Pan-Hiakemirism
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Pan-Hiakemirism, also known as Osamism after its founder Osamu Kyu-Bong, is an ideology which calls for political and economic unity amongst the people of the continent of East Hiakemiria, calling for the establishment of a "Continental Nation" (Tairiku Kokka) which will prevent any form of future colonization from West Hiakemiria or Kistavich. Pan-Hiakemirism is the stated ruling ideology of Neo-Korea, although scholars have noted the lack of actual action taken on the front of unity as proof that Neo-Korea is primarily using Pan-Hiakemirism as a smokescreen to enact its own policies with the vestige of public support.
Pan-Hiakemirism was at one time compared to Lorism, in the sense of being a generally "Revolutionary" ideology which professed political policies supposedly supportive of the working class. This comparison is generally considered historically dated as of the current period, owing to the lack of overlap in the institutions of state, the economic policies of such, and the reasoning and political beliefs propagated through such, all of which the two ideologies are near entirely opposed to the other in. An additional reason for the divorcing of these two ideologies in the sphere of comparison was the lack of spread of Pan-Hiakemirism, which has near entirely been localized to the Nán Yánshēn and the territories of the Kāichrén states.
Bodies associated with Pan-Hiakemirism include the Pan-Hiakemirian Congress, the Pan-Hiakemirist National Development Coalition, and the Pan-Hiakemirian Cultural Association (all headquartered in Neo-Korea).
Kāichrén Pan-Hiakemirism
Pan-Hiakemirism was developed by the Kāichrén philosopher Osamu Kyu-Bong, and has been the guiding ideology (to greater or lesser degrees) of all independent Kāichrén states since independence. Osamu's primary vision for how the policies of Pan-Hiakemirism would be enacted was of a federation structure which would allow for a unified response in economics, foreign policy, and collective military action. This was to present a united front against colonial adventurism from abroad, while maintaining the policy-independence of those states associated with the federation.
Other ideologues of Pan-Hiakemirism included Yuichi Yang, who would establish the economic basis of Pan-Hiakemirism in collaboration with Osamu, primarily by legitimizing the view that State-Corporate collaboration would bring about the necessary resources for federation, and Nae Ose, who would posit that Pan-Hiakemirism would also have to overcome boundaries between individuals, such as discrimination as a whole, for the ideology to last for a great period of time. The ideology would become popularized due to the economic struggles of the late 1800s- and the failed Marquesan response to domestic unrest in the then-colonized Yánshēn, which would eventually lead to the Kāichrén Revolution.
Kaesong Period
Pan-Hiakemirism was legitimized by the Kaesong Government being lead by a former student (Hamamoto Jaeon) to Osamu, who would bring him into governance (alongside Yuichi, although Nae would be excluded) to assist in the establishment and proliferation of the ideology amongst the populace. During this period, the Pan-Hiakemirian Congress would be established, acting as a supporter of foreign Pan-Hiakemirists (despite the general failures of such policies) and utilizing the funds of the state to assist in revolutionary movements abroad. This policy was both genuine, in the sense that it had real internal support from members of the state due to ideological reasons, and interest-based, with those nations who would experience revolutionary activity potentially being opened to either incorporation or economic exploitation.
Pan-Hiakemirism would be developed throughout the period of Kaesong's control, with the integration of its prime ideological developers into the affairs of state being used to make it a "national ideology" of a sort. This would meet pushback by certain pre-independence elements of the state, they were ultimately surpassed by those aligned with Pan-Hiakemirian doctrine, primarily due to the efforts of Hamamoto and his unreserved support for implementation of Hiakemirist concepts. It was ultimately this support that would cause Pan-Hiakemirism to entrench itself in the fabric of the state.
KDS Period
With the fall of Kaesong, the Kāichrén Democratic State would move away from certain elements of Pan-Hiakemirism in the wake of the Kaihō Kinenbi, although many of the revolutionaries who overthrew the state continued to believe in the key principles of such. The Kakumei Dōmeitō would return rapidly to the principles of Pan-Hiakemirism upon its election, shuttering many experimental attempts at privatization in favor of the corporatist policies of the Kaesong State. This would include support for the New Iminchebol, and a general policy of state mediation in economic and political conflicts. To some extent, economic collaboration between the Iminchebol and the State grew to its greatest extent in this period, as members of the state assumed direct control over certain war-related Iminchebol, and combined the flows of income such bodies had with the profits of the state.
The primary change on the economic front of Pan-Hiakemirism would be as a result of its blending with the economic philosophy of Sukoism during this period, an economic philosophy derived from Yoshiba Suko's personal philosophies which encouraged mass production through vertical integration of industry into the Iminchebol as a structure and the complete abolishment of craft production, and the roles within industrial life which encouraged such. The goal of this mass production was a similar culture of mass consumption (although his beliefs on such were not able to be seen to this end, owing to the Great War), which would result in greater funds to simplify, and thus greater funds for the consumers, in a positive feedback loop which would also provide for the needs of the state. Throughout the course of the war, Sukoism would be used as the justification for the utilization of forced labor to create military equipment, the subjugation of Jungg'o native companies to the Iminchebol structures of the Nán Yánshēn, and other actions which would be undertaken by the Korean Democratic State.
The later KDS would escalate these positions after Ogata Katsu's coup against Kurokawa Isao, with his subjugation of the Kakumei Dōmeitō to his ultranationalistic "Dōin Satakka" (Mobilized Nation) concepts, including the abolishment of all parties outside of the Kakumei and his subordination of the Iminchebol to the Kokka Butōgi-kai (National Logistics Council), which took control of production and economic planning out of the hands of both the union-like entities of workers under the Iminchebol and from the Iminchebol themselves. Ogata’s self-proclaimed struggle against the systems of anti-state activity would be used as an excuse to initiate both mass collectivization of key agricultural resources to feed the military and to destroy or otherwise neutralize the sources of power once present outside the state’s oversight, with Jungg’o being placed under a defacto state of military occupation from 1946-1950, until the collapse of Ogata’s government and his death.
Kaichren Civil War
A majority of the factions of the civil war continued to believe, generally, in the militaristic and nationalistic variant of the KDS's Pan-Hiakemirism, including Hikaru Sakuma's Provisional Directorate. More specifically, the post-Ogata period would primarily see the remnants of the Kakumei and members of the military which Ogata had firmly ideologically aligned with himself begin to seize the positions and armaments the Kaichren Civil War would be fought with. Nationalists who blamed the state’s lack of “strength” on the failure in the war would notably target Meridonian assets in Saishū, owing to perceived betrayal in the peace negotiations which were then ongoing on the part of Meridon. This battle would be one of the reasons why, after the formation of Neo-Korea, relations did not recover between the two powers until the Marquesan Intervention in 2015.
Non-Hiakemirist groupings, while notably present in the earlier stages of the Kaichren Civil War, would not last long, excluding in the Jungg’oan theatre of such, owing to a perceived lack of legitimacy and foreign capitulation attached to the often unimpressive forces of such powers. Additionally causing the lack of such factions was lesser military support being given to them on the part of the former assets of the Kāichrén Democratic Army, although to some degree this could be made up materially with foreign aid, experience-wise the lack of such support would be devastating.
Neo-Korea
Hikaru Sakuma’s Provisional Directorate would be the eventual winner of the civil war, owing to military support and early seizure of key industrial points in the south of the country, the Directorate eventually being reorganized into Neo-Korea. Hikaru would have an outsized role in ideological development as of this stage, with his personal beliefs (and those beliefs of the individuals who would staff the CGC and other such institutions) prompting a distinct realignment in both ideological priorities and the means to accomplish such. Most especially, this would be catalyzed in the form of a rollback of the corporatist state to some degree, with the establishment of Iminchebol power being similar moreso to the late Kaesong period than that of the late KDS.
The Mobilized State would similarly be done away with, with foreign capital (especially Anagonian) and media used to inspire domestic development of such, alongside a greater effort being imitated to provide civilian luxuries to assist in the post-war building of confidence in the state. This effort of de-mobilization was somewhat ironically also the cause of the Invasion of Jungg’o, owing to the perceived need to abolish rationing.
Non-Kāichrén Pan-Hiakemirism
Jungg'o
Jungg'o, despite their recent liberation from the KDS, did not wholly dispense with the concept of Pan-Hiakemirism, for both the general reason that there was a lack of other potential guiding national ideals to turn to at this point (primarily due to Kāichrénization efforts engaged in by the KDS) and due to the fact that several officials in the newly independent state were ardent believers in the concept, if centered around Jungg'o as the vessel for liberation instead of the Nán Yánshēn. These officials would attempt to orient Jungg'o as a major industrial and political leader throughout its independence, engaging in multiple joint efforts with surrounding nations to build infrastructural and economic lines with Jungg'o as the hub.
Ultimately, these officials would lose favor in the early 80's, as Neo-Korea itself began utilizing more of the rhetoric of Pan-Hiakemirism, eventually being generally exiled to the north, where they would languish until the Invasion of Jungg'o. During said invasion, these officials would utilize some of these ideals in an attempt to drum up public support for continued resistance in the north, although the primary vector of anti-NK action remained non-Hiakemirian political groupings, such as the now-resurgent bandit groupings, which took on new anarchist political leanings due to their mutual integration with already established anti-Hiakemirian actors.
Janpia
Pan-Hiakemirism as an ideology was already familiar to Janpian intellectuals during the period of the Great War and the immediate years before such. Although generally unpopular at that time in comparison to Lorism, Pan-Hiakemirists in Janpia would manage to stage some demonstrations during the ruling period of the Janpian Imperial System in favor of continental unification. This actions were opposed by Lorist-leaning philosophers, who called for unity under a worker's government. In a thesis made by Ayuko Novirolesche, which would result in what is now known as the Noviroleschian thought, he would state that the unification of the Eastern Hiakemirian continent was a viable means to prevent further colonial action, and as such was compatible with Lorism owing to a focus on the working class in the context of a singular united entity.
Following the series of events during the Great War that led to the collapse of the Imperial regime, the Pan-Hiakemirist movement, like many political factions in Janpia at that time, would find itself fielding candidates for the reunification of Janpia. During that period, tensions rose between political factions as they came into conflict over the governance of the post-collapse state. With war still raging over the Unschon Islands, rice shortages persisting, and a lack of strong authority, many of these political factions found themselves with no choice but to use assassination and other forms of covert combat with one another to gain an advantage, which soon culminated in the ignition of the Janpian Civil War.
In the context of the Pan-Hiakemirist Movement, prior divisions would be the cause of many internal factional struggles between Lorist-leaning Pan-Hiakemirists and monarchically-focused Pan-Hiakemirists, which later evolved into a nationalistic variant of such as the civil war progressed. The two movements, although severely divided between localized factions, were still technically united under a single command. Ultimately, the United Janpian Pan-Hiakemirian Lorist Front Party was absorbed and integrated in 1948 under the Union Pact, which later became the Janpian Union of Revolutionary States. The Nationalist Party of Pan-Hiakemiria would be annexed by the UWP in 1949.
Under the Union Pact, some of the Pan-Hiakemerist Lorist ideals were incorporated into state doctrine, such as the unification of Pan-Hiakemiria under the banner of a united worker's state. Upon further synthetization, these concepts were enhanced and became the basis of the Internationalist ideals of the Revolution, in which the goal became to unite every nation of the world under the banner of the workers.
Variants
Orthodox Pan-Hiakemirism
"Orthodox" Pan-Hiakemirism is, in and of itself, something of an oxymoron, as even the principle founders of the ideology had differing ideals on foreign, political, and economic systems in relation to the establishment of the ideology. Still, being an "Orthodox" Pan-Hiakemirist is generally implied to entail a belief in Pan-Hiakemirian unification under a federation structure, a belief in economic corporatism, and general adherence to what Osamu Kyu-Bong wrote.
Notable orthodox Pan-Hiakemirists include:
- Osamu Kyu-Bong, (Primarily ideologue and founder, as noted above)
- Yuichi Yang, (Would technically form his own school for a period, but owing to historic similarities it is generally counted as a part of the ideological orthodoxy)
- Nae Ose, (See note attached to Yuichi)
- Terenti Petrov, (Former Minister of Foreign Affairs for Neo-Korea, considered arguable owing to contradictory statements given on his behalf in relation to the matter)
Variants on Orthodox Pan-Hiakemirism
Despite the general consistency maintained by the fact that its ideologue was directly involved in the operation of a state, variants on his ideals did emerge within his lifetime, the most notable of which would linger into the modern period and influence later ideas. The most notable of these groupings included the Jiritsu School and the Kokka no Shinjitsu Faction, both of which agitated for independence from existing power structures, on an economic and political level respectively. They opposed the corporatist economic system and supported direct-rule of the state in regards to the process of industrialization, with a more hegemonic perspective on the federation structure as well.
The Kokka no Shinjitsu ideological school has seen a resurgence in recent years - in part owing to its adoption by members of anti-state right wing groupings, most notably including Kyong Hoshino. This adoption has primarily entailed an adoption and development of criticism of the Osamist state through the lens of an pseudo-anarchist perspective, focusing on the dissolution of such after the pursuing of a war large enough to permanently shatter the capacity of state entities to intervene in the Hiakemirian region. After this dissolution, this "Kyongist" school has promoted the conception of ideologically homogenous communes - separate from each other in their entirety, and able to represent the complete will of all individuals living within them.
Notable followers of the Jiritsu School include:
- Hikaru Sakuma, (to some degree, although he would incorporate his own ideals into the ideological basis of his personal ideology)
- Shiroma Katsumi, (notable philosopher)
Notable followers of the Kokka no Shinjitsu Faction include:
- Amari Yuji, (a notable leader during the Kāichrén Civil War who was eventually executed by Hikaru Sakuma's Provisional Directorate)
- Shimizu Haruko, (artist and political leader, eventually imprisoned and executed by the KDS for anti-state activism)
- Kyong Hoshino, (political columnist and proprietor of the Far Island Observer)
Modern Pan-Hiakemirism
Historically, the label of "Modern" Pan-Hiakemirism was used to refer to the KDR-Ogata period of political development, in which a distinctly monoparty-focused developmental plan would be accepted as mandatory. More specifically, the institution of the singular party (or grouping of parties) was an institution from which ideological goals could be accomplished - in comparison to the late-Kaesong political scene, it removed the potential for "opposition" movements using Pan-Hiakemirist talking points to emerge or be relevant, in exchange for the authoritarianism inherent to this structure. Additional elements of this period of development include the presence of the military as a force for the sustainment and enforcement of Pan-Hiakemirism on a domestic scale (developed from the role of the Chimamire in the Sabi Republic) and the establishment of a military role in civilian economic planning.
"Modern" Pan-Hiakemirism would be incredibly splintered throughout the period of the Great War, owing to elements of the state defecting towards an anti-war perspective, and as such greatly influencing the previously non-Hiakemirist opposition into adopting some points of such. Most notably, many "latter-day Hiakemirists" would become the civilian bureaucrats of the Hikaru regime, a fact later used by foreign groups to oppose the concept of Pan-Hiakemirism in the modern period.
Notable "Modern" Pan-Hiakemirists include:
- Kurokawa Isao, (Leader of the KDS for the vast majority of the Great War Period, would later be influential in the organization of the Meridonian Worker's Party - placement in this category is considered dubious)
- Nisihara Mari, (Minister of Foreign Affairs for Neo-Korea)
- Rie Guérin ([RELEVANT LATER, ISAOIST])
KDS Variations
The increased factitiousness of this period would give way to three primary "schools" of thought in regards to the modern state, and the role of Pan-Hiakemirism and other political and social elements within such. While it is generally accepted that these three categories represent the primary thinking of both the Great War and KCW period, notable exceptions of import will be listed.
The Left-Modernist Tendency (Sayoku-Modanisuto Keikō) was a school of thought that perceived the developments of the GW-KCW period as distinctly negative, and instead pursued a differing path of centralization through the structure of worker-based collective democracy - encouraged into a mutualistic system of coproduction and "coercionless trade" through the hand of a state entity primarily centralized around figures of artistic and ideological note instead of traditional bureaucrats. Primarily, this was in counter-reaction to the ways it was perceived that the initial democratically experimental nature of the KDS had been polluted for the purposes of enacting the war, thus making such a system without the capacity for such to occur seem more viable. This school would largely fade during the KCW, especially after the collapse of the Renikai and its experimentation in an enactment of these principals during the civil war. It would go on to inspire foreign or civil resistance movements, such as the Autonomist school in Arcadie (although these connections are slim, and previous members of the Renikai have disavowed the Autonomist movement for its overt collaboration with capital structures and state-backed nationalism), or the Hitosepō movement in Neo-Korea itself.
The Myakuhaku ("Pulse") school represented the relative center of all three schools of thought - named owing to the grasp it had on the "pulse" of debate within the nation. It supported a gradual return to key Osamist principles under the guise of a state managed in a similar fashion to the later KDS - sparing it from the suppression the Sayoku-Modanisuto received under the Ogata Katsu regime. Specifically, it called for continued cooperation with the Iminchebol, the continuation of the one-party structure, and other aspects of the military state - while simultaneously calling for the cessation of internal suppression of dissidents in Jungg'o, the subordination of "naturally civilian" state interests to military control, and the general presence of the military in civilian politics which were not related to overtly military matters as a whole, in a distinct departure from the general trend of the moderate right-wing factions of the period which had played a major role in its formation. The Myakuhaku would similarly be extinguished in the lead up to the KCW, but would not see a return to prominence during such like the Renikai - becoming the least influential element of the three schools, despite its early popularity and presence in the running of those elements of the Ogata-era state under civilian control.
Hikaru School
Beomism
Beliefs
Economics
The primary economic beliefs of Pan-Hiakemirism were coined, as mentioned above, by Yuichi Yang, who promoted positive interaction between the state, workers, and corporate groupings instead of class conflict, believing that this positive relation would maintain the necessary economic growth to allow for the state to grow and maintain its independence. This corporatist economic system would express itself in all post-independence states, as a result of the continued need for economic growth perceived by all of these states. This has primarily manifested itself in multi-year plans formed from the collaboration of state and pseudo-public economic actors.
An additional inclusion to these economic beliefs in the modern period is the relationship between the National Development Party and the State-Corporate-Worker relationship, with some modern observers (most notably Ji Kita) noting that the party to some degree has taken over the role of the corporate entity, with the Iminchebol and other economic bodies being strongly associated, and to some degree managed by, members of the NDP.
Foreign Policy
The Continental Nation
The Continental Nation (Tairiku Kokka) is the primary "Internal" (in the sense of targeting East Hiakemiria) foreign policy concept of Pan-Hiakemirism. Calling for the establishment of a unified structure which will allow for the maintaining of independence, this structure is variably described in either the terms of federation or hegemony, depending on the school of the Pan-Hiakemirism.