Conservative Party (Themiclesia)
Conservative Party 守成黨 (sn′ju′-djeng-dang′) | |
|---|---|
 Logo adopted in 1967 | |
| Abbreviation | TCP ("The Conservative Party") |
| Founded | 1857 |
| Split from | Grand Alliance (1835 – 1857) |
| Preceded by | Fiscal conservatives (1797 – 1835) |
| Newspaper | Demesne Post (縣報, gwênh-kwal-puh) |
| Student wing | Alliance of Socialist Students |
| Youth wing | Guardians Society |
| Women's wing | Association of Conservative Women |
| Ideology | democratic socialism paternalistic conservatism classical conservativsm (pre-1850) |
| Political position | Centre-left |
| International affiliation | Progressive Alliance |
| Slogan | For What We Care |
| Commons | 72 / 212
|
| Lords | 129 / 231
|
The Conservative Party is a left-wing political party in Themiclesia active on the national level. The party was founded formally in the mid-1800s as a reaction against the tightly-organized and dominant Liberal Party. It historically consisted of several factions united less for ideological harmony than political convenience, but since the early 1900s they have settled into its current political position as the primary left-wing party in Themiclesia.
History
Fiscal conservatives (1795 – 1845)
Reactionary conservatism (1845 – 1872)
New Conservatism (1872 – 1890)
New Conservatism is a philosophy championed by a series of proactive Conservative leaders challenging the traditional, reactionary form of conservatism supported by the landed aristocracy, mostly represented through the House of Lords. The Liberal Party in the 1850s and 60s sought to introduce public education, military reforms, poor relief through workhouses, and other business-friendly policies, defrayed by a progressive land tax raised on aristocratic estates, which was vetoed by the House of Lords. This led to deadlock with the House of Commons and heightened social tensions, which the Liberals encouraged to pressure the Lords into passing bills. Younger Conservative peers hoped to defeat the Liberals and their "reckless politics" in the House of Commons itself, rather than resorting to the veto, which is known to inflame public anger and benefit the Liberals. This would be achieved by repositioning the Conservative Party as a reformer, introducing policies that appeased the disenfranchised working class, at the expense of the Liberal industrial and commercial class.
The Conservative Party formally adopted the New Policy in 1872, though this had been argued for since the mid-1860s, especially by the Lord of Tek-lang. In his speech in 1867, he deplored the reaction of the aristocracy, which he claimed owed "an moral debt of justice to the common people, who exalted us by their vileness and enriched us by their indigence. This ghastly debt we now must paid, or one day be made to pay", referring plainly to the results of violent revolutions in Casaterra. Tek-lang's appeal is compared to the Casaterran doctrine of noblesse oblige, where the nobility justified their privilege on the assumption that they somehow assisted the common people; this represents a major departure from the reactionary paradigm, which either ignored the question of social justice or rejected the question completely, believing it was the natural right for the aristocracy to exploit the lower classes.
Conservative dominance (1891 – 1909)
The success of the New Policy peaked during the long, stable government of the Lord of Snur-lang (綏陽侯, in office 1891 – 94) and Lord of Krungh (洚侯, 1894 – 1909), during which Themiclesia introduced a progressive income tax (1896). Peers, high-ranking civil servants, and their families were exempt, causing outrage in the commercial class for its iniquity; however, the bill would not have passed the House of Lords otherwise. Nevertheless, the revenues lost from a handful of peers' estates was not nearly as much as that raised from business owners, stock investors, and highly-paid executives. Krungh reduced maximal working hours from 16 to 14 (1899), improved the poor relief system (1900), and introduced labour arbitration (1902) and the National Employment Register (1903), which legally required all businesses to submit post open positions on a public gazette, so that the unemployed could compare the terms offered by different businesses. In 1903, he ordered a "template curriculum" to teach children about collective action. The Lord of Krungh was hailed as the Hero of Workers by the Union of Unions in 1905 for his policies. However, his government's policy of limiting business liberties earned his premiership a much less glamourous nickname in the middle class—the Great Darkness.
In 1903, the Conservative government further changed the playing field by passing the Representation of the People Act, which enfranchised all adults over 25, irrespective of sex. The enfranchisement of women severely discredited the Liberal, middle-class identity, which had adopted a new sense of domestic morality that prevented females from participating in public and commercial life. In fact, a large number of middle-class wives defected to the Conservatives from their Liberal husbands, so much that the Liberals accused the Conservatives of "inducing domestic discord" and "dissolving families". In the 1904 general election, the Conservatives captured 301 out of 335 seats, producing the greatest majority ever seen in the House of Commons. To achieve this degree of social cohesion rallying behind a concessive aristocracy, Krungh welcomed union leaders into the Conservative Party, under his motto of "everyone does his part". While some peers did not welcome labour leaders, Krungh chastised them for placing their interests above national harmony. He kept peers under control by reminding them of their proper image as public servants, "entitled to a fair but small share" of rewards. By his shrewd character and reputation for principle, he was able to hold together a party of "contrary interests".
At 90 in 1907, his succumbed to senility very visibly yet refused to name a successor. The two final years of the Lord of Krungh's premiership were marred by poor judgment and public blunder, which resurrected the Liberal Party from a state of "ideological confusion". The senile Lord of Krungh made for a sharp contrast with the Liberal leader Go Mjanh-grigh, who was forty years his junior. Due to Krungh's overwhelming popularity in the public, the Liberal Party was forced to revise their official ideology, just as the Conservatives had earlier in the decade officially endorsing union action. Rather than opposing all government intervention, the Liberals declared their support for the "progress of the whole", casting itself as a proactive party that not only attended gave to each his entitlement but also offered true opportunities for the working class to become entrepreneures and capitalists. In contrast, they took advantage of the Lord of Krungh's senility and labelled him the "new reactionary" that had no principles or motivation except the maintenance of the privilege of the aristocracy. Go further aligned the Liberal Party with the ideal of equality and achievement, which highlighted the Conservative tendency towards inequality and concessions. Krungh in 1909 only made a single speech in public, where he veered off topic and spoke about his preferences for certain kinds of hats; he proved unable to address criticism, but none in the Party felt comfortable motioning for his removal.