Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia
震旦泰彌人 | |
|---|---|
| Total population | |
| c. 1.5 million (2017 estimate) | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
| 端寧 ton-nêng county | 323,000 |
| 醴泉 rhii'-dzjon county | 229,000 |
| 建康 Kien-k'ang | 193,000 |
| 合浦 gep-ba' county | 172,000 |
| 懷仁 ghwrei-njing county | 156,000 |
| Languages | |
| Dayashinese | |
| Religion | |
| Shintoism, Buddhism | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Dayashina | |
The Dayashinese diaspora in Themiclesia consists of those individuals native to Dayashina but permanently residing in Themiclesia, or their offsprings that still identify with Dayashina culturally or linguistically. In the previous census conducted in 2017, they number 1,501,200 individuals, most of them fluent in Dayashinese, though only a third of them are native to Dayashina. Dayashina's relationship with Themiclesia and domestic conditions have occassioned several major waves of emigration to Themiclesia, though the primary cause in recent decades is seeking business opportunities.
History
Dayashina was under a highly isolationist shougunate (feudal military rule) for most of its pre-modern history, until Casaterran interests in free trade destabilized the shougunate, causing the latter to loosen restrictions on external contact around 1830. Gradually, Dayashina acceded to Casaterran customs and established diplomatic and commercial relations with foreign states in the accepted manner. Dayashina, after a brief period of exploration, gradually became development-focused after the middle of the 19th Century; amongst the areas receiving government attention, the expansion and modernization of the military was considered a primary objective into the later part of the Century. This inclination towards the military is to form a persistent and potent cause driving Dayashinese people to leave their native country. This is especially true in the 1930s, when the power of the forces eclipsed that of the government. To this day, Dayashina's propensity to emphasize its military might has annoyed some individuals so much that they leave the country, often to Themiclesia.
Before 1830
Contact, official or private, between Themiclesia and Dayasahina was minimal prior to the 1830s. Originating from the Menghean scholarly community, the ruling class of early Themiclesia had knowledge of Dayashina, or at least of the isles which Dayashina now governs. Information about developments in Dayashina generally only reach Themiclesia after polities in Menghe learn them. At this time, Dayashina was called ′wer-na (倭奴, probably phonetic transliteration from Dayashinese). Despite the distances involved, Themiclesian histories (which included descriptive annals for Menghean states) record several instances of diplomatic interaction between Menghean states and Dayashina, e.g. "On the 4th Day of the Third Month, in the second year of T′adh-nêng [394], the king of ′wer-na sent emissaries arriving in Meng, paying obeisence to the pretended ruler and brought tribute".[1] Likewise, "The king of ′wer-na send emissaries to deliver a communique to the ruler of Jin Dynasty, in which the king styled himself 'son of heaven' and addressed himself 'emperor'. The ruler of Krjem was greatly infuriated", an incident in 570.[2] In Dayashina, Themiclesia was known comparatively little. The only reference before the modern period is 西土晉 (sner-t′a-tsjinh, "occidental land of Tsjinh").
19th Century
On Jan. 2nd, 1839, the Dayashinese emperor sent a letter of credence to Themiclesia with the nation's first embassy; after some initial confusion, the embassy was accredited. One of the key issues of the day is that the term ′wer-na has been deprecated in Dayashina for a long time, and the Themiclesian government was initially reluctant to alter it; after a time, this request was still accommodated. Under the premiership of Gar Trjêdh (1838–45), the Themiclesian govenrment also sent an emissary to Dayashina in reciprocity; the letter addressed the Dayashinese head of state as "your majesty" (陛下), which represented a major departure from the traditionalist view that the title was reserved for the Themiclesian emperor.
As Menghe under Myon Dynasty was equally isolationist at this time, Themiclesia found a valuable trading partner in Dayashina, and commerce between the two states expanded in volume and frequency noticeably in the 1830s, a trend that would continue for the next half-century. Into the 1880s, nationalist and militarist sentiment spread widely; the government became more assertive in civil life, establishing control over media and imposing military service. Under the premiership of [Ito Hirofumi], the Dayashinese emperor's status was elevated to that of a deity, to which doing obeisances was mandatory. Expenditure on the armed forces increased. Under these conditions, some Dayashinese people, especially Ito's opponents, found Dayashina an unsuitable place to live. Many of these families re-settled in Themiclesia, as Menghe was government by three embattled states.
Some members of this group became influential in Themiclesian foreign policy in the early 20th Century, as they raionalized the views that the increasingly expansionist Dayashina held. Amongst them, Hujiwara no Maoto (藤原真詠), who became the Themiclesian Minister to the Organized States in 1902, achieved great renown in both his native and adoptive countries. Nijou's success inspired many more Dayashinese, dissatisfied with the cliques of military leaders and industrialists effectively monopolizing government, to emigrate to Themiclesia.
1900–1936
In the eyes of many progressive Dayashinese citizens, Themiclesia appeared as an ideal, liberal state—everything that Dayashina should be but is not; to others, Themiclesia was an enormity that sold out to Casaterran materialism and impediment to the Hemithean and Dayashinese cause, particularly. Nevertheless, the presence of many progressive-minded Dayashinese also effect far-reaching changes on Themiclesian society. Up until this time, pro forma traditional aesthetics were still maintained by the upper classes "like a sense of decency". Nevertheless, Dayashinese thinkers believed that Themiclesia was, under the surface, a liberal state. Throughout the period between 1900 and 1910, Dayashinese thinkers published many books openly discussing the "furtiveness" of Themiclesian society, wherewith the more liberal Themiclesia became, the more important traditional appearances became. Such thinkers also assert that the same situation could very well happen in Dayashina, and the zaibatsu (large conglomerates) and the military establishment were standing in the way. They cite the example that Themiclesia disbanded their army at the eve of modernization to further the notion that the military is an obstacle and hindrance, rather than an asset. Such views were virulently attacked in Dayashina.
Another area in which Dayashinese immigrants encouraged liberalization is female employment and participation in public life. While it had become common for middle- and working-class women to take up employment, upper class females found themselves confined to their homes in a social sense. For such women to meet men of marriagible age privately was deeply scandalous, and most marriages were still arranged by parents; the culture of marriage between families of equal standing was still a guiding principle during this time. By the 1930s, these limitations were things of the past, largely due to Dayashinese authors' public criticism of the inequity of this system, deftly supported by quotes from classical texts that supported feminine independence.
As the war drew near, censorship and ideological uniformity became more prevalent in Dayashinese society, enforced by the kempei-tai (military police). As emigration became more difficult, critics of the regime began to escape the country covertly. Themiclesia became a favourite destination for disenfranchised and persecuted intellectuals, artists, and journalists, as it already had a well-established Dayashinese community of the liberal identity. After 1936, when Dayashina and Themiclesia were officially at war, emigration from Dayashina was prohibited; those that sought to leave were branded as collaborators.
1936–1952
The main sources of Dayashinese immigration during this period are all connected to the Pan-Septentrion War. In comparable numbers, the Themiclesian forces captured large numbers of Dayashinese prisoners-of-war during the entire segment of the war in which Dayashina was involved, which is to say 1936–1942. In 1942, Dayashinese forces were withdrawn from the Dzhungestani front to be employed in Meridia, where Allied forces were applying pressure. Roughtly 60,000 Dayashinese prisoners were captured during this period, with most being interned at dedicated facilities. To undermine the morale and dedication of the Dayashinese forces, the Themiclesian government published large quantities of stories (some of questionable veracity) about Dayashinese soldiers or prisoners willingly naturalizing to Themiclesian nationality. They were then encouraged to write their friends and family about the quality of life and peaceful intentions of Themiclesia. The Dayashinese responded by blocking such stories and correspondence from reaching the ranks and instead circulating photographs of their comrades being mistreated in Themiclesia. Nevertheless, over 3,900 eventually naturalized; they were released promptly and awarded land and cash.
A second source of Dayashinese immigration occurred in the immediate aftermath of the war. As the Allies occupied Dayashina, trials for war crimes were organized, and many Dayashinese officers, fearing indictment, fled the country and settled in Themiclesia. They used pseudonyms and disguises to pass for ordinary soldiers, and intentionally they chose to take up residence in the most inaccessible areas. One of the main reasons Themiclesia, though an Allied state, appeared favourable to them is that the country had abolished capital punishment in 1853, and it seemed unlikely that it would be re-instated to penalize them.
Towards the end of this period, a much larger population segment also elected to move to Themiclesia out of a distaste or mistrust for the government to imperil their lives yet again in the future. In this paradigm, they assayed the pacifist disposition of Themiclesian culture a bulwark against aggression and its concomitant dangers. In contrast with previous waves of immigration from Dayashina, which mostly represented the privileged and educated classes disillusioned with the militaristic government, this wave of immigrants consisted mostly of ex-soldiers and their families. In 1948 alone, over 64,000 Dayashinese arrived in Gep-bo′ by ship, many of them spending their life's savings on passage, though their squalour was undoubtedly exacerbated by the plummetting value of the Dayashinese Yen after the war. The atmosphere of uncertainty during the occupation added to the impetus to emigrate. This sudden influx of labour was to have a profound impact on the post-war reconstruction efforts in Themiclesia.
1950–1982
During these three decades, Dayashinese immigration to Themiclesia slowed, as the dust settled over Dayashina's future as a politically independent state. Due to rapidly souring relations between the Grand Alliance and the Coalition of Northern Casaterran States and concerns over the stability of the newly-established Republic of Menghe, Dayashina was accorded a place of great diplomatic and strategic import. As a result, funds flooded into its stricken fiscal landscape to secure its populace from the lure of communism. Those disaffectionated of the preservation of the monarchy and, by-and-large, pre-war social structures, still emigrated in a steady stream to Themiclesia.
Economic migrants composed another major component of immigrations in this period. Though the Dayashinese economy was recovering rapidly, Themiclesia boasted higher living standards by a considerable margin (being closer to Columbian ones), a more developed welfare state, and a thriving and resourceful diaspora community that welcomed any of their compatriots. As such, Themiclesia was still regarded with a degree of admiration in many Dayashinese people that found themselves left behind in the recovery of the late 50s and 60s. This view may have been engendered by the iniquitous distribution of financial returns in pre-war Dayashina (and in some wise, post-war too), where industrialists enjoyed a far higher share of economic return than their employees, which artificially lowers living standards for labourers; in Themiclesia, the split was less partial to capital. Some wealthy Dayashinese also regarded Themiclesia favourably as a place of less social tension and fewer conflict.
Towards the end of this period, the Dayashinese economy expanded more rapidly than that of Themiclesia. During the second half of the 1970s, the immigration/emigration balance between Themiclesia and Dayashina swayed in favour of the latter, though the net amount was still positive for Themiclesia, but by a minuscule and decreasing margin at the end of the decade.
1982–1990
1982 was the first year in which emigration to Dayashina exceeded immigration from for the first time in history, and Dayashina's resounding resurfacing as an economic powerhouse is to be credited for this reversal. In contrast to the Themiclesian economy, which suffered a few hiccups in this period, the Dayashinese one, particularly the stock market, showed great promise and enjoyed the praiseful name of "economic miracle". Though few Themiclesians moved to Dayashina, Dayashinese-Themiclesians returned to their former country in considerable amounts. Amongst those retro-immigrating, young adults, particularly males, were noticeably over-represented; not all of them intended to settle permanently in Dayashina, a portion promising to return to Themiclesia after making their fortune in commerce or equities. This resulted in an awkward gender imbalance that reflected in the consumption of comics and literature, two things closely associated with Dayashinese culture in Themiclesia currently.
Since 1990
Two major factors influenced migration to Themiclesia since 1990. The first and more apparent is the economic re-admission of Menghe to the international community, which, in the course of the decade, drastically altered the flow of capital internationally. Secondly, Dayashina's economy burst in an unprecedented bubble at the close of the 80s. In combination, Themiclesia was deemed a financial sanctuary and base of operation for many Dayashinese people who desired to secure their assets from default and bankruptcy of financial institutions. This is particularly true for investors interested in the newly-open Menghean market but did not want to conduct an independent foray into it in investments; Themiclesia's natural advantage of cultural similarity with Menghe, along with its mutual funds that had a well-diversified portfolio in Menghean industry, attracted the attention of many Dayashinese people. In addition to moving their assets there, they sometimes settled there as well; this group tends to be more aged than others, though not to the exclusion of younger, professional portfolio managers. The burst of the economic bubble also became the bane of many a retro-immigrant to Dayashina. While most of them had something to show for in their years in Dayashina, a large number of individuals suffered disproportionately and returned to Themiclesia in shock. With them also came more economic migrants purely seeking new opportunities in the calmer Themiclesian economy.
As the Dayashinese economy failed to recover its zenith in the 1980s, the 1990s saw an increased tendency for Dayashinese immigrants to integrate culturally with mainstream Themiclesian society. Others saw Menghe as the new land of opportunities and immigrated there, with many success stories prompting aspiring entrepreneurs to seek opportunities there. A major factor that alters the nature of immigration after 2010 is a visible emergence of sentimentality over Dayashina's role in the Pan-Septentrion War; as an issue that directly drove hundreds of thousands of Dayashinese to leave the country in the 30s, 40s, and 50s, Dayashina's renewed emphasis on military expenditure is a divisive matter not only domestically but in Themiclesia as well. Some hold the view that Dayashina, out of respect for the millions perished for a war of unjust aggression, should not place the military in a position of prominence; a smaller but equally vocal segment of the diaspora, some connected with the ultra-nationlist right-wing of Dayashinese politics, believe that a rewnewed focus on defence is not only necessary but desirable, for the defence of their nation and its "deserved" position of authority on the international stage. Such an attitude has prompted, again, a small number of well-known persons to leave the country.