Beom Dae

Beom Dae
Image of Beom Dae as Paramount Leader, circa 2020
Paramount Leader
Incumbent
Assumed office March 12th, 1995
Deputy	Imai Amaya
Preceded by	Hikaru Sakmua
Minister of Cultural Affairs
In office April 20th 1986 – 3rd January, 1995
Preceded by	Pyoyter Nakiovich
Succeeded by	Okazaki Eiji
Head of the Koseitenkukai
In office August 13th, 1965 – September 3rd, 1973
Preceded by	Position Established
Succeeded by	Position Abolished
Member of the Central Governing Council, Omiskan District, Third Seat
In office January 1st, 1964 – 12th January, 1995
Preceded by	Shiro Chiasa
Succeeded by	Kuba Miyuki
Personal details
Born	Shimada Beom (1938-05-10)May 10, 1938 (age 96, as of early 2034) Fuzan, Neo-Korea
Political party	National Development Party 1960-Present
Alma mater	Fuzan People's College (graduation circa 1966)
Awards	Order of the Recognition of Development of Pan-Hiakemirian Concepts (awarded circa 1986)
Nickname(s)	The Paramount The Orange Eminence (1986-1995)
Military service
Allegiance	Neo-Korea
Branch/service	Neo-Korean Ground Forces
Years of service	1995 - Present
Rank	Generalissimus

Beom Dae (born May 10th, 1938, née Shinada Beom) is the Paramount Leader of Neo-Korea. Beom Dae has been the head of state of 39 years following the Third Emergency Party Congress which ended the period of Central Governing Council leadership over the state and re-established the until-then vacant role of Paramount Leader. Initially appointed as a compromise candidate between the influential Anzen and Keieikō factions of the Central Governing Council, he would assert himself as a leader following both the 1995 Economic Reforms and the Invasion of Jungg'o, which allowed him to centralize power into his leadership role and establish himself as the definite source of power within the state.

Beom has fulfilled a number of ministerial roles throughout the course of Neo-Korea's recent history, including being the Minister of Cultural Affairs, the Head of the Koseitenkukai, Deputy to the Paramount Leader, and a number of minor additional roles. Throughout his tenure of leadership he has realigned the state towards the belief of the general "right" of the National Development Party, aligning his policies variously with the Anzen and Keieikō while also incorporating certain aspects of Shakakukō policy, including the promotion of competition between factions in the electoral sphere, alongside continuing the efforts of Okuma Taro for international reconciliation with certain powers.

It is believed that many of Beom's personal traits are derived from personal trauma relating to the Atomic Bombing of Fuzan during the course of the Great War, with much of his career before being appointed as Minister of Culture being focused on providing aid to the city and working to reconstruct it. Beom has continued to promote Iminchebol investment in Fuzan into the modern era as well, especially in relation to Iminchebol focused on civilian industries.

Early Life

Beom would be born as Shimada Beom in Fuzan during the year of 1938, his family having lived in the city since the State of Kaesong's economic policies caused his grandfather to be forcibly relocated there. His family was minorly wealthy despite the hardship caused by the Great War, operating an Iminchebol-associated hotel in the city which saw patronage by figures of minor political import. Beom was notably isolated as a child, having a lacking connection with his cousins who also lived in Fuzan and being isolated amongst other youth of his age due to a perceived "coldness" in his interactions with others. This isolation was worsened due to his family leaving the city and joining the exodus to Omiskan in 1946, with Beom being unable to find new friends due to his aforementioned "coldness".

The relationship with his cousins would be permanently cut when they died in totality during the atomic bombing of Fuzan, with Beom entering the workforce at the age of 12, being one of many children conscripted into "voluntary labor battalions" during the last years of Ogata Katsu's regime. During this time he would take his first foray into ideological politics, joining the Pan-Hiakemirist debate group established by older members of the labor battalion. He remained ideologically uncommitted during the early years of the Kāichrén Civil War, but due to his father's alignment with the ideals of Hikaru Sakuma, he would become a technical citizen of the Provisional Directorate of the Yanshen.

Kāichrén Civil War

At the age of 16 Beom would become a member of the Directorate's "Youth Repair Groups", an attempt to reduce the drain on educated labor required for the repair of military and civilian vehicles by providing them with teams of youth workers to direct. During his time in the YRG he would become acquainted with Muraoka Shig, the two engaging in correspondence over letters following a series of debates on certain aspects of both repair and ideology. During this time, Beom generally considered himself to be on the left of the ideological spectrum of Pan-Hiakemirism, questioning many of the goals of the civil war in his private discussions with Muraoka. Despite these qualms, over time he would come to take some level of pride in the mechanical work itself, to the point that he discussed eventually trying to gain work as a designer for civilian projects which could include his newfound enjoyment of tinkering, with him also considering architectural work for a time.

Beom's mother would die in 1955, and his father in 1956 - with Beom not being aware of such until 1958 due to his work in the YRG and later a political development Cadre. Upon finding out that he had been too late to see even their funerals, he would rename himself in what he considered an act of separation form the family, taking the western-styled name of Beom Dae in emulation of Osamu Kyu-Bong.

The trajectory of his career would change significantly with the end of the YRG system in 1957 following the Directorate's victory over the Renikai, as there was no longer a severe pressure upon the state and therefore there was more time to attempt to build up civilian structures in occupied territories to prepare for the looming battle with the Hitotsutai. In service to this goal, Beom was sent alongside a cadre of other young technically-military figures with the goal to organize political representation in the region. The leader of Beom's cadre at this time, Shiro Chiasa, had a notable hostile relationship with Beom, this negative relationship leading Beom to seek to dethrone him in a political and social sense.

With this goal in mind, he would run against Chiasa in the 1964 Central Governing Council elections, achieving a surprising upset victory at the age of 26.

Political Career

CGC Member

Beom would be the youngest member of the CGC elected in 1964, his shocking victory against Chiasa in part being driven by his youth and the surprising speechmaking capacity Beom had. Throughout his long career as a member of the CGC, he would switch factional affiliation repeatedly, variously presenting himself as an independent, Seitei-ha member, Keieikō loyalist, or - in what was considered one of the most severe cases of opportunism in Kāichrén political history up to that point, joining the Kōshin for an exact period of 30 days before immediately leaving as soon as he was re-elected. Despite this factional flipping, his policies remained mostly consistent throughout his career until he became Paramount Leader, including the encouraging of State-Iminchebol collaboration, vaguely pacifistic foreign policy focused on establishing Neo-Korea as a notable neutral merchant power, an expansion of factional power over society, and - most radically at the time - attempted détente with Jungg'o. The latter was moreso born out of a distinct distaste towards Marquesan and Aureumterra and fear that they could exploit a conflict between the two states than any particular affinity towards Jungg'o, with him believing that it was a political inevitability that Jungg'o would eventually return to Kāichrén hands.

Beom's eccentricities at this point were allowed due to his unalloyed popularity amongst the majority of the population - with his efforts to assist Fuzan generating a cloud of popularity / trustworthiness around him that Beom utilized to enact greater forms of patronage towards Fuzan, including the shifting of Iminchebol contracts to favor construction in that region and political kickbacks for lower level officials in Fuzan. In exchange for Beom's support in these matters, he received both guaranteed support from Fuzan and the role of a defacto leader of the block of politicians elected from Fuzan.

Head of the Koseitenkukai

One of Beom's most notable roles during his time as a member of the CGC was his appointment to the Koseitenkukai in 1965. The Koseitenkuki, also known as the Kosekuki, was an political council and advisory grouped designed to find a solution to the post-KCW issue of a surplus of orphaned youth and the lack of societal safety nets for these groups. Beom's role as the head of such would be crucial in the eventual adoption of the Crèche system of communal child rearing which continues to exist in Neo-Korea, with Beom's own favoritism towards that specific method of child rearing believed to be derived from his belief that it would prevent social or interactive isolation.

The Crèche system would first be tested in Fuzan in the form of the Jintasentā, a multi-floor complex designed by modernist architects personally hired by Beom, where it would have generally positive impact on the status of child safety and education in the region, eventually leading to its mass introduction in other regions of the state. Beom would be the only head of the Kosekuki, as its goal was deemed accomplished and it was therefore abolished in 1973.

Minister of Culture

Beom would be appointed to the role of Minister of Culture in the last days of Hikaru Sakuma's period of state control, scant months before he was placed into a coma by the 1986 Hikaru Sakuma Assassination Attempt. He would retain this role throughout the entirety of the CGC Period. His primary actions in the context of the role were based on encouraging foreign tourism in Kaihima, especially in relation to the existing natural landmarks such possessed.

Efforts were also taken to investigate the potential of establishing an area on the mainland for economic and political tourism, although this was deemed nonviable with the fashion in which most cities had been constructed. Attempting to create a new city for the role was also rejected, with lacking space which would be easy to work with cited as the key reason. Lushun would eventually come to be in part because of Beom's irritation at the failure of the tourist-city concept.

CGC Period

Beom would be a somewhat notable figure during the course of the CGC period, acting as an arguable Grey Eminence for the Keieikō during the period. This association with the Keieikō was born from his friendship with Muraoka Shig, who had become ascendant in such throughout the course of decades, especially after both worked to force the resignation of Anzai Kurou. Despite their weakening during the course of the Goya Tadashi and Okuma Taro governments, they would be able to marshal the political power to force the latter's resignation following the reveal of his daughter's defection, allowing them to push forward Muraoka as the new leader of the state.

While both members of the pair had wanted to have Muraoka become the next Paramount Leader, it was made impossible for such to occur by the influence of the Anzen, or more specifically its leader Pyoyter Nakiovich, who refused to allow Muraoka any closer to the reigns of absolute state power than he already was. In an act of political manipulation, the pair faked a sudden breakdown in mutual relations - with Beom using the deception to rally aspects of the party he knew were opposed to Muraoka into triggering a successful vote to appoint a new leader - which Muraoka then used his own influence to stall, thus triggering the Third Emergency Party Congress.

Third Emergency Party Congress

Beom would successfully maneuver to have himself be appointed as a compromise candidate by both his ally Muraoka and his rival Pyoyter Nakiovich - successfully presenting himself as a compromise candidate able to end the potential thread of factional disputes ending the ability of the state to function. The reason this was accepted despite Pyoyter's own personal distrust of Beom was primarily due to the support Beom possessed amongst the Central Intelligence Service's own lower ranks - who favored him due to previous statements in favor of the Anzen. During the Party Congress, multiple candidates would attempt to oppose the Anzen-Keieikō block, with the two most influential being Noda Aoi's Neo-Seitei and Umemoto Satoshi's Kairokku, both of them generally advocating a greater focus on direct state intervention in the economy.

Despite the efforts of the two, their own disorganization allowed for Beom to poach the necessary majority to have himself appointed as Paramount Leader, with his acension to the role coming in 1995.

Paramount Leader

Domestic Policies

Consolidation of Power

Beom's decisive victory in the Third Congress allowed him a distinct amount of room to maneuver - his friendship and alliance with Muraoka, who had retained his position as Head of the Central Governing Council afforded him the remaining amount of power to begin a wide-scale campaign of vetting and replacing members of the state. This process of national reorganization would be known as the Kokhensesu would see the majority of staff in both economic and civil ministries replaced by those favored by members of the Keieikō. He would also begin to exert control over regional governments, including sponsoring the election of the first Ekashiba government in Kaihima and establishing contacts within the Chamorro Islands who could promote his political policies there.

The Kokhensesu would be bolstered by a series of encouraged factional splits within a majority of existing factions - primarily enacted through the reveal of multiple corruption scandals amongst key leaders, a series of major bribes to encourage the formation of new factions, and the threatening of individuals working to maintain unity through the CIS. With these splits achieved, Beom grew the Keieikō to the maximal extent it had ever reached, allowing him to begin a series of major political and economic reforms - including those which would lead to a declaration of war against Jungg'o later that year.

1995 Economic Reforms

Under the direction of Tokunaga Masa, the Beom government resolved to, utilizing the then-planned war with Jungg'o as justification and basis, completely abolish the utilization of internal currency within the territory of the state. While Anagonian currency would be retained for when currency was necessary for certain transactions, the state would - utilizing already existing job classification systems - completely end the existence of large scale private economic transactions, instead subordinating the entirety of the distribution of food, housing, luxury materials, and other resources to the direction of the Ministry of Labor, which had already been staffed with Beom loyalists throughout the course of the Kokhensesu.

Through the utilization of a computerized network of distribution and management, a series of computers logging the population, job status, and other miscellaneous traits of individual citizens were established - with these systems being split in a hierarchical pattern, based first on managing a singular apartment complex, these systems then sending data to a city block-wide system which then transferred data to a city-encompassing network which then sent data back to Omiskan, where it was monitored so that severe crises could be avoided through interventive management. Through this system and the forced enrollment of all members of society into it as a part of Jungg'o War policies, the state gained the ability to directly manage the flow of resources a person required for average life, which was then expanded over time to allow for the withdrawal of resources from dissidents or protestors and the granting of luxuries to those of a higher value in the Neo-Korean Labor Classification System.

A severe proliferation of black market systems were avoided through this method as well - due to the distribution of resources being automatically catalogued according to a single centralized database, large deviances from such which would indicate the moving of resources for unofficial sale could be noticed and prevented through militant intervention. The system would become a severe target of Invasion of Jungg'o-era anti-state protesting, with the Shakakukō being founded in part to provide official political opposition to the state system which had allowed for such to be enacted without major challenges. Opposition from the Iminchebol existed for a time, but their continued incorporation into the state apparatus and allowances they gained to be able to hold their own reserves of foreign currency generally tended to quiet such. This change in economic understanding severely effected the in-between structures of non-Iminchebol semi-large corporations, with the vast majority, if not totality of such, being forced to close shortly after the majority of policies associated with the '95 Reforms were enacted.

Foreign Policy

Invasion of Jungg'o

See Main Article: Invasion of Jungg'o