Greznea
The Unified Republic of Gresnaya Ónĭcědag Rĭspóblĭkiy nĕz Grĕsnaya | |
|---|---|
 Flag | |
| Motto: Vįcałaray, Ĭkanbodayjag, ĭg ĕ Ócedagla Kĕrnįya Justice, Perserverance, and a United Heart | |
| Anthem: Gresnaya, Łašad ĭg Vocnak | |
| Capital | Beredino |
| Official languages | Gresiye |
| Recognised national languages | |
| Ethnic groups |
|
| Demonym(s) | Greznean |
| Government | Semi-Authoritarian Republic |
| Iantoniu Milcesu | |
| Manton Padariya | |
| Alexei Natalias | |
| Vasili Makarov | |
| Alana Georgiy | |
| Establishment | |
• Greznean Duchies | 600 |
• Formation of the Federation | 1400 |
• Unification Wars | 1401 |
• War of the Coalition | 1770 |
• Military Rule | 1801 |
• The Flower-Flag Coup | 2001 |
• Formation of the Republic | 2022 |
| Population | |
• 2022 estimate | 29,874,102 |
| GDP (PPP) | 2022 estimate |
• Total | 1.17 Trillion $ |
• Per capita | 40,344 $ |
| GDP (nominal) | 2022 estimate |
• Total | 654.4 Billion $ |
• Per capita | 21,900 $ |
| Gini (2022) | 0.90 low |
| HDI (2022) | 0.81 very high |
| Currency | Greznean Royal [GR] |
| Date format | dd-mm-yyyy |
| Driving side | right |
| Calling code | 1 + |
| ISO 3166 code | .GU |
Greznea, also known as the Republic of Greznea or The Unified Republic of Gresnaya, is a young democratic nation located on the continent of Belisaria, in Ajax. It is bordered by x to the north, x and x to the south, x to the east, and x to the west. Greznea is a part of numerous organizations, such as the x, x, and x, with its membership in each vital to Greznea's continued stability and independence as a whole.
Greznea's history is frought with war and destruction, with the Greznean Federation fighting at least five separate wars in the same decade during its rise to power. Greznea has also seen oppressive, authoritarian rulership under a military junta after the overthrow of that federation in the War of the Coalition, a civil war that left over a million dead or displaced, the ramifications of which Greznea is still recovering from in the modern day. Greznea underwent a coup-de-etat in 2001 orchestrated by the nation's Army and Air Forces against the junta rulership, which ultimately led to a bloodless deposition of the regime and the installment of the current transitional government, with elections having been postponed due to political instability. However, they are planned to begin on the 1st of February 2022, and the government has confirmed that this date will not be moved back, making the 1st of February an incredibly historic day for Greznea and her people.
History
Pre-History
Greznean Duchies
Mesogeian Rule
Formation of the Federation
The signing of the Confederate Constitution in July of 1400, marking the birth of the first unified Gresiy state, is an event which has a heavy history behind it directly following Greznea's independence from Mesogeia.
The first step to the signing would occur in January of 1400, only a week after independence had been achieved. Duke Ludan of Beredino, the most powerful duke across the duchies of Greznea, betrothed his 9-year old son Cantomir to the young granddaughter of the Duke of Akranya, Nataliya. This betrothal united two of the most powerful and influential Gresiy noble houses in alliance, which created a piece of the foundation required for unification. Of course, this betrothal was greatly contested by other dukes, and notably the Duke of the Dnieper, Ludan of Beredino's close friend.
This betrothal created rifts between the Beredino-Akranya alliance and the Duchy of the Dnieper, which had several smaller dukedoms under its suzerainity. These rifts between the two would cause the Duke of the Dnieper to seize the lands of several of the minor dukes under his overlordship in late January, intent on using the increased levy and revenue to break apart the Beredino-Akranya alliance.
Ludan of Beredino, however, is believed to have been informed about the Dnieper's intentions, as on February 19th of 1400, he issued a call to arms to his barons and knights, summoning the levies of the nation for war. He also sent a letter to his son's father in law, The Duke of Akranya, calling for him to prepare for war. These preparations lasted until April of 1400, when Ludan of Beredino led an army 14,000 strong against his rival, fighting him at the Battle of Brzkala and killing him in combat.
This brief conflict would signal to many of the pro-Beredino duchies in Greznea that a polarizing and major war was about to occur, and so in order to avoid the turmoil of being invaded, the northern duchies and some of the eastern duchies met in the city of Beredino alongside the Dukes of Beredino and Akranya, and there signed the first Gresiy Constitution and united under the Ducal Confederation in July of 1400. This event greatly angered the Dnieper and its subjects, which began the construction of keeps along the border and raised several thousand men to garrison them.
Unification Wars
Early Federation
The rule of the kings of the Federation, which would last from 1402 to 1798, would be the most stable and prosperous period in Greznea's history prior to its rise in the modern day.
Reign of Cantomir I
The first King of the Gresiy, King Cantomir I Antonu, who was elected and coronated in late 1412, is considered to be a key factor in the Federation's lasting success and its capability against the larger powers around it that coveted it. Early into his reign, Cantomir I would sign the Beredino Charter alongside the Ducal College, establishing a parliamentary system of government with the King acting as the head of state and government, however beholden to the Royal House of Lords, comprised of the Ducal College, the College of the Clergy, and the College of Mayors. The charter as a whole would grant the dukes a portion of the power they had sought to have from the established institution of the Gresnayan crown during the independence war and unification wars in 1400 and 1401.
the Federation would also see the economy halt its decline under the reign of Cantomir I, due to investment into agricultural output and the reorganization of tax collection, irrigation infrastructure, and the promotion of artisanship in the urban zones of the Federation, helping increase food output as a whole to free up more of the population and more of the people's time as a whole for specialization and military training. This, along with the construction of sentry stations along highways and toll stations on the bridges over the Vitula and Dnieper, would finally see the decline of the treasury and the Crown's income as a whole come to a halt, and begin a slow but consistent regrowth, with the foundation for an economic boom should future Kings manage the economy well.
In 1452, at the age of 61, Cantomir I would address the Ducal College on the topic of succession. Cantomir I had no male heir of his own, however he had a daughter with his late wife, named Stephania. As Gresiy law barred any female from being elected to the throne, and only those of high noble blood could be elected, Stephania was not eligible. However, Cantomir I was popular among his dukes and the dukes wished to keep his family line on the throne, and so with the rubber stamp of the Ducal College, Stephania would be named heir to the throne.
In 1453, only a year after Cantomir I had settled the matter of his succession, a coalition of mayors in the north demanded that a cousin of Cantomir I, Vladomar Antonu, be declared the heir instead of Stephania, seeing a male cousin as more legitimate than a daughter of the King. Upon Cantomir I's refusal, they would rise up in rebellion and lay siege to Andevin Castle, along the Vitula river. Cantomir I would immediately raise an army of over twenty thousand men to meet the five thousand fielded by the mayors, and would march to crush them. Cantomir I would decisively defeat the mayors at the Battle of Andevin in late 1454, and this would dissuade other potential acts of rebellion against Stephania's succession.
In 1474, at age 83, Cantomir I would pass away in the middle of the night from a heart failure, attended by only his wife, daughter, and his closest friend, the Duke of the Dnieper. The morning of his passing, the Ducal College would announce to the public the death of the King, and this announcement was met with widespread grief and mourning by the populous, as Cantomir I was extremely popular due to his reforms. In this same speech, the Ducal College would announce their decision to honor his wishes, and place Stephania on the throne of Greznea.
Reign of Stephania I
Stephania's early reign was fraught with chaos and tensions, not only due to the nature of her coronation. In August of 1475, the nearby Velikoslavian Empire would be proclaimed, and Stephania I would respond to this by ordering the construction of several keeps along the Vitula river, and the construction of a large castle, named later the Redglass Row due to the red-tinted glass in every row of windows, on the border with Velikoslavia near the Kupalnitsa Crossing. This investment was met with resistance by the colleges of the House of Lords, with Duke Barviejicz V of Celohay famously stating, "Whom of this noble House of Lords advised you, my queen, to treat the Veliks as a conqueror without a state conquered?"
In 1481, as Stephania turned 60, the House of Lords would be thrown into disarray as the Queen suddenly died during the annual dinner conference held by the Ducal College. Many of the sitting Dukes were implicated in her death, and for two weeks the Federation would be without a monarch as the Ducal College scrambled to figure out why the Queen had died so suddenly. Ultimately, they would never produce a culprit for the death, and would decide on it being an attempt by Velikoslavia to weaken Greznea for conquest. This was used to pass over Stephania's eldest son Brata, whom was sympathetic to Velikoslavia, in favor of her grandson through her second son, Luka. Luka, only 15 years old, was not of age to rule independently, and so the Ducal College took over rulership and administration under the law of Regency.
Reign of Luka I & Ascension of the Naskovics
During the Regency in 1481-1484, the Ducal College had more power than they had ever possessed during the reigns of previous monarchs, and this was not lost on them. In February of 1482, as the Velikoslavians began to get more powerful, the Dukes would pass the Act of Aggression, granting themselves the power to dismiss the members of the other colleges and replace them, and granting themselves the power to reorganize the state's system of military. Once the dukes had the legal foundation in place, they would pass the Charter of the Star in August of the same year, changing the military system from one of levies and feudal armies, to one of a smaller but professional and organized standing military commanded by the Ducal College and the Crown. During these reforms, Luka I, a belligerent boy at age 16, would continuously and publicly contest the power the Dukes were granting themselves, resisting his regency and refusing to sign off on any of the legislation passed by the House of Lords, despite his signature not fully mattering.
In 1484, Luka I would turn 18, and as such would be coronated as King in the Royal Palace. The day after his coronation, Luka would order the dissolution of the Ducal College and the acts of his predecessors, and would instead pass the Act of the Crown, centralizing the powers of the House of Lords to the Crown instead, and instating absolute rule. The act would also abolish the electoral system, and these reforms would be widely condemned by the dukes, the clergy, and even the people. This would spark unrest across Greznea, and Luka I would utilize the professional army organized by the Ducal College during his regency to crush revolt after revolt by the mayors and the peasants. However, all of this chaos would eventually boil over.
In 1491, the Dukes of the Dnieper, Celohay, Akranya, and Juzevic (modern-day Vmegorsk) would proclaim the reign of Luka I illegitimate due to him being born from the son of a Queen, which was technically still illegal in Greznean succession laws, and would enter open rebellion against the Crown. Commanding forty thousand soldiers, a third of the Federation's army, the dukes would proclaim their support for the most powerful of them, Duke Brata IX Naskovic of Akranya, and his claim to the throne through the wife of Cantomir I, Brata's great great aunt. This claim, although blatantly hypocritical, was supported by the less powerful dukes, mayors and clergymen of Luka I's court, and the King was forced to abdicate the throne four days after the rebellion began, on September 4th of 1491, after the Captain of the Watch in Beredino stormed the palace and took Luka I captive. Two days later, on September 6th, King Brata I Naskovic of Greznea would be coronated before the cheering crowds of the capital.
Reign of Brata I
After his ascension to the throne of Greznea in 1491, Brata I would face several pressing issues threatening the federation. As part of his deal with the dukes, he would reinstate the powers of the House of Lords and reinstate it as a legitimate branch of government, undoing the damage Luka I had done during his brief reign. With their power restored, the Ducal College would appoint Brata I's cousin, Vladislaf Naskovic, as Vlad II of Akranya, preventing a power struggle in the powerful duchy that could lead to instability for the Crown.
The powerful Velikoslavia, north of Greznea, was also a notable issue for Brata I's reign as King. Fearful of a Velik invasion, Brata I would invest numerous times into the defensive structures of the Vitula River, intent on creating a barrier between him and the Veliks that could keep the nation safe from conquest.
In 1504, Brata I would enact the Grain Act of 1504, which established a system to distribute grain reserves to the most destitute of Greznea, and which opened up a second military service, the Viskovar, which consisted of paid peasants trained in formation discipline and armed with cheap tools of war. This service would be used for logistics and as emergency manpower should the professional army be too small a force to handle any given crisis.
Late Federation
The later years of the federation, those that came before the Thirty Years War and the rise of military rule, saw the beginning of the end for parliamentarianism and constitutional monarchy in the Federation, and the beginnings of reactionary ideals.
Reign of Brata III
In 1680, the famous King Brata III, also known as 'Brata the Kind', began with a proverbial bang. Shortly after his coronation as King, Brata III would address the Ducal College, giving his famous speech of lies, the transcript of which is still intact to this day. This speech would declare to the Ducal College the vulnerability that the mayors and lower lords, coupled with decentralized rule, had brought to the Federation because of the expanding Velikoslavian Empire in the north, and declared to the dukes that his reign would see centralization, the creation of an organized ducal Parliament, and the expansion of the military to counter Velikoslavia.
As part of his plan to stay true to his promises, Brata III would order the seizure of thousands of acres of lowborn-owned land in 1683, which he would then redistribute to the Dukes of the Ducal College and, where needed, to the nation's high-status Clergy. A large portion of this land would also be kept by the Crown for its high revenue and general land value, increasing annual income of the royal treasury and providing some of the foundation needed to expand the Federation's professional military. The seizure of all this land would greatly infuriate local nobility in several of the duchies, however due to the military reforms of Brata III's father, Ianton I, these local lords were pratically powerless, and so no revolts occurred as a result of the appropriation of land.
In 1702 Brata III would also pass several reforms with the approval of the Ducal College, expanding the food programs granted to the poor and creating a national labor force which provided paid jobs for the poor and destitute. This new act combined with the Grain Act passed in 1504 would be one of the most effective social welfare programs in Greznean history, seeing tens of thousands of the poor lifted out of poverty.
Reign of Brata IV before the Thirty Years War
The last King of Greznea, King Brata IV Naskovic, would begin in August of 1752. Brata IV would be crowned during a time of turmoil for the Federation, in which the threat of Velikoslavia had become so intense that it was now a matter of prime importance for the Crown and Ducal College. This, combined with the expansion of more republican policies during the later years of his father, had also sparked reactionary unrest in the east of the Federation, and a portion of the military was sympathetic. Brata IV's first act as King was to order the arrest of all known collaborators with the Reactionaries, and the officialization of the short-lived Gresiy Parliament, comprised of half nobility and half peasantry.
In 1768, due to an influx of reports detailing the Velikoslavian intent to invade Greznea, King Brata IV would declare a state of emergency to the Parliament, temporarily granting himself unchecked power, allowing him to raise extra men, cut the incomes of the Dukes for the war effort, and allowing him to absorb the retinues of the dukes into the army of the Crown. All of these acts, along with his appointment of famously-lowborn Commander Vitaly, a competent but lowborn tactician from his court, would spark the beginning of the Reactionary Revolt. Thousands of peasants, supported by several hundred former crown soldiers, rose up in rebellion in the east in 1770, and King Brata IV would ride with his army out to crush the rebel force. Two days later, Velikoslavia would invade, and the War of the Coalition would begin.
War of the Coalition
Military Rule
2001 Flower-Flag Coup
The 2001 Flower-Flag coup took place from the 3rd of February 2001 to the 13th of February 2001, after the Military regime ruling over Greznea at the time attempted to remove the Chief of the Air Force, Viktor Sormata, from his office and replace him with the regime hardliner Gregor Aprio, who had no prior experience in the air force, nor was even a commissioned officer, but instead a politician who had expressed public and fanatical support of the regime. Viktor Sormata was a political moderate, and publicly so, and had only held onto his office due to his experience as a commander. However, the recently-elected dictator at the time however believed that Sormata would depose him, and so wished to replace him with a loyalist. This triggered the beginnings of the coup.
On the 2nd of February, Sormata reportedly met with several major leaders of the Greznean Democratic Movement, which was a pro-democracy movement that had many followers in the lower echelons of the ground forces, such as with junior officers and lieutenants. This would give Sormata a major support system for his planned stand against the junta, as he was scheduled to leave office on the 5th. These meetings would be where he allegedly met Mikhaeli Nyakorovod, a former Army general and an avid democratic supporter whom Sormata would choose as his candidate for a new leader, should the worst be necessary.
At 5:24 AM on the 3rd of February, the Greznean dictator, Ivan Vasiliori, officially charged Sormata with treason and collaboration with terrorist activists, marking him as a criminal and ordering for him to be detained and brought to the capital for a hearing in the rigged National Tribunal. In a public statement an hour later, Sormata would refuse the demand that he appear at the capitol, and would instead affirm that he would not leave office. This was met with the resignation of seven Army and Air Force commanders who opposed the regime, who wished to protest the charges. Three hours later, the Greznean Air Force National Headquarters building in Beredino was stormed by federal policemen, and gunshots were heard as the building's guard detail resisted the raid. This would end in several dead federal officers, and the official beginning of the coup-de-etat.
On the 4th of February, several Army garrisons across the capital and other major cities such as Karnograd and Veleka deserted their posts and seized the administrative buildings and police stations in the city, neutralizing the federal government and restricting their ability to resist the coup. The police forces of these major cities were detained or joined the coup, and soon the flag of the Democratic Movement, the modern-day flag of Greznea, was raised above these cities to the amazement of tens of thousands of onlookers. The distinctive orchid flower on the flag, representing peace and unity, would give the coup-de-etat its name among the public: The Flower-Flag Coup.
Dictator Vasiliori would respond to the sudden mutiny by deploying the Home Guard to the capital and major strategic positions across the country, prepping for civil war. He would also order the arrest and execution of thousands of political dissidents that informants had notified him of within the army and air force. However, the local police department would refuse and instead help these dissidents flee the city.
On the 5th of February, the day Sormata was supposed to publicly resign from his office, several soldiers from the Army stormed the National Tribunal building in Beredino, detaining several staff members and killing 24-year-old Justice Anton Borja, one of the few justices who had voted against the charges on Sormata. He would have the soldiers arrested to save face, and executed by firing squad after a court-martial. This incident would soon trigger a response different from what Vasiliori expected, as thousands of people cheered Sormata on for his adherence to democracy, even when something happens that could grant him substantially more power.
After the death of Justice Anton, The capital would finally be surrounded after a deal was struck with the Home Guard by Sormata, promising amnesty for all members and promising that the HG officers would be integrated into the new government, if they in return step down from their duties and leave the country open for the incoming final blow to the junta. The HG had agreed, and so a majority of the important strategic positions in the country were now occupied by the conspirators.
On the morning of February 6th, at 4:00 AM, Sormata would give a speech in Boscora Square, urging Vasiliori to step down and not resist the now-official coup, and urging the populace to remain calm and stay indoors should conflict erupt. The address also promised that the coup was for Democracy, and that the nation would be declared a Republic should the coup succeed, gaining the ongoing conspiracy abundantly more support across the nation. Many civilians would follow instructions, and soon the major cities of Greznea had empty workplaces and streets, causing the economy to all but freeze in time as the final move began.
On the 7th of February, the first phase went into action. The air force declared a no-fly zone above the nation and flew air patrols as helicopters airlifted special forces to the South Point National Airbase, Viktoria Air Force Academy, and the cities Balakov, Misciu and Dnieperpetrovsk, all locations that were still under the control of the federal government. Special forces under the command of Mikhaeli Nykarovod himself stormed the capitol building an hour after the last federal holdouts were seized by the Air Force, having a brief encounter with police forces in which Mikhaeli took a bullet wound to his thigh, before the building was secured. Vasiliori would be airlifted out of Beredino during the storming, and relocated to the Navy headquarters in the city, as the Navy was still pro-Regime. The Marine Corps would surround the building and set up a defensive line, clearly intent on fighting. Army forces in IFVs, APCs and accompanied by several tanks would lay siege to the building, surrounding it and cutting it off from the rest of the city as Army units began patrolling the capital and maintaining law and order.
On the 8th of February, the Minister of Foreign Affairs would be captured by coup soldiers while trying to disguise himself as a civilian and escape the city for the Beredino airport, intent on fleeing the country. This would grant the Coup significant leverage, as the minister was one of the most staunch pro-regime politicians, and his attempted flight accented the hopeless situation the regime faced.
On the 9th of February, after an intense two-day stand-off between Coup and Regime forces, a major development would swing the course of the coup briefly into a possible breakout of armed conflict. Several marines, under cover of the night, would assault and seize a checkpoint building outside the headquarters base, and would raise the regime flag above it. Twenty minutes later, intense gunfire would be heard as a battle erupted around the crossing, as control of it allowed the regime access to the rest of the city. This battle would last about two hours before the crossing was recaptured and the marines in question captured or killed.
On the tenth of February, the coup would finally end as the Army and Air Force stormed the headquarters after backroom negotiations broke down, and the attempt at peaceful resolution failed. The fighting would prove intense and bloody, and would be the only major battle to occur, however after four hours, the building was seized, and Vasiliori captured. Vasiliori would be brought to a court for an official trial, which was televised across the nation as news came out about the coup's success. Mikhaeli, who had formed a friendship with Sormata and who had led the attack on the navy headquarters, would be selected as the interim president for symbolic reasons.
Democratic Rule
Following the successful coup-de-etat, Sormata would elevate his close friend and confidant, Mikhaeli Nykarovod, to the office of Provisional Secretary, a position entirely meant to prevent any immediate reaction. Sormata himself would be appointed as the temporary Acting Chief of Staff, and the pair set out to prevent Greznea from collapse. During the next two years, hundreds of trials were held in Beredino, charging several prominent pro-regime officials of heinous crimes, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, resulting in many government positions being vacated due to incarcerations. Many would be executed before the death penalty was removed in 2003. Mikhaeli would also create the National Budget Plan of 2010, declaring the budgetary intentions of his government for the next 9 years. He would also reform the nation's economic system, loosening the restrictions on business and allowing for a total of 4% of all manufacturing industries to be privately owned, encouraging Greznea's transition into a more liberal economy. He would also decrease the nation's tariffs on imports by 3%, and would pledge to do so every year until it reached a total of 2%, from its pre-coup total of 45%. Though his reforms were slow and small in scale for the short term, they were as such to avoid drastic changes, which he knew could devastate the economy and cause a collapse.
Sormata and Mikhaeli would officially declare the creation of the Transitional Government four days after the budget plan was put into place, on February 17th, 2001. This was met with the cheers and applause of millions in the streets of every major Greznean city, and the day would soon be declared The Day of Democracy, a national holiday. However this announcement also brought problems as many pro-regime loyalists of smaller stature were still in the government, and trying to use the election process to their advantage, which forced Mikhaeli to repeatedly postpone the elections.
In August, after the neighboring nation of x began pressuring the international community to condemn the coup and demanded permission to move soldiers into Greznea to restore order, Mikhaeli established the Modern Adaptability Program, which reorganized Greznea's military into a more efficient fighting force, and increased its imports of high-quality foreign weapons by over 25% as part of a rearmament plan. It also saw conscription re-introduced to bolster the number of the defense forces, and saw a 4% budget increase to the military as a whole. This buildup program was also accompanied by Greznea's signing of the x in late August, which guaranteed mutual protection by x and its allies for Greznea. This would greatly frustrate x and other powers' diplomatic efforts in Greznea, securing the nation enough stability for the forseeable future.
Geography
Climate
Waters
Geology
Biodiversity
Government
The administration of the Republic is currently handled by a transitional government, however this government is fully democratized as of 2022 and currently consists of three bodies: The Office of the President, the National Assembly, and the Court of National Justice. The Office of the President is the main executive body of the government, ruling with the ability to check and balance both the assembly and court, with the ability to overturn their selections, and with the ability to propose and give final ratification to laws passed through the assembly. The President manages the leadership and other positions of every government ministry, and is responsible for commanding the Defense Forces. The President can be removed from power by the assembly should he be charged of a crime, however, but this in practice often does not do anything as the President can overturn the verdict.
Elections are held every six years, at the end of a presidential term, in which a president can run for up to a fourth term, and in which official political parties can run a candidate for the position. The voting system is simple, with each province collecting and counting votes for each candidate over a one-week period in December, at the end of which a province will announce which candidate has recieved their popular vote, and therefore their voting weight point. The candidate that receives the majority of the provincial votes will win the elections and be sworn in on January 1st of the following year.
National Assembly of the Republic
Court of National Justice
Provinces
Greznea is composed of 7 provinces and 1 special district, with each province having a governor installed by the president once elected. Each province has an electoral weight of 1, and this weight goes to the candidate with the most votes during the elections. Provinces each have their own local police force and branch of government to administrate them, however the federal government, based in Beredino, takes weight over any decision made by a provincial government if the two decisions conflict.
| Map | Name and flag | Administrative centre | Population | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Greznean Administrative Provinces | |||||
| Akranya | Karngrata (Karnograd) | 2,754,809 | |||
| Vmegorsk | Novo Sbaraski | 6,000,000 | |||
| Dnieper | Dnieperpetrovsk | 9,487,000 | |||
| Celohay | Balakov | 7,120,000 | |||
| Nyvaya | Aletagrata (Aletagrad) | 9,307,000 | |||
| Aranija-Sestuva | Masavija | 3,722,000 | |||
| Kachvelika | Misciu | 4,070,293 | |||
| Greznean Special Districts | |||||
| Beredino City Administrative District | Beredino | 3,413,000 | |||
Education
Education in Greznea is the 5th most extensive ministry in x, with at least 12 billion GR in funding helping support several education programs in Greznea, with the most prominent being the Greznean Disabilities Academic Act of 2005. School through the 12th grade is paid for by the government, and colleges are open to those who graduate college by way of military enrollment, as high school ends at 16 years old, with school beginning at 4 years of age. When graduates are drafted, they are granted a one-year college attendance that lasts from beginning to end of their draft should they wish to attend college, which may help them secure a high-income job once they return home.
Greznean education typically includes the areas of mathematics, reading, writing, history, science, and physical education, with school days typically being Monday through Thursday, with Friday taken as a grading day for the week and the weekend used for relaxation. Every school day is seven hours long, however it is possible for a student to attend less time should they be granted a special exemption due to a physical or mental disability.
Every Greznean school has a Mental Health center within it, and it takes student's mental stability seriously. High schools have monthly examinations by trained and licensed therapists and psychologists on site to assess the individual student's mental state and diagnose conditions such as depression, ADHD, anxiety disorders, PTSD, and more. Schools often grant students diagnosed with depression or suicidal tendencies a 'Supplementary Credit', usually a high school graduation credit or a minimum grade in all classes, to prevent a student from flunking school due to mental instability. In order to maintain this grant, however, those diagnosed have to attend daily meetings with an in-school therapist and, if suicidal, have to allow themselves to be monitored by a psychiatrist, and have to willingly commit themselves should they survive an attempt.
The numerous fail-safes, exemptions and funding grants that the Education system in Greznea possesses has greatly increased graduation rates and the average employment of the nation, with 95% of students nationally graduating on time, and 72% of those students going on to graduate college. This also has granted Greznea a surprisingly low 1% unemployment rate due to the availability of jobs, whether private or government, and the high standard of education among its citizens.
Healthcare
The healthcare system in Greznea resembles the x model, with insurance companies largely able to determine whether they will cover various services and conditions or not, outside of a select few federal requirements such as coverage of ambulances, coverage of fatal illness and coverage of fatal injury. However, many insurance companies have won lawsuits against them by stipulating that 'Fatal' is not specific, and it is not a defined selection, therefore they are not required to cover some things that are often fatal. This has caused resentment of domestic insurance providers among the population, however with the disparity of wealth between corporate entities and the individual Greznean, along with the price of hospital bills, many Grezneans are unable to sign off of insurance providers, giving insurance companies a firm grip of control on Greznea's people.
In the past twenty odd years however, the new democratic rulership of Greznea has passed numerous reforms to the healthcare system, such as redefining federal requirements for insurance coverage, raising the minimum percentage of cost coverage insurance providers must meet, and reorganizing the hospital system so insurance companies cannot construct their own health centers under a subsidiary name, instead restricting hospital construction rights to the Ministry of Health. This has greatly improved health conditions for the average Greznean in the past two decades, with an average decrease in hospitalizations of 8%, and a decrease in mortalities in hospital by 19%.
Military
Main Article: Greznean Republican Defense Forces
The Greznean Republican Defense Forces (GRDF) provide stability and security to Greznea and maintain a policy of strict discipline and excellence. Conscription is mandatory across Greznea, and most trainees go through a six-month training program before becoming official members of the defense forces. The Charter of the Defense of Greznea, passed in 2001 only a few weeks after the Flower-Flag Coup, laid out the rules of engagement, rules regarding lethal force, and other stipulations that the defense forces rely upon. The GRDF is currently operating in two international missions and in 2020 began a campaign against Damuvian separatists in the northwestern secessionist state of Damuvia.
Foreign Policy
Greznea's foreign policy for years now has focused on three core tenants which must be upheld at all costs: Maintain Greznea's Sovereignty, Maintain Security of Trade, and Maintain the Territory of Greznea. Essentially, the Greznean foreign policy has boiled down to keeping the nation secure and all its assets, territories and policies firmly in their hands. This is due to the nation's numerous historical civil wars and recent worries over intervention against the 2001 coup d'état. The current President of Greznea has stated recently that from 2022 going forward, Greznea will begin pursuing far more extensive and broad diplomatic ties with nations overseas, and will begin to expand its foreign policy goals to include the formation of a sphere of friendly relations around Greznea to maintain the security of the nation through diplomatic means. Greznea has also announced its intention to pursue relations with the Angrast Accord.
Culture
Cuisine
Media
Greznea's media is largely state-sanctioned, however a special kind of state sanctioned called 'Regulated Non-Regulation' (in Gresiye: Kheynšilkaragod kheynšilkobodné). This system requires public opinions and articles on certain topics such as vaccinations, politics, and warfare to be posted through state-funded media companies, which are required to research every submitted article and validate their authenticity using information databases compiled by the Department of National Media. If the company can validate claims and information within an article privately written, it can then be submitted into the news as an official article. This system makes it illegal to post about protected topics and your opinion on them without approval from media companies, and this crime is currently punishable with prison sentences and heavy fines.
Media companies report on a wide range of different things, and many media companies are run by foreign journalists and foreign news CEOs, however are still subject to media law in Greznea. The most prominent domestic news company, Danłozaviya Midaĕn Bažrenav [DMB], has a reputation across Greznea for reliability and for being a good source for current news.
Architecture
Art
Gresiy art, though it has fluctuated in importance and cultural significance, is one of the more prominent parts of historical Gresiy culture and expression. This was especially true during the reign of Cantomir I Antonu, whom founded several schools of art and literature, which allowed Gresiy expressionism and artistic values flourish.
A notable painter during this period, Jeanik Pertanej, is famous for his painting of King Cantomir I and of the famous Battle of Bisleja, which was fought between the Duchy of the Dnieper and the Ducal Confederation, which would later become the Federation. Many of Jeanik's paintings are still known to us today, with many of those still-owned paintings being displayed in the Museum of Historical Arts in Beredino.
The works of many famous painters would be rediscovered and their styles adopted by contemporary artists during the artistic renaissance of 1821, which served as a form of expression against the then-militarist government, and as an act of protest for the people of Greznea. This was a crucial time for Gresiy artistic values and the passionate styles many Gresiy artists would use, as thousands of beautiful artistic works were painted and shared to express the emotions of the people due to military rule.
One famous painter from the renaissance of 1821 was Metenik Dobrudja, whom would paint several infamous artworks such as the Lies of the Lord, Red Falcon's Journey, and the Stork's Throne, all of which were secret criticisms of the reactionary government. Metenik is also most infamous for his hand-crafted marble sculpture of the first Commissioner of Greznea, which notably had the man's genitalia depicted as 'rat-like', 'rotten', and 'tainted', and the man's face depicted as 'twisted' and 'deformed'. The sculpture was depicted as being a life-sized sculpture, however the statue was only three feet tall and made in the guise of a dwarf, despite the real Commissioner being of average height and of average appearance. This was made as a brazen insult to the military government, and this sculpture would be Metenik's final artwork, as he was arrested by the Commissioner's constabulary in 1834 and executed by public hanging without trial.
Economy
The Greznean Economy is the x largest in x, and the x fastest growing on the continent as well. Cultivated for centuries by various governments and considered almost universally as the most important aspect of the nation's stability and security, it has become one of the most well-nursed aspects of Greznea since the formation of the Federation. Greznea's economy largely relies upon its extensive trade networks, domestic production, and rapidly advancing regions of science and medicine, however a major source of income for Greznea is its numerous southern oil and natural gas deposits which it exports at great value. The economy is stated to grow at a rate of 5 percent a year due to the policies and trade networks pursued by Greznea's various governments, which has granted the nation numerous opportunities both domestically and abroad.
Economic Growth
National Debt
Due to the government's numerous stimulus programs, budgetary increases, and loans from international banks, the nation's debt has spiked significantly since the coup, going from 41 billion GR in 2001 to 375 billion GR in 2022. Much of this debt has been accrued from extensive investment in the nation's economy, and the rapid growth of debt has caused concern within the Ministry of Finance, which announced a plan in 2020 to cut government spending by 25% by 2025 and encourage increased exports and financial security measures in private companies. The goal is to slow down the rise of debt in the nation, and further stimulate the rapid growth of the economy to match the remaining rate of growth, which will hopefully significantly slow the debt situation in Greznea and prevent a crisis.
Industry and Service
Due to Greznea's lack of raw materials in its territory, Greznea largely relies on profits from manufacturing and agriculture. However, Greznea does possess a large concentration of iron, cobalt, silicon and copper, which it exports alongside its manufactured goods for large profits. The manufacturing industry is dominated by the electronic, vehicle, and pharmaceutical industries, with those three goods making up 45% of Greznea's annual exports, the biggest percentage in the nation. Greznea's economy grows rapidly due to the demand for these goods in many nations across the globe, which has allowed Greznea to have a booming industrial economy with much influence over nations in x due to their reliance on Greznean and x manufacturers.
Energy
Greznea produces a vast quantity of coal and oil power from both domestic and foreign oil and coal imports through pipelines running all over the country, which powers a majority of Greznean households. However, due to the several large rivers located within Greznea, the nation also possesses two major Hydroelectric dams that produce 13% of the nations total power income, with the remainder of clean power income, 24% of total power income, produced by the Vasikayia Nuclear plant in southwest Dnieper. This semi-reliance on foreign coal and oil has seriously jeapordized Greznean geopolitical interests, as this reliance could potentially cause economic damage should countries with parts of the oil pipelines decide to embargo Greznea. Currently, the ratio of income to usage per neighborhood is at a staggeringly low 3:1 GHz, with continuous power outages being experienced in poorer neighborhoods. In order to combat this, Greznea has begun accepting investment from companies in x and other friendly countries to help fund the construction of a second nuclear power plant and several solar power grids across Greznea, with the ultimate goal to reduce production of power by coal and oil to 45% of total income, therefore allowing Greznea to fully power itself without relying on an enemy nation's exports.
Tourism
Greznea possesses countless castles and historical sites across its territory, with a 2020 survey counting a total of 54 castles, 21 villages, 4 major archaeological sites, and 37 still-active culturally significant structures or locations. This has created a large wave of tourism in recent years, as the freedoms granted by the new democracy make it much safer to visit the country. This has resulted in thousands of visitors coming to Greznea as tourists annually, and as a result the tourism indsutry has spiked in the last five years, now accounting for 450 million GR in income for private tourism industries and an estimated 23 million GR in taxes every month to the government.