Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania
Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania Sozialdemokratische Radikale Partei von Ostischland | |
---|---|
Abbreviation | SRPO |
Chairwomen | Luise Höcherl |
Deputy Chairperson | Konrad Schröder |
Parliamentary leader | Luise Höcherl |
General-Secretary | Jochen Rupprecht |
Founder | Ludolf Ostermann Joschka Schreiber |
Founded | 4 June 1977 |
Preceded by | SPO Radicals OVP |
Headquarters | Westbrucken |
Student wing | Socialist Students of Werania |
Youth wing | SRPO Youth |
Membership | 250,000 (2018) |
Ideology | Social democracy Social liberalism Pro-Eucleanism |
Political position | Centre-left |
European affiliation | Socialist Alternative for Euclea |
Colours | Pink |
House of Deputies | 85 / 545
|
House of Councillors | 68 / 232
|
Governorships | 5 / 12
|
Landtage | 247 / 1,067
|
Euclean Parliament | 26 / 122
|
The Social Democratic Radical Party of Werania (Weranic: Sozialdemokratische Radikale Partei von Ostischland) commonly abbreviated to the SRPO is a centre-left political party in Werania. Founded in 1977 as a merger of the Social Democratic Party of Werania (SPO), the Radical Party (RP) and the Weranian People's Party (OVP) the SRPO is the country's main centre-left party supporting social democracy and social liberalism. Since 2019 it has been the main opposition party in Werania.
The founding parties of the SRPO had previously cooperated under a single electoral list, the Social-Radical Bloc, in the 1976 election. The SRPO itself was founded in 1977 with the intention to move the Weranian party system to that based around two parties with the SRPO designed to behave like a big tent party of the left, similar to its right-wing counterpart the National Consolidation Party. The SRPO led the federal government from 1984-1999 first in a coalition with the socialist Weranic Section of the Workers' International (OSAI), then with the centrist-liberal Modern Centre Party (PMZ) and finally a "united left" bloc with the OSAI and the Greens. . During this time the SRPO was led by two Chancellors - Ludolf Ostermann (1984-1993) and Wolfgang Löscher (1993-1999). The 1984-1999 government oversaw a period of intense economic and social reform but saw the SRPO ousted from power after a sustained period of ideological fissures and internal fighting.
The SRPO remained in opposition until 2011 when the party returned to power under Emilia Koopmann who formed a coalition with the PMZ. Koopmann was ousted from office in 2014 due to poor polling results being replaced by Viktor Oberhauser. After the 2015 election which saw the government lose its majority Oberhauser subsequently continued the SRPO-PMZ coalition with parliamentary support from the OSAI and Sotirian Democratic Homeland (SDT). In 2019 the party under Josef Felder lost power re-entering opposition.
The SRPO identifies itself as a modern social-democratic party. It currently sits in the Socialist Alternative for Euclea group in the Euclean Parliament and leading in the provincial governments of Ruttland, Bonnlitz-Ostbrücken, Kolreuth, Westbrücken and Ostry whilst participating in the Elbenweis government.
History
Origins
The SRPO came from the unification of two parties, the Social Democratic Party of Werania (SPO) and the Radical Party. The Radical party was one of the oldest in Werania, itself coming from a unification of liberal and republican deputies in 1898, who supported a platform of free trade, secularism and representative democracy based on universal suffrage. The Radical Party would govern Werania for three periods - from 1903 to 1909 and 1911 to 1914 under Lothar von Kuehnelt and from 1920 to 1922 under Casper de Montigny. The radical government implemented progressive reforms such as the introduction of a 48-hour workweek and universal male suffrage and a proportional voting system. These governments were first supported tentatively by socialists but von Kuehnelt's enforcement of union busting laws led to an estrangement with socialist deputies. The socialists did support von Kuehnelt's second government particularly it's drive to implement more wide reaching secular laws. However the Great Collapse led to von Kuehnelt adhering to classical economics to implement a harsh austerity budget that resulted in the socialists to withdraw all parliamentary support leading to a snap election which saw the radicals decimated with a conservative coalition taking power.
The assumption of power of the conservative coalition led to a crisis in the Weranian left. The Weranic Section of the Workers' International (OSAI) was split between a moderate faction that advocated a duel strategy of workers' agitation and parliamentary socialism and a radical faction that advocated for violent revolutionary action. The party's strongman Albrecht Küchenthal eventually adopted the duel strategy leading to a split from the revolutionary faction led by Siegfried Höcker who created the Weranic Syndicalist Union (OSU) which through its armed wing the Revolutionäre Kampfgruppen engaged in violent paramilitary activity. The OSAI's duel strategy meant they both created their own paramilitary section, the Volksschutzfront to combat the influence of the Revolutionäre Kampfgruppen and right-wing Soldaten des Reichsbanners, as well as engaging with the centre left in order to create a united front against the conservative parties. The Radical Party in turn went to the left as von Kuehnelt retired and was replaced by Casper de Montigny who came from the left of the party that was closer to social democratic policies.
This culminated in 1918 with the Radicals and Socialists forming the Popular Front (Volksfront) which agreed to strive for the creation of a parliamentary republic whilst spearheading a social revolution in the country. The development of the front was understood to be a compromise for both parties - for the socialists it entailed a recognition of the parliamentary system whilst for the radicals it meant more heavily embracing the notion of a social rather then liberal republic. The Popular Front won a convincing majority in the 1918 election with Küchenthal becoming premier becoming the first Weranian government to be led by socialists. The new government implemented a raft of progressive legislation such as the introduction of a right to strike, collective bargaining, a 40-hour work week, nationalisation of industry, price controls on agricultural goods, expansion of unemployment benefits, a major public works programme and measures against price raises. However Küchenthal was killed by right-wing paramilitaries barely 4 months in office with his replacement, Gustav Kroetz, being less trusted by the left-wing of the OSAI. Kroetz soon became overwhelmed by continuing economic instability and political polarisation opting to slow down the reform programme creating greater trains within the coalition.
The April Revolution split the OSAI with Aurimas Kreickamas, the leader of the left-wing, calling for a similar revolution in Werania and the end to Kroetz' incrementalism. Kroetz's right-wing reformist faction was only a minority of the party leading to him and his supporters to split from the OSAI creating the Social Democratic Party of Werania (SPO) in 1919, ending the Popular Front. The OSAI-SPO split also saw the OSAI's trade union, the Weranian Federation of Workers' (OAV) split with a moderate faction forming the Weranian Federation of Workers'- Workers' Democracy (OAV-AD) which supported the SPO. The radicals de Montigny subsequently formed a centrist coalition with the SPO that had outside support from the centre-right National Liberal Party. The government was unstable collapsing in 1922 when it was replaced by a conservative coalition.
The SPO and Radicals supported many of the big tent coalitions that ruled Werania in the leadup to the Great War and during the war itself both supported the landsmann union with Kroetz briefly serving as premier from 1930 to 1932. The post Great War period however saw the parties diverge, with the radicals going into opposition whilst the SPO supported the Catholic premier Otto Röttgen. The ascendency of the National Bloc governments from 1940 to 1950 saw the radicals and SPO squeezed as the main centre-left parties. Notably in this period with the expansion of voting rights to women the SPO became the larger of the two parties often competing for third place with the Weranian Conservative Party (OKP) whilst the radicals became a minor party. Following the Kirenian-Weranian War the SPO became part of the Tripartite Majority alongside the KSP and OSAI with the three parties committed to entrenching parliamentary democracy, pro-Eucleanism and an expansion of the welfare state. The SPO was not needed for the Tripartite governments to hold a majority but because of mutual distrust between the socialists and Catholics it was seen as a vital mediating force leading to its leader Viktor Beer-Hofmann leading the coalitions throughout its existence. In 1955 however the KSP left the Tripartite majority and reformed a conservative coalition although this move was opposed by the left-wing of the KSP which formed the Weranian People's Party (OVP) a left-wing Sotirian party. The conservative coalition would in 1957 merge to form the National Consolidation Party (NKP) which unified all the conservative parties save the Sotirian Democratic Homeland (SDT).
The next twenty five years would be dominated by the NKP who would win successive majority or minority governments whilst the OSAI would maintain its status as the second largest party and as such largest party of the left. The SPO, Radicals and OVP would constitute the third bloc in the Bundestag representing the centre-left with no party within this bloc ever attaining dominance over the others. The three parties would often collaborate on a one-to-one basis with the NKP in passing legislation on a variety of issues making them in semi-opposition compared to the OSAI who had no such cooperation with the government. Because of this on and off collaboration these parties never were able to form a union of the left with some politicians - most prominently former premier Beer-Hofmann who dominated the SPO until his death in 1965 - being seen as closer to the NKP then other left-wing parties. The dominance of the OSAI in any serious leftist union also made such a prospect unappealing to the three smaller parties who differed amongst themselves on many policy issues.
Social-Radical Bloc
The death of Beer-Hofmann in 1965 opened the way for a generational change within the SPO with the old guard mostly retiring in the 1960's. The new politicians that emerged such as Frank Schellscheidt and Ludolf Ostermann had entered politics after the Kirenian-Weranian war and were less obsessed over the old disputes that had divided the Weranian left. The idea of a union of the left began to as a result gain traction within some circles although an alliance with the OSAI was still considered to be unlikely and unpopular amongst the parties.
Formation and early growth
First government
Opposition
Second government
Decline
Ideology
Organisation
Leaders
No. | Name (Born–Died) |
Portrait | Term in Office | Notes | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Frank Schellscheidt (1928-2009) |
18 March 1977 | 4 June 1982 | Former leader of the SPO. | |
2 | Ludolf Ostermann (1927-) |
4 June 1982 | 16 May 1993 | Served as premier from 1984-1992. | |
3 | Wolfgang Löscher (1942-) |
16 May 1993 | 7 June 1999 | Served as premier from 1993-1999. | |
- | Dietmar Preußen (1946-) |
7 June 1999 | 22 November 1999 | Interim leader. | |
4 | Lothar Holzmeister (1944-) |
22 November 1999 | 22 November 2007 | ||
5 | Ellis Koopmann (1965-) |
22 November 2007 | 14 September 2013 | Served as premier from 2011-2013. | |
6 | Viktor Oberhauser (1962-) |
14 September 2013 | 17 Febuary 2018 | Served as premier from 2013-2018. | |
7 | Josef Felder (1962-) |
17 Febuary 2018 | 1 June 2019 | Served as Chancellor from 2018-2019. | |
- | Konrad Schröder (1954-) |
19 June 2019 | 27 January 2019 | Interim leader. | |
8 | Luise Höcherl (1971-) |
27 January 2019 | Incumbent |
Electoral results
House of Deputies
Election | House of Deputies | Rank | Government | Leader | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | ±pp | Seats won | +/− | ||||
1980 | 5,406,826 | 22.19% | New | 114 / 579
|
151 | #2 | Opposition | Frank Schellscheidt |
1984 | 7,087,256 | 28.70% | +6.51% | 157 / 579
|
43 | #2 | Coalition government | Ludolf Ostermann |
1988 | 7,895,832 | 32.81% | +4.11% | 224 / 598
|
12 | #1 | Coalition government | Ludolf Ostermann |
1992 | 8,585,721 | 33.57% | +0.76% | 217 / 598
|
7 | #1 | Coalition government | Ludolf Ostermann |
1996 | 8,938,695 | 31.71% | -1.86% | 187 / 545
|
30 | #23 | Coalition government | Wolfgang Löscher |
1999 | 6,877,382 | 23.87% | -7.84% | 104 / 545
|
83 | #2 | Opposition | Wolfgang Löscher |
2003 | 7,657,312 | 24.86% | +0.99% | 119 / 545
|
15 | #2 | Opposition | Lothar Holzmeister |
2007 | 9,787,191 | 26.40% | +2.01% | 110 / 545
|
9 | #2 | Opposition | Lothar Holzmeister |
2011 | 11,463,728 | 30.19% | +3.79% | 190 / 545
|
80 | #1 | Coalition government | Ellis Koopmann |
2015 | 9,175,847 | 27.12% | -3.07 | 157 / 545
|
33 | #1 | Coalition government | Viktor Oberhauser |
2019 | 6,154,682 | 17.00% | -10.82% | 85 / 545
|
72 | #2 | Opposition | Josef Felder |
1Compared to the 1975 seats for the RP and the SPO discounting the 19 seats from those who did not join the party.
2In 1982 the OSAI suffered a split after a vote of no confidence with 68 OSAI Volkstag members defecting to the SRPO bringing their total number to 225 members, meaning they net lost seats in 1983 compared to the start of the election.
3Attained less votes then the NKP but the same amount of seats.
House of Councillors
Election | House of Councillors | Rank | Status | Leader | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | ±pp | Contested seats | Total seats | +/− | ||||
1989 | TBA | TBA% | New | 85 / 232
|
85 / 232
|
85 | #2 | Minority | Ludolf Ostermann |
1993 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 32 / 116
|
72 / 232
|
13 | #2 | Minority | Wolfgang Löscher |
1997 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 29 / 116
|
61 / 232
|
11 | #2 | Minority | Wolfgang Löscher |
2001 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 41 / 116
|
73 / 232
|
12 | #2 | Minority | Lothar Holzmeister |
2005 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 45 / 116
|
85 / 232
|
12 | #1 | Majority | Lothar Holzmeister |
2009 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 54 / 116
|
99 / 232
|
14 | #1 | Majority | Ellis Koopmann |
2013 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 40 / 116
|
94 / 232
|
5 | #1 | Minority | Ellis Koopmann |
2017 | TBA | TBA% | TBA | 28 / 116
|
68 / 232
|
26 | #2 | Minority | Viktor Oberhauser |
2021 | 3,258,201 | 13.45% | TBA | 23 / 116
|
59 / 232
|
21 | #2 | Minority | Luise Höcherl |