Urban planning in Dezevau

Urban planning in Dezevau is the planning and design of cities in Dezevau. It has a history that stretches back two thousand years or more, though modern urban planning only emerged after Dezevauni independence in 1941. It is a key academic, governmental and political concern, influenced strongly in the present day by the nature of local and federal power, and by the ideal of a democratic and socialist economy. The most significant urban planning agencies are the district planning commissions, but like many other political processes in Dezevau, consultation with and input from both higher and lower governmental strata are crucial.

History

Medieval city-states

The concept of the city had great cultural and political significance in premodern Dezevau. In some sense, the city's magnificence and history legitimised the city-state's position among other states (or boga) in the region; settlements which were not the capitals of city-states or a province of the Aguda Empire are generally not referred to as cities in premodern Dezevauni history. As nexuses and seats of power, there was significant attention paid to ensuring cities were defensible, functional and beautiful. The city-state's ruling council or monarch generally had significant involvement in the city's design, layout and construction.

Perhaps the defining feature of the medieval Dezevauni city was the city wall. It was not only the most important line of defence, but was also the most symbolic delineator of the city, as opposed to its hinterland. It generally surrounded the city on all sides, including on sides facing water, as naval warfare was common. The placement of the gates in the wall oriented the city's psychological sense of place and direction, and in some cases, gates had strictly prescribed uses; commonly, there was a single main gate for the waterfront. Despite the importance of the wall, however, there were usually some areas just outside of the walls which were nonetheless urban in character, though they were at times temporary in nature. These included military camps, quarantine facilities, markets (sometimes set up to avoid regulations which only applied within the walls), port facilities, tanneries, slaughterhouses, or simply overflow urbanity from an overcrowded city. When extending city walls, the city government was able to sell the newly enclosed land to generate funds, but also saw it as an opportunity to guide the development of the city.

Within the city itself, it was generally densely built up and populated, with little or no greenspace. There were generally identifiable districts, which governments encouraged the development of for utilitarian purposes. For example, markets tended to be located near the port and/or gates. Near the centre of the city was generally an open area, the civic ground, around which the city's most important civic institutions were located. Though normally just the most important thoroughfare, it was used for meetings, demonstrations and ceremonies; popular involvement in government was largely through this venue. The most powerful people in the city often lived in residences just behind the buildings surrounding the civic square, though in the later medieval period, and in cities where inequality was greater and civic feeling weaker, there was a tendency to move to the edges of the city, where land was more available and more defensible, luxurious residences could be constructed.

Land ownership was semi-formalised, and depended significantly on custom, though generally private alienation was possible. On death, real property was generally not distributed by will, but by the appointment of a ngamuigounau, who would distribute it among the deceased's friends, supporters and relatives, with need being a significant consideration. In this way, significant holdings did not concentrate in private hands over time, though renting and landlordism were by no means uncommon. Prominent and long-lived families often had a building or area which was associated with them over many generations, as did some institutions such as businesses. However, governments did compulsorily acquire private property for public purposes at times (such as when it was necessary to widen a congested road, or to strengthen the city walls), especially when it was seen as being improperly used or unused; compensation, if provided, might be negotiated in the form of land elsewhere, certain rights, or money. It was furthermore an everyday function of government was to prevent private protrusions onto public spaces such as roads. Buildings were generally built of stone, and thus long-lived; this also played a role in fire prevention.

Urban civil infrastructure was a key concern of urban governments, and included the paving and cleaning of roads, the maintenance of canals and port facilities, the provision of clean water, and dealing with traffic congestion. Water (apart from collected rainwater) was usually sourced from a nearby river, and was sometimes pumped to fountains or canals in the city to aid in its accessibility. The management of the water supply was closely tied to drainage and sewage systems, which consisted of stone or brick-lined trenches (or sometimes pipes) which discharged outside the city, generally downstream at a river. This system was comparatively advanced in the world for its time; ample combined sewers and drains both mitigated flooding and aided in sanitation, especially where pumped running water kept them clear. Private waste and that which accumulated on the roads could disposed of by sweeping into channels.

Aguda Empire

The Aguda Empire generally saw the continuation of medieval urban trends, albeit in a context of accelerated population growth, commercial activity and urbanisation. The capital, Dabadonga, was exemplary of this, and had a significant impact on later urban planning. Significant alterations to the general layout of the city occurred in connection to the demands of imperial administration and defence, however. In the core regions of the empire, furthermore, the importance of the walls decreased, as they saw little use in a context of military strength and political stability.

The relationship between the empire and its subjects was reflected in the trend of the construction of citadels, which provided an extra level of defence and control over the city. They were areas of the city which were separate and more fortified than the rest of the city, often constructed at the edge of the city where there was space. In case of attack or revolt, they were secure areas from which the administrators of the province could operate, in relative isolation from the rest of the city. Citadels were not built in all cities, however; they were more common near the frontiers, where subjects were more restive and the possibility of foreign attack was more real.

In some regions, depending on local conditions, only provincial capitals had the privilege of maintaining city walls; other settlements, though they might have a citadel, were deprived of that level of defence and status. In some cases, existing settlements' walls were razed, usually as a response to some provocation or slight, such as a rebellion. Another way in which the Aguda Empire hamstrung unwanted urban development was by having the civic ground (if one existed) built over, depriving the populace of its traditional avenue of expression. This was rare, however; generally, it was effective at assimilating existing urbanisms.

A related trend was the retreat of the ruling classes from public life, or the retreat of governance from public engagement. Where they did not live in the citadel, many of the richest and most powerful people, families and institutions came to occupy areas near the edge of the city, which were more isolated and defensible from the rest of the city. Some even came to live beyond the cities, in the countryside, as urban unrest became more of a threat than foreign attack. Further from the centre of the city, it was also less crowded and more comfortable; much of the grandest and most refined Aguda architecture that survives was a result of this trend. Overall, urban configurations reflected cities which were increasingly ruled from beyond, rather than which were polities in their own right.

Dabadonga was the zenith of Aguda Empire urban planning, being its planned capital, and for a time, its biggest city. Its relatively orderly layout was both an organisational boon, as well as allowing grander architecture. It had the most advanced system of water supply and drainage of any city in the empire, as well as the most advanced canal system. Its internal walls were a kind of extension of the logic of city walls in other cities, and were an important feature of the city's configuration. The central walled governmental district reflected where power lay. Dabadonga influenced other cities in the empire, and other successive cities.

The dying days of the Aguda Empire saw deurbanisation and a decline in its governmental capacity. Despite this, its city governments largely continued to function until they were taken over by a greatly pared-down colonial government, which largely left the old cities alone outside of strategic areas such as ports, government buildings and fortifications.

Colonialism

Though they retained formal importance, provincial capital cities were neglected in terms of governance by Saint Bermude's Company. Attention was paid mainly to securing key facilities and areas, such as fortifications, ports, administrative offices, canals and such. The Aguda Empire's political and economic decline saw urban governance become unable to carry out basic functions such as the maintenance of roads, while the cities themselves experienced deurbanisation. The artisanal classes and service workers who congregated in cities reoriented to serve the new Euclean or Euclean-affiliated ruling class, but overall experienced a decline in size and complexity as Euclea became the centre of global trade and manufacturing. Large areas of cities became picturesque ruins, occupied only where they were proximate to colonial activity, largely only by lumpenproletariat unable to be a part of the agricultural economy. Their occupation by bazaars, beggars, brothels, generally non-capital intensive service industries, has been analogised to the situation in the developing world in dependency theory.

Bouches-de-Jouvence (present-day Naimhejia), Saint-Bermude (today a part of New Begia), Mount Palmerston, Crescent Island City and (to a lesser extent) Dhijivodhi were the main cities in Dezevau which were built up and governed in detail by Euclean administration until the 20th century. Centres of colonial governance, entrepots, and even residences or workshops for the Euclean regime, they were an exception to the decline of Dezevauni urbanism. There, urban planning was largely imported from the metropoles of the colonial rulers (Gaullica, except for Estmerish Mount Palmerston). As monuments, exemplars and models of Euclean urbanism, they were influential on later Dezevauni urban planning.

With the nationalisation of Saint Bermude's Company by the Gaullican government, change was slow, but the advent of the National Functionalist regime saw change accelerate. It is controversial what their intentions with regards to colonial policy were, but there are signs that it considered a significant change in the existing policy towards the industrialisation and governance of colonies. In any case, its plans largely went unrealised or were not detailed, owing to internal bureaucratic resistance and confusion, and then the Great War, which it lost.

Key principles and ideology

Equity

age, cultural, gender, location, migration