Society of the Byzantine Empire (Byzatium)
The Byzantine Empire is organized into a very complicated social structure because it is a large, multi-ethnic empire. Under the Kinship System, the people of each faith other than the Orthodox Church are +judged under their own laws: Sharia for Muslims, and halakha for Jewish citizens.
In theory, non-Christians are barred from holding high office, but enforcement of that regulation was lax during much of the Ottoman period.
Patronage
The Barrayaran class system is based on concept of feudal patronage. This system is meant to provide a predictable sort of order in social relationships, both to maintain order and civility, and to provide a necessary amount of freedom for certain groups. Basically, it attempts to minimise alienation of individuals or minorities by providing for everyone.
A stratified society
The Byzantine society is deeply characterised by a complex stratification, being characterised by allegiance ties and dominated by the bureaucratic-military class, headed by an Emperor.
The Barrayaran class system creates an intricate hierarchy of people which contrast the new and old rich, the skilled and unskilled, the rural and urban and many more; these contrasts are often inherent to living standards.
The gap in the hierarchy of society sometimes is so great that those of the upper urban classes in the very rural backcountry could be viewed by those below as almost wondrous fiction, something entirely out of reach yet tangibly there.
Upper class
Aristocracy
The uppermost layer of the Byzantine society consists of the military-bureaucratic aristocracy. Within this upper class, the Senate is the most economically and politically powerful social group. Apart from inheriting the tradition of sitting in the Roman Senate, this social group consists of a relatively select group of affluent familial knots. The ruling class collectively is one of the greatest patrons of the arts and architecture.
The Byzantine upper class includes the traditionally established aristocracy of bureaucratic (senatorial) and military origins and those who climbed the social ladder.
There is a descending order of occupations which a man of the upper class (including or a son of an high officer could aspire to: military service, Law occupations, bureaucratic service and related politics, local politics, Farming and landowning, Medicine, Trade. However, a trade occupation is not considered as a dishonourable profession and noble tradesmen or industrialists are respected.
Many noble households span the Imperium in an intricate web of kinship, marriage and political alliances that ensure their power and influence go on, even if the fortunes of an individual fail. Products of careful breeding and cultured refinement over generations, the lineage they hold in their blood is the Roman history itself and they often are the finest that Barrayar has to offer — or so they would believe at any rate. From almost their first breath, those born to the high nobility are schooled in the role they must play and how they must play it. Their education covers not only history, economics and politics, but an education in taste and etiquette.
Almost every prominent family has deeply-rooted traditions of service within the military, either as a life-long career or a staging post to greater things. In several cases, young nobles are sent to serve with military units or ships connected with the family itself, before returning blooded and swelled with glory to serve their family. While military career has the lion'share in the importance, commerce and industry are not frowned upon within the traditional aristorcracy. Several of the major industrialists come from the very highest echelon of the traditional aristorcracy.
Establishment
The Establishment is a category of people within the Byzantine Empire who hold power and/or authority, as well as various key administrative positions in the bureaucracy, running all spheres of those countries' activity: government, industry, agriculture, education, etc. in both private and public bodies. In Byzantium, the establishment is a quite closed social group which selects its own members.
The concept of establishment in Byzantium includes traditional aristocracy, ranking military oligarchy, consolidated intelligence community, senior civil servants, senior barristers and judges, senior and famed academics, the most important financiers, merchants and industrialists (including foreign ones), leading politicians, members of and top aides to the Imperial Family. The establishment's sphere also includes country's elite civilian politicians and the media moguls.
Finally, the Byzantine establishment considers the key and elite decision makers in country's public policy, ranging from the use of the intelligence services, national security, foreign and domestic policies. Establishment ideals support the powerful military mindset.
Differently from other social and political realities, given the broad reach of the Government, the concept of Byzantine establishment cannot be separated by the State governance to make appointments to key positions throughout the governmental system. By the "Establishment", the concept encompasses not only the centres of official power (though they are certainly part of it) but also the whole matrix of official and social relations within which power is exercised.
The concept of "establishment" in Byzantium cannot exist without the concept of patronage. The patronage is hierarchical, but obligations are mutual. The patron is the protector, sponsor, and benefactor of the liege. Although typically the liege is of inferior social class, a patron and liege might even hold the same social rank, but the former would possess greater wealth, power, or prestige that enables them to help or do favours for the liege. From the Emperor at the top to the local municipal person at the bottom, the bonds between these groups found formal expression in oaths of mutual allegiance.
The patronage relationship is not a discrete unit, but a network, as a liegelord might themselves be obligated to someone of higher status or greater power, and a liegeman might have more than one liegelord, whose interests could come into conflict. While the the concept of household as the building block of the whole society, interlocking patronage networks concur to create highly complex social bonds.
Composition
The concept of establishment in the Byzantine Empire includes a variety of power centres and groups. Broadly speaking, the establishment consists of three broad categories: traditional powers such as Emperor's inner circles, members of and top aides to the Imperial Family, traditional upper class, senior security operators (ranking military oligarchy, consolidated intelligence community and senior law enforcement cadres), senior civil servants (not coming from traditional family groups), and ranking law officials; political-economic powers, such as the most important financiers, merchants and industrialists (including foreign ones) and leading politicians; the so-called knowledge elite, such as senior and famed academics and the media moguls.
The Byzantine elite establishment is a relatively small, loosely connected group of individuals who dominate Byzantine society. The basis for membership of is institutional power, namely an influential position within a prominent private or public organisation. A 1998 study of power elites in the Byzantine Empire identified around a thousand institutional positions of power, with some common demographic characteristics. Only a minor fraction of the ruling establishment is young or relatively young; corporate leaders and heads of foundations, law, education, and civic organisations age about 70, while government employees of all sorts age about 55 to 65. Senators, fulcrum of the political power, tend to occupy the extremes of the age span, having both brand new Senators and the old guard of the previous generation.
Men contribute roughly 90% in the political realm, whereas women contribute roughly 35% in the corporate realm. Due to the Byzantine culture, Greeks dominate in the power elite. On the other hand, nearly three quarters of the actual leaders have a college education, with 25.5% graduating with advanced degrees. About 48.5% of the big-business leaders and 75% of the government (both traditional and career) elite graduated from just 15 prestigious universities with large endowments. Within the generic establishment, a select group of prominent families may be defined as "global elite" or "inner core" of the power elite due to the fact that they are able to move from one seat of institutional power to another. They therefore have a wide range of knowledge and interests in many influential organisations, and are systematic go-betweens of economic, political, and military affairs.
Social function
The establishment support every social field: politics, economics, even human culture. Such oligarchies are sustained, or even designated, as long as their actions coincide with the interest of the wider community. Membership in these oligarchies confers material, social, and moral benefits, the equivalent of heavy and difficult social functions. The ruling class therefore has social duties to fulfill, and its sense of responsibility consists in coordinating its particular and general interests. Subjects who do not fall into the establishment, or hinder its activity, are known as outsiders.
Patronage
Coextensive with the establishment are patron-client relations. Officials who have the authority to appoint individuals to certain positions or the bare power to allow individuals to certain positions or status cultivate loyalties among those whom they appoint and/or allow to fill certain positions. The patron promotes the interests of clients in return for their support. Powerful patrons may have many clients. Moreover, an individual may be both a client (in relation to a higher-level patron) and a patron (to other, lower-level clients).
Especially in public structure (both Imperial-level and local-level), because a client is beholden to his patron for his position, the client is eager to please his patron by carrying out his positions and sometimes his policies. The higher the patron, the more clients the patron has. Patrons protect their clients and try to promote their careers. In return for the patron's efforts to promote their careers, the clients remain loyal to their patron. Thus, by promoting his clients' careers, the patron may advance his own power.
Patron–client relations
An official could not join the establishment without the assistance of a patron. In return for this assistance in promoting his career, the client carries out the policies of the patron. Feudal relations in Barrayar help to generate widespread support and, on the inverse sense, advising capability. Liegelords also may protect individual vassals from public obligations; in return, the latters give their lords money or services.
All members of the etablishment fully understand that they hold their positions as a result of a patronage relationship, based on both the interests of a member's own immediate patron and the general needs of the Emperor and of the Empire. Clients sometimes could attempt to supplant their patrons.
Patron–client relations have implications for policy making in the government bureaucracies, but also for compliance outside the Government itself. Promotion of trusted subordinates into influential positions facilitates policy formation and policy execution. A network of clients helps to ensure that a patron's policies can be carried out. In addition, patrons rely on their clients to provide an accurate flow of information on events throughout the country. This flow of information assists policymakers.
While oaths of allegiance are a legally binding (and enforceable) concept, pressures to uphold one's obligations were primarily moral, founded on the ancestral custom and tradition, and the qualities of reliability on the part of the patron and the devotion and loyality demonstrated by the client.
Sociological and politological concept of "Deep State"
The "Deep State" is a concept framing the existence of a group of influential anti-democratic coalitions within the Barrayar political system, composed of senior and authoritative District Counts and business and high-level elements within the intelligence services, Imperial Service, security, judiciary, and organized crime. The "Deep State" is not a structured alliance, but the sum of several groups that work behind the scenes, each in pursuit of its own agenda. The alleged ideology of the deep state is seen as being ultra-nationalist, theocratic, anti-democratic and anti-liberal.
The political agenda of the "Deep State" involves an allegiance to nationalism, corporatism, and State interests. Violence and other means of pressure have been employed in a largely covert manner to manipulate political and economic elites and ensure specific interests are met within the framework of the political landscape.
Deep State vs. Establishment
Despite both the "Deep State" and the "Establishment" are sociological and politological concepts referred to the upper elite layer, marked differences exist among the two definitions. While the definition of "Deep State" refers to a faction characterized by its members' proximity to official power and by a specific agenda, the definition of "Establishment" has a wider scope, referring to a sort of proto-social class carachterized in regard to both political/social functions and composition. Therefore it can be said that the "Deep State" is a conservative/reactionary sub-group of the establishment, which may be composed also of progressives, reformers or even liberals.
Irenian Titles of nobility
The Titled Nobility of the Byzantine Empire is a social order established by Empress Irene II in 1587. The existence of an organised system of titles and honourifics in recognition of service to the Roman state and to the Roman Emperor dates back to the Roman late antiquity. Irene II, however, decided to reorganise and innovate the centuries-old honorifics system born through gradual accumulation and degradation of older titles in favour of newer ones.
Irene II found that the ability to confer new titles was also a useful tool of patronage which cost the state little.
Creation
Granting of titles started in 1588 with the creation of princely titles for members of Irene's family, the Palaiologos dinassty. Other titles followed: titles were created and, in 1595, those of count, baron and knight.
A Council of the Seals and the titles was also created and charged with establishing armorial bearings.
These titles of nobility did not have any true privileges per se, with two exceptions:
- the right to have armorial bearings;
- the lands granted with the title were held in a majorat, transmitted jointly with the title.
However, titles were granted to both old and new powerful and prominent figures of the political scene of Byzantium, often with centuries-old privileges and granting.
Hierarchy
In the Irenian Titles, there exists a strict and precise hierarchy of the titles, which granted office to some according to their membership of the imperial family, their rank in the army, or their administrative career in the civil or church administrations:
- Sebastokrator: Heir confirmed by the Senate and the Army
- Despot: Adult male members of the imperial family
- Duke of Victory: Generals of the Armed Forces and Gendarmerie victorious on the battlefield, granted after exploits
- Duke: Generals of the Armed Forces and Gendarmerie and senior ministers. For a ducal title to be hereditary, it is necessary for the holder to have at least a 2,000,000 solidi annual income and that the land which generates the income be held in a for the inheritor of the dukedom.
- Komis: Ministers, Archeparchs, senior career officials, Lieutenant Generals, and Senators. Senior clergy, not being able to have legitimate heirs, are created for life. The title of Komis always goes in front of the name. It is subject to the same rules as the title of duke but with an income threshold of only 300,000 solidi.
- Archon: Prokathemenoi of the largest 50 cities; Eparchs of the Church; senior judges; Major and Brigadier Generals and equivalent civil ranks. The title of Archon always goes in front of the name. It is subject to the same rules as the title of duke but with an income threshold of only 150,000 solidi.
Gentry
Decurions
Decurions are a social class, contiguous with but distinct from wealthy merchants, who occupy a prominent role in towns and cities.
Besides wealthy merchants, they are recruited from the ranks of lesser nobility and administrators. Members of a Decurion society enter into oaths of loyalty to one another and directly with respect to the Emperor. Decurions are an hybrid social stratus, presenting both traditional and noble features, and merchant-oriented characteristics.
While being of ancient Roman origins, the Decurion class resurfaced in 16th century when the Empire delegated to local oligarchs the governance of local areas. The Decurions filled the seats of town councils and appropriated other important civic offices to themselves. For this purpose they assembled in Decurion societies and established a hereditary claim to the coveted offices.
Today, the rank of Decurion is still very prominent; in some Provinces, they still are legally entitled to manage city government, at least at a certain degree. Besides the legal entitlement, the Decurion class is, by definition, characterised by a significant albeit localised and urban-centred social privilege.
During the formative years of a Decurion cadet, it is common to pursue qualified apprenticeships and academic qualification both before and after (or even during) the military service. During their careers, Patriki often achieve high military and civil service positions in the service of their cities, their Counts and the Emperor. It is also common for patricians to gain wealth as shareholders of corporations which traded commodities across Barrayar, the Imperium and the Nexus.
Especially in the Greek-speaking areas, Decurions are considered senior to the landed gentry. In Slavic-speaking areas, the seniority is more nuanced, while Anatolian Provinces usually grant more seniority to landed gentry.
Landed gentry
The Landed gentry is a part of the upper class. It consists of genteel and well-bred people of high social class.
In Byzantine village life, there is often one principal family of gentry, owning much of the land and living in the largest and oldest house. The head of this nuclear family is often the preeminent figure in local politics.
Many have been settled in their inherited estates and family seats for hundreds of years. The typical landed gentleman is distinctively rural and usually lives at the village manor house and owns an estate; if the estate comprises the village, villagers are his tenants. In past centuries, this produced some legal effects, while nowadays almost only the lease contract produces binding effects beyond a general and informal (but very real) prominence. With large numbers of indoor and outdoor staff, country houses are important as places of employment for many rural communities. In turn, the estates, of which country houses were the hub, provided their owners with incomes. Some local rural gentlemen also perform a number of important local duties, in particular that of councillor of the local Archontate council and sometimes even as Member of the House of Representative. Frequently, the formal business of the village and of the nearby area is transacted in these country houses.
Such rural landed gentry are upper class, and not middle class; those of a rural gentleman is quite a highly prestigious status. As for several aspects of the Byzantine society, a particular prestige is attached to those who inherited landed estates over a number of generations. The position of the rural gentleman is traditionally associated with occupation of the manor house. This position also enables the local gentleman to control the local life, or even to abuse some local services.
Clergy
Clergy are mostly located in rural areas, where they work under the informal direction of the gentry. A Bishop (Eparch) has the status of nobility, and Metropolites sit in the Senate.
Middle and lower classes
A complex stratification system exists also beyond the upper class. It is to note that belonging to a subordinate class does not necessarily mean that the actual personal income is low, nor being a middle-upper class automatically grants a significant wealth.
Middle class
The Plebs are in turn stratified. The upper level consists of the wealthy commoners (originally exclusively wealthy farmers, nowadays generally-speaking the middle class). In turn, The top tier of rural wealthy commoners are known as free holders, next to the landed gentry; similarly, urban wealthy commoners are the urban upper class who is not part of the Decurions. It is to note that free holders are senior to urban wealthy commoners, but the two groups rarely coexist.
Below the urban wealthy commoners, there is the middle-to-lower class, ranging from artisans to small independent farmers: the distinction between an urban and affluent artisan and a not-so-affluent wealthy commoner is based on traditional membership to the respective orders. Usually, rural artisans are held in greater consideration than urban ones.
Lower class
Below small farmers and craftsmen, there are the Proeles. They are subdivided into urban poor, now including non-specialised working class, and poor peasants, in the past not completely free. Urban workers are grouped in trade corporations, usually headed by artisans or even wealthy commoners.
Social mobility
A person born a peasant usually dies a peasant, if he does not choose the military or ecclesiastical career, which are among the few ways to improve the social position: a significant part of the highest military leadership and of the senior clergy comes from a peasant background and they are well respected for their military status. The social mobility is slightly higher for a city inhabitant, although most of them inherit father's or mother's profession. However, it is not so uncommon, at least in major cities, that a son of an industry worker could get a clerk employment and could raise to the middle class, if he is capable. Corporate hierarchy, however, in Byzantium is far less significant than in the collective West. Also the spatial mobility is not so high.
In cases where upwards social mobility does occur, earned ranks are highly considered in social standing and appropriate forms of address are highly sought for.
A transversal distinction: government vs. non-government workers
Another important social distinction is that between people who worked for the government versus people who do not. People associated with the State bureaucracy enjoy higher status than those who were not. The definition of State bureaucracy is not well-defined and has varied significantly over the centuries. Governmeent workers include members of the central and provincial bureaucracy, the Imperial Court and the Emperor's household, Armed Forces officers and troops, teachers, judges, but also lawyers, as well as members of the other professions.
The whole bureaucratic apparatus makes up about 20% of the population, and is overwhelmingly Greek and Anatolian. The remaining 80% of the population were the tax-payers who supported the elaborate Ottoman bureaucracy. They included skilled and unskilled laborers, such as farmers, tailors, merchants, carpet-makers, mechanics, etc.