Fiduciario), dependent on the municipal Political Secretary of the Combat Fascio. The Borough Group is usually the lowest element of the Party, and it is the hearth of the political life of the average Party member; all political equipment, local political library and meeting rooms are housed in the Group headquarters, which usually consist of flat-houses or rooms on the ground floor suitable for a shop. While different Groups within a large Combat Fasces may be present two or even more factions, it is extremely unlikely that in a Group there are multiple factions. Often, the Borough Group (where present) is the primary home also to the oldest and most conscious echelons of the G.I.L. (i.e. Young Fascists and Avanguardisti), who mirror the Party's municipal organization: however, the GIL is not subordinated to the Trustee, although both Young Fascists and Avanguardisti (as well as heads of Students Action) are involved in the territorial politics.
The Trustee of the Fascist Borough Group, informally referred to as "Chief", is assisted by a Consultative Committees of five members, who are appointed and revoked by him. The Trustee is tasked to implement the directives and carries out the orders of the Political Secretary of the Combat Fascio. The Political Secretary of the Combat Fascio designates a Deputy Trustee and an Administrative Consultant, chosen from among the members of the Group Consultative Committee. The Consultative Committee is made ​​up of the Deputy Trustee, the Administrative Consultant and three other members: it has advisory and executive functions. If the borough is still too big to allow the Group to manage its political life, the Group is divided into local Fascist Sectors, the Sectors in Squads. Each Squad is overseen by a Militante and consists of five to ten members.
Municipal Fasces or Goups, Sectors and Squads (where established) Sectors and Squads hold weekly meetings with activists and mebers from the same neighbourhood: the general rule is to hold meetings at the lowest level avalaible. Members and sympathizers talk about current events, or the Party version of them, in line with the inclinations of the regime: if events are not of great significance for higher levels, they often produce documents in order to contribute to form the Party position. Basic instructions are issued; any irregularities observed during the week are discussed with the leaders and written up in obligatory reports.
Alongside the political part of Party life, the lowest cell is also a human community, consisting of people who derives pleasure from the living experiences together and assembled from the same feeling towards the world: the most common name for this form of political association is the "Human-and-Political Community". In the party life there are as many political meetings as friendly occasions and it is not uncommon that bar and pub brawls see two cells which brawl between them.

Lictor Houses

The Lictor Houses or Houses of Fasces (Italian: Case Littorie or Case del Fascio) are the buildings that function as local offices, located in the municipalities of Italy, of the National Fascist Party. All Fascist Borough Groups, all Combat Fasces and all Federations have their own building. The headquarters of the Federations and the headquarters of the relevant municipalities take the name of Lictor Building (Italian: Palazzo Littorio). The House of Fasces is an indispensable element in the Foundation Cities and in the rural villages, together with the church and the town hall. The Fasces Houses uaually are ad hoc buildings built as P.N.F. headquarters; in 2015 there were about 23,000 Case del Fascio and Palazzi Littori.

Role

Due to its political and ethical importance, the Lictor House is the nucleus of the Fascist city. Fasces Houses are (or have to be) the centre of recreational life of their social environment and, at the same time, the heart of the political life. Each Fascio House is named after a prominent Fascist or an inspiring ideal. While Lictor Houses are built by the P.N.F. at large, they are maintained by the relevant party office, with contributions provided by memebers. It is not uncommon that, while primarily dedicated to the Italian people, Lictor Houses may be used also by the P.N.F. members in order to carry out their own "internal" political-social events.
As a general rule, both P.N.F. and P.N.F.-linked organisations have their offices at the chief House in the municipality. Subordinate Houses host offices of the relevant subdivisions of the Combat Fascio as well as of the P.N.F.-linked organisations. It is not uncommon, especially in countryside, that the M.V.S.N. headquarters are located in the local Lictor House.

Appearance

The different dimensions of the buildings meet the needs of each individual location; however modest the Lictor House must not have the appearance of a simple recreational club or that of a cottage. Usually the Lictor Houses are made according to avant-garde styles and with innovative solutions. They also serve as a sort of showcase of local architectural skills.
Each Lictor House is designed to allow the local Fascist leader to address, even architecturally, to the people gathered in the square, in the deadlines predetermined by the Fascist calendar. Therefore it is placed in the most significant point of the city or of the borough. Three symbolic elements characterize each Casa Littoria. A large writing surmounts the entrance portal. Just after the main entrance, a vestibule leads to the reception hall. The reception hall is always a concentrate of symbols of the military power, genius and industriousness of the Italian people. To the left of the vestibule is the Shrine where the Group insignia (such as the Standard or the Pennant, the Labarum and the Fascio) are kept. If the relevant office of the P.N.F. suffered of a Fascist Martyr, a memorial is also kept. At the end of the first floor corridor there is an imposing balcony from which the designated speaker harps the crowd.
Every Lictor House has an its own Lictor Tower (Torre Littoria) a clock tower with an tall flagpole. Symbol of power, corresponding to a "virile and very modern" architecture, the Tower is high and prominently positioned, in order not to be confused with a simple cottage tower or appear to be an element extraneous to the overall composition.
A typical Casa del Fascio of a countryside municipality consists of two parts: a built part and an open part. The open part houses the playgrounds, used in the "Fascist Saturday" for activities and gymnastic games for young people; in summer a sand deposit transforms that space into a beach or an heliotherapy colony for children from the poorer families.
Inside the building of two to three floors, there are offices, kitchens, dining rooms, a gym room, a cinema with a stage for the theatre, the library and rooms for conferences and meetings. In case of necessity, Lictor Houses may become seat of State administrations or temporary shelters for displaced people.

Albanian Fascist Party

The Albanian Fascist Party (Albanian: Partia Fashiste e Shqipërisë — PFSh; Italian: Partito Fascista Albanese — PFA) is the Fascist party which holds nominal power in Albania.
The PFSh is a branch of the Italian National Fascist Party with Benito Mussolini at its head and organized along the same lines and principles, and with its own paramilitary Black Shirts, the Albanian Voluntary Militia (Milicia Shqiptare Vullnetare - Milizia Volontaria Albanese). Enrolment in the PFSh was compared to enrolment in the PNF.

Leadership and organization

The PFSh is headed by a Secretary appointed and dismissed by the Duce, at the proposal the Chief of Government of the Kingdom of Albania, after consultation with the Secretary of the P.N.F. The Secretary of the PFSh retains the title and functions of Minister Secretary of State, is part of the Albanian Government, of the Grand Council and receives Duce's directives and orders by the Secretary of the PNF. The Secretary of the P.N.F. in Albania is represented by an Inspector of the P.N.F., subordinated to the Secretary of the PFSh.
At each provincial capital is established the Federation of Fasces of Combat of PFSh, and, at each municipality, the Fascio of Combat. Differently from Italian organization, the multi-familiar and clan-like organization of the Albanian society is covered by the PFSh, with Party organizations in every multi-familiar group.

See also

• M.V.S.N.
• G.N.R.
• O.V.R.A.
• G.I.L.
• Government of the Kingdom of Italy