Mundaqar
Otu nke Ugwunso Mundaqar | |
|---|---|
 Flag
 Coat of Arms
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| Court language | Oubastine |
| Leaders | |
• Chairman | Tariq Ximenes |
• Archduke of Duero | Esmeraldo Namib |
• Premier of Braqara | Garcia Munmara |
• Secretary-General | Philip de Virreina |
| Establishment | 1986 |
| Population | |
• 2015 estimate | 177,023,672 |
| GDP (PPP) | estimate |
• Per capita | 16,983 |
| GDP (nominal) | estimate |
• Per capita | 15,543 |
| Gini (2015) | 31.8 medium |
| HDI (2015) | 0.865 very high |
| Currency | Dinar |
The Federation of Mundaqar is a tripartite state composed of the National Republic of Braqara in the north, the client states collectively known as Las Faldillas on the southern coast, and the Archduchy of Duero de Aqar in the east. The central and northern regions are dominated by Fabrian Catholics interspersed with Muslim enclaves and villages. In the south, Smithics dominate commerce and politics. The state endures through an uneasy peace between these three substates and factions.
History
The history of Mundaqar is dominated by a handful of great urban centers called "Obodo nke Mba" or "Cities of the Country," which are large, fortified urban centers at high elevation. There are many of these cities spread out across the various cultural and linguistic groups of of modern Mundaqar, but the highest concentration of these cities occurs on the Nimala strip, between the dry grasslands and the rain forest regions. The oldest of these cities is the Memriniile, which is directly south of modern Alqat, and was built in the third century BCE. A great city typically consisted of a central walled village center containing a palace, a temple, some essential craftsmen, and the agricultural workers in the immediate area. Outside of the central settlement would be a proportional area of around 300 square kilometers, pocked with smaller settlements which would have their own vectors of agricultural land. Around large clusters of settlements was an earthworks fortification, the largest of which enclosed over 16 thousand square kilometers and reached populations of 160 thousand people in the pre-rice period. The great danger during this time came from the interstices of the great cities where there were hundreds of thousands of individuals trapped outside of the protective walls. Warlords rose and fell here, sometimes with the direct support of the Obodo nke Mba, but more often simply to fill the power vacuum. Sometimes these warlords formed their own settlements, but equally often they would built up a great force and take over an existing Obodo nke Mba.
While rice had been farmed in Mundaqar for many years prior, the adoption of domestic rice in the Obodo nke Mba sparked a massive population boom that quickly redefined the political environment. Prior to the introduction of rice, Obodo nke Mba would grow slowly, building out their walls until they became too vast to maintain. The vast walled state would collapse and eventually re-coalesce around another village and the growth cycle would begin anew. With rice, however, the populations of the cities accumulated faster than walls could expand. These much denser settlements triggered a cultural and architectural revolution called the Ịkwado. Within the great cities, Ịkwado meant the construction of larger, taller housing complexes and the decentralization of skilled labor away from the "capital" settlements. Uzoma, one of the great philosophers of the period wrote "The Ịkwado is essentially the crowning of every village with a gem, that gem is the special purpose within the great community of the city". Many villages inherited essential skilled roles such as containing a mill, a butcher, a temple, or some other essential service because the central settlement could no longer serve the entire population. While the population of the Obodo nke Mba exploded, the outer-urban sections of Mundaqar could seldom form coherent enough irrigation systems to take advantage of the crop revolution. Notable exceptions are the river cities, which were called Enweghị Mgbidi or "unwalled" and the expansion of mining settlements which imported food from the cities called Miriulo, the deep homes, both of which developed their own Ịkwado cultures.
Yen Period
During the mid-10th century, all of Mundaqar north of Cazador came under the control of the Azdarin Mesfid Caliphate. The great cities were converted, destroyed, or a mix of both. Several cities were allies of the new empire--notably Almenar, Almanza, and Djire--became seats of Governors and enjoyed an influx of Gombakori culture and trade from across the empire. Other cities such as Kodi and Niry were almost completely destroyed. One of the principle driving forces of the Mesfid Caliphate was the liberation of slaves, which quickly provided Mesfid's forces with a ready supply of willing converts wherever they went. The lack of slaves changed the political geography of Mundaqar since very few of the great cities could maintain their sprawling network of fortifications without a dedicated task force of labor. A few of the largest cities began to transition to permanent, stone fortifications. This was mixed achievement since it was prohibitively expensive to organically expand, unlike the earthworks which could be easily constructed from materials on site.
In the eleventh century, the southern Sultanates of the Almurid Caliphate broke away from the new Alban Caliphate and Mundaqar came to be dominated by the Sultanate of Tahir. It was under this Sultanate that the Rezese were first able to establish a foothold in Mundaqar when the Sultan granted them lands on which to build warehouses and invited them to his court to help govern the many ghafil of the nation and to facilitate the exchange of goods across the ocean. The primary reason that land and legal privileges were granted to the Rezese was to prevent the exhaustion of Tahir's supply of bullion, which, though very large, was threatened by the vast quantities of spices, woods, and other goods from Sante Reze. The supply of land, labor, and the acceptance of in-kind payment of taxes were all part of the Rezese-Tahiri system of exchange. Since the primary tax on Rezese was the Jizya, the per capita tax on non-Yen living under Rezese law, the Sultans did everything they could to increase the number of immigrants. They built housing developments, provided them with villages, and even provided them with midwives. At the same time that the Sultans tried to increase the population of ghafil, however, their courts generally tried to dissuade them from offering up too much land. This resulted in a very confined area, which is now called Las Faldillas, to become dominated by foreigners.
Oubastine Expansion
During the crusades, the Sultans welcomed groups of crusaders as advisers in their courts since there was an influx of Christianity. These crusaders, which the Sultans called "Oberemagha" after their cross symbols, came to be mediators between the Christians and Yen inhabitants as well as military instructors and soldiers under the Sultans. Some Oberemagha became revolutionaries and vigorously pursued campaigns of conquest as well as conversion, but others formed a core of military enforcers that Tahir used against the Yen. Since the Oberemagha were very few and were socially isolated, they easily filled the task of implementing the Sultan's statist interpretations of the Layansaa. Three court factions emerged as a result of the integration of Christian warriors: the Mahaks, the teachers of the Yen Tashbith representing the legal foundations of the state in Mesfid Law; the old and wealthy families of both the river cities and the Obodo nke Mba; and the Oberemagha who acted as the Sultan's personal army and bodyguard. One of the most enduring activities of the Oberemagha was to purge the Sultanate of the ‘Iifae whose lands they would be granted. The most intense region of persecution was along the northern coast of the Bay of Sor, which is one of the reasons why Las Faldillas remains the most populous Oubastine area to this day.
Geography
Mundaqar's geography varies widely from north to south. The northern region is dominated by the Al'zir Jafat Desert, which is most erg in the west, slowly transforming to the dry southern face of the Astral Mountains. Below the desert are grasslands and chaparral that increase in intensity towards the southern tropical zone and Mundaqar's southern border at Lake Upemba.
Politics and Government
Mundaqar has been under the rule of a transitional government since the peace settlement in 1986 that ended the civil war. The central government's legislative and executive body is the Confederal Committee on the Continuation of the Peace, though their power is partly checked by the oversight of the Pontifical Council for Peace and Justice.
Military
Foreign Relations
Due to the confederate structure of the national government, the constituent states of Mundaqar have retained substantial freedom to represent themselves in international politics. Most prominently, the National Republic of Braqara is a considerable force in the promotion of illiberal democracy and the Yen ideology worldwide. Likewise, the Archduchy of Duero de Aqar is a prominent supporter of the Smithic faith and the leading figure in the environmental conservation movement. In spite of the decentralized use of soft power, the central government is also active in international politics, promoting universal disarmament and human rights.
Economy
Mundaqar's economy is a developing mixed market, with some elements of feudal land tenure retained under common law, some elements of a planned economy through nationalized industries, and some elements of a free market. After the end of the civil war, Mundaqar was essentially bankrupt and experienced widespread economic depression. The cycle of recession from 1900 to 1950 involved attempts by various cities and coalitions of cities to rapidly industrialize, mostly financed by foreign debt. The import of capital goods would create a large trade deficit, the devaluation of the Dinar, which rapidly increased inflation. Meanwhile, Mundaqar's primary employment remained agriculture, which suffered from chronic underdevelopment, outdated techniques, and poor breeding stock. Famines were not uncommon in conjunction with recession.
While the general public greatly suffered, equity was continuously concentrated in the hands of the former and current nobility, portions of which actively speculated against the Dinar while other factions more passively accumulated capital financed by sovereign debt. Political machines in the cities, combined with an extremely coercive land-management system in the rural areas allowed this destructive cycle to continue until the 1960s. In 1962, Lucas Saul de Micho's Public Prosperity Party gained power in several prominent cities in the Braqara Republic, which had hitherto been under the control of the Marques of Chite and his allies in the Republican Guard. The PPP began and expansive range of reforms which began with the nationalization of noble assets. While the PPP's redistribution schemes greatly reduced income inequality in the short term, it's most important innovations were the land-management council, which was a board of agricultural workers and managers, and the establishment of small agricultural schools located at the periphery of parent cities.
The PPP's early agricultural and educational reforms helped develop the Braqara economic model, which is why that constituent state has since grown to encompass all non-royalist states in Mundaqar. Despite initial success, the PPP was not able to retain power in the long-term since they ultimately failed to satisfy the nation's demand for an industrial-scale manufacturing and service sector. The Braqara model, however, endured to subsequent administrations and forms the backbone of Mundaqari economic planning.
Energy
Because of a lack of local fossil fuels the relatively late development of the national power grid, most of Mundaqar's power comes from a mixture of nuclear and renewable power. The largest contributor is hydroelectricity (35%), followed by nuclear power (25%), solar power (15%), fossil fuels and some unique energy projects (ie the Grajal wave generating station) make up the remaining 25% of energy needs. Most energy generation is centralized in Braqara, which exports energy to Duero and Las Faldillas. Las Faldillas notably has no hydro power plants and only operates coal and oil powered plants.
The Confederal Commission on the Circulation of Power oversees the exchange of electricity between the constituent power grids. Members of the CCCP are appointed for a ten year term by the Chair of the Confederation and confirmed by the Committee.
Healthcare
The largest sector by employment in Mundaqar is healthcare, which accounts for 15% of the workforce and 25% of the GDP, partially as a result of the extravagant public health spending in Braqara and partially from mass-employment schemes for the elderly and unemployed. Women are disproportionately steered into healthcare careers within their local community and are paid extremely low wages to offer basic health services to the infirm. Hospitals are centrally located in large communities, but most communities in Mundaqar are within driving distance of an outpatient facility or a nationally funded clinic. Other healthcare facilities are often combined with other community services such as gymnasiums or performing arts centers. Often these facilities are staffed by part-time workers who provide nutritional advice, lead exercise programs, or even dispense folk remedies. Because of the part-time staff and multi-use buildings, Mundaqar has consistently sacrificed quality of care for access to care. There are relatively few fully-licensed physicians in rural Mundaqar and many communities with fewer than 10,000 residents lack adequate physicians. To compensate for this loss, there are many lower grades of physician who are trained on a semi-regular basis by more qualified doctors. Many communities have teams of semi-professionals and students providing day-to-day care.
Approximately 7,000 fully licensed doctors complete their training each year, but less than half of them received all of their training before beginning to practice. A majority of new doctors received at least some "field training" by learning and practicing in their communities before attempting to be licensed by the state. There are only 80 medical schools in Mundaqar, but there are over 50,000 registered doctors who spend at least two weeks a year teaching community practitioners.
Agriculture
Approximately 12% of Mundaqari are employed in agriculture. The majority of agricultural workers are subsistence farmers, heavily concentrated in the fertile Las Faldillas region. Only 2% of the workforce is engaged in industrial scale farming, which produces most of the food in the nation, though Mundaqar is not self-sufficient on food. The Yen taboo on fishing has resulted in a stunted aquaculture and most fish is imported.
Las Faldillas has struggled to eliminate subsistence farming and consolidate farms into at least surplus farming. The feudatory culture and archaic real estate laws have made this difficult, however, and many local governments have instead tried to capitalize on the bucolic towns as a destination for tourism. Constant efforts at reform have either implements more regressive hereditary land laws or progressive, corporate and large-scale farming. The turmoil has disrupted businesses on both sides and kept the small provincial republics from fully developing.
Demographics
Mundaqar is a multi-ethnic state, but has a plurality of the Aljito peoples of the historic Cazadori kingdoms. The Azdarin empires introduced large minorities of Sosafari and North Scipians, which persist today in the heartlands of Dahkma. Interspersed with these groups are the Oubastines, who controlled Mundaqar in the early modern period and have been partially assimilated into the local society.