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Dzhuvenestan
Most Serene Republic of Dzhuvenestan 𐭣𐭬𐭤𐭡𐭫𐭠 𐭠𐭮𐭬𐭠𐭭𐭠 𐭰𐭩𐭡𐭡𐭮𐭭𐭧𐭮𐭲𐭠𐭭 (Dzhuven) Jmhwra Asmana Djewwhnhstan | |
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Motto: Heta dawiya dinyayê Until the end of the world | |
Anthem: "Ey, Dzhuvenî!" "Hey, Dzhuven!" | |
Azagartian Standard | |
Capital | Arvemshahr |
Official languages | Dzhuven, Gerki |
Recognised national languages | Alcaenian, Southern Dzhuven, Qozar |
Recognised regional languages | Balecian, Yazuri |
Ethnic groups (2020) |
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Religion | Yazdânism (official religion) |
Demonym(s) | Dzhuven, Dzhuvenestani, Dzhuveni |
Government | Federal directorial noble republic under a de facto military dictatorship |
• President | Afran Zomorodi |
• Magubadi | Iosip Lomidze |
Legislature | Magistan |
Establishment | |
• Migration of Manichaeans | 300s C.E. |
• Independence from Velikoslavia | 1825 |
• Overthrow of the Black Prince | 1872 |
• Zomorodi's Coup | 1986 |
Population | |
• 2022 estimate | 27,004,212 |
GDP (nominal) | 2020 estimate |
• Total | $714,373,343,528 |
• Per capita | $21,468.51 |
Currency | Dzhuveni Toman (₮) (DZT) |
Time zone | UTC+3 (East Belisarian Time) |
Date format | dd/mm/yyyy (CE) |
Driving side | right |
Internet TLD | .dz |
Dzhuvenestan, formally known as the Most Serene Republic of Dzhuvenestan (Dzhuven: 𐭣𐭬𐭤𐭡𐭫𐭠 𐭠𐭮𐭬𐭠𐭭𐭠 𐭰𐭩𐭡𐭡𐭮𐭭𐭧𐭮𐭲𐭠𐭭, Jmhwra Asmana Djewwhnhstan) and also known as Dzhuveneia, is a sovereign state in western Ochran. It borders the Sovereignty of Halys to the west and southwest, the Azagartian Sea to the north and Zilung Chen to the east. Dzhuvenestan's 47 million people occupy Y square kilometers of land; denser groups huddle the southern coast and inland river valleys, while sparser bands of population reside in the central highlands and northern mountain ranges.
The area's first unique identity began developing in early antiquity, surrounding a pre-Yazdani Hellenic myth where the pantheon of deities struck down the beast Thalatta in a cataclysmic war. The X Mountains in the north of the country were identified as the region where its body was sealed away by the gods. Later romantic versions of the myth state that Thalatta's tongue was sliced out over the central highlands and richened the earth with rivers of saliva and blood. The Kardo-Belisarian root word for tongue, dn̥ǵʰwéh₂sˀ, has been identified as a potential origin point for the name of the fertile river valleys of central Dzhuvenestan, and later the whole country. This foundational myth has remained in the public consciousness even following the establishment of the later Yazdâni mythos as state religion.
The first peoples to originate in Dzhuvenestan were the ancestors of the modern-day Balecian peoples, rising from nomadic life to sedentary city-states by around the 3rd millennium BCE. They were joined by the Azagartian peoples, which dominated the region for centuries. The region, formerly the Azagartian heartland, became a battleground of empires as first the Latin Empire and later the Empire of the East battled it out with the Azagartian Empire. Gradually, the Azagartian empire disintegrated and the tribes of modern-day Dzhuvenestan began forming a separate tribal, religious, and ethnic identity from the Aerionese in modern-day Mesogeia, with a distinct split finalized in around the first century CE. With inclusion in the wider Azagartian world came the peopling of Hellenic settlements along the southern coast throughout Antiquity; these later formed the power base of the Mesogeian dynasties seeking to secure control over Dzhuvenestan. In ancient times, the area was known to the Mesogeians as Balecia (Alcaenian: Βάχλο), and was administered largely as a frontier march. There, it remained one of the burgeoning empire's most fruitful sources ethnic trouble. During the time of the Bayarid conquests in the X century, a group of Turkic peoples later known as the Qavars came to settle in Dzhuvenestan.
In the mid-17th centur, the balance of power in the region was shaken by an ascendant Mesogeia, which recruited some Dzhuveni domains into a war that saw the former gain control of the region. The Mesogeians exacted a heavy toll on the region, with the production of agriculture exponentially increased as the emperors sought to create an Ochranian "breadbasket"; the mountains were stripped of their natural resources. There was sudden political pressure from increased extraction, along with the enforced spread of the Apostolic Church, co-official use of the Alcaenian language, and swift promotion of local Balecian and foreign Alcaenian fringe figures as client rulers or nobles. A system of nobility and serfdom developed in Dzhuvenestan, with some nobles created out of old, local tribal families while others were transplants from the Imperial motherland. The region was shaped by Mesogeian policies heavily as a result of the imperial desires to control the heartland of the Azagartian Empire, from which they claimed to have inherited the right to rule. By the time of the Thirty Years’ War (1770-1802), the Dzhuveni provinces had developed a reputation for lawlessness and disorder as the eastern fringe of the empire. It was there that an equally troublesome and reckless royal, Prince Michalis, was stationed. Feeling slighted by his remote posting, and confident that he could turn the tides of the war in Mesogeia's favor, Michalis rallied his troops to win back power. Though successful in large-scale ambushes such as at the Battle of Arvemshahr in 1797, Michalis' campaign instead solidified his reputation as a disloyal traitor, burning his bridges with the Imperial Family. The renegade royal continued his campaign to great success, wielding his smaller force in guerrilla tactics against a numerically-superior but beleaguered Mesogeian army. Following the famous (and perhaps apocryphal) hailing of "Caesar; nay, Imperator!" by his troops in 1800, he crowned himself Anax Michalis I, Prince of the Dzhuvens and shortly after signed the Treaty of Pharapoli, which established Dzhuvenestan's independence.
Today, Dzhuvenestan exists under the continued authoritarian rule of military strongman Afran Zomorodi. The twin pillars of the Yazdâni priesthood and the military regime stifle civil liberties, and the existing low-lying ethnic insurgency against the central government has stifled most development progress in the past decade. Internationally, the nation finds itself a member of the Forum of Nations.